The Armorial Bearings of Captain John Smith of Virginia as Recorded at the College of Arms, London, by Sir William Segar, Garter Principal King of Arms, 19 August, 1625. Rouge Dragon Pursuivant of Arms

THE COMPLETE WORKS OF Captain John Smith (1580 -- 1631) in Three Volumes

Edited by Philip L. Barbour VOLUME I

Published for The Institute of Early American History and Culture Williamsburg, Virginia, by The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill and London, © 1986 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Smith, John, 1580-1631. The complete works of Captain John Smith (1580- 1631) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Virginia -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600- 1775 -- Collected works. 2. New England -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -- Collected works. 3. America -- Discovery and exploration -- English -- Collected works. I. Barbour, Philip L. II. Institute of Early American History and Culture (Williamsburg, Va.) III. Title. F229.S59 1986 975.5'02 81-10364 ISBN 0-8078-1525-X AACR2 [Official copy of John Smith's coat of arms made for the editor from the copy in the College of Arms, London (Dr. Conrad Swan, York Herald). The original document that Zsigmond Báthory gave Smith was evidently treasured by him until, at the suggestion of a friend, possibly Samuel Purchas or Sir Robert Cotton (True Travels, 15n), it reached the hands of Sir William Segar by 1625. Segar recorded "a true coppy of the same" in the register of the then "Heralds of Arms" (ibid., 18). The original was returned to Smith, who bequeathed it to Thomas Packer (see Smith's will, Document iv, Volume III, below). Only the copy in the College of Arms is known to survive.]

SPONSORED BY The Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation The National Endowment for the Humanities The Newberry Library and The Institute of Early American History and Culture

The Institute of Early American History and Culture is sponsored jointly by The College of William and Mary and The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

Preparation of these volumes was made possible in part by a grant from the Research Materials Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency.

In addition to the major sponsorship of the agencies listed on p. v, editorial work on these volumes was assisted also by grants from the Jennings Charitable Trust, the Jane and Dan Gray Charitable Foundation, and the Sterling Morton Charitable Trust.

To the memory of all those who purposefully or accidentally have contributed to the preservation of the manuscripts, books, drawings, and maps that make it possible today to edit, annotate, index, and value the records of the past.


On December 21, 1980, the editor of these volumes, Philip L. Barbour, died in Petersburg, Virginia. He had turned eighty-two that same day and was en route to Williamsburg from Louisville, Kentucky, his hometown.

At the time of Mr. Barbour's death, each of the three volumes in the set was in a different stage of editing. For reasons that need not be explained here, Volume II had been prepared for the compositor first. By fall 1980 this volume was in page proof, and Mr. Barbour had had a chance to make final corrections. Volume I and Volume III had not yet been typeset, but for both of these volumes Mr. Barbour's editorial work was basically complete. In the case of Volume I, the manuscript had already been perused by a recognized authority on John Smith's period, and Mr. Barbour had responded to detailed criticisms and had been able to make appropriate changes. He had also approved most of the copy editing that had been done on the volume. The manuscript of Volume I, then, was entirely ready for the compositor by the end of 1980.

Volume III had not yet been sent to an outside reader for criticism prior to Mr. Barbour's death, nor had the manuscript been finally copy edited. It should be emphasized, however, that in the course of preparation of the manuscript, Mr. Barbour had been in regular consultation with editors at the Institute of Early American History and Culture, and his work had been scrutinized piecemeal. In consequence, neither the outside critical reading nor the final copy editing resulted in any significant changes in the manuscript.

The Institute did not have for Volumes I and III the benefit of Mr. Barbour's close reading of the galley and page proof, which has been a considerable handicap, especially in the case of the substantive footnotes. On the other hand, the copy text of all three volumes had been prepared by Mr. Barbour long before his death, and the faithfulness of the text presented here to that copy text has been authenticated by multiple oral readings of the copy text against the proofs by members of the Institute staff.

Mr. Barbour had undertaken only preliminary planning of the index before he died. Knowing, however, that preparation of the index was a task too massive for him at his advanced age and that page proof of Volume III would not be available for another year, he requested, only months before he died, that the Institute arrange to have Mrs. Alison M. Quinn take over the job, which she was able to do.

It was Mr. Barbour's goal to have his editorial tasks completed by 1980, the quadricentennial anniversary of Smith's birth, and happily this goal was achieved. We are grateful, too, that Mr. Barbour thought to ensure the financial health of the project by a provision in his will -- a complete surprise to the Institute staff -- assigning a portion of his estate for Institute use. The Barbour fund was critically important at the last stages of editorial and production work.

Thad W. Tate, Director Institute of Early American History and Culture


The first attempt to present Capt. John Smith's works objectively and with sympathetic understanding of their character was made by Edward Arber in 1884. Before that, and since the days of their original printing, only scattered bits had been republished for one or another reason -- on occasion even merely to disparage or glorify the man or what he wrote, depending on the publisher's bent. Arber, perhaps spurred by the specific doubts raised in the nineteenth century regarding Smith personally, collected and reprinted all but one of the major works, and added thereto a considerable section dedicated to contemporary writings relevant to Smith's career. This work, entitled Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631 (Birmingham, 1884), has now served for a century as the basic edition of Smith. Its excellence, rather than any want of assiduity on the part of more recent scholars, has certainly been responsible for the lack of a later edition. Yet modern research soon made a revision desirable, and that meant an edition that would supply such notes and comments as would make Smith more fully understandable.

The present edition includes a transcription of Smith's letter to Francis Bacon of 1618, which was omitted by Arber but constitutes the first draft of Smith's New Englands Trials (1620). This latter in turn was reprinted with additions in New Englands Trials (1622). Although the three versions are identical in part, each later one contains added material, thereby providing some insight into the development of Smith's plans for colonization.

Next, Arber omitted the Sea Grammar from his edition, presumably on the grounds that it is a mere expansion of Smith's Accidence. In this case, however, the omission is more serious than in that of the letter to Bacon. The material Smith added to the Sea Grammar was taken, generally verbatim, from one of the manuscript copies then circulating of Sir Henry Mainwaring's "Dictionary of Sea Terms" (the title is variously phrased), which was not printed until long after both Mainwaring and Smith were dead. Smith did not outrightly copy Mainwaring's book, but he used it as a source for good definitions of nautical terms that for the most part he had already published in his Accidence, much as the present editor has used the Oxford English Dictionary to explain obscure or obsolete words. The difference is that today we acknowledge our debts to our sources, while in 1627 few borrowing writers bothered to do so, and rarely indeed was the original writer, thus abused, known to complain.

A third kind of omission was Arber's failure to see the importance of passages in Samuel Purchas's Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), that contain excerpts from Smith's notes or to recognize the importance of other documents in Purchas that add to our knowledge of Smith, or in the case of the True Travels provide an earlier version of a later work. Parenthetically, we may add that two poems by Smith have been discovered recently in the form of published commendatory verses for books by friends. These indirectly confirm Smith's authorship of the poem that introduces the Advertisements.

In the case of the present editor, a fading memory of a visit to Jamestown's 300th anniversary in 1907 persuaded him to return for the 350th anniversary in 1957. This brought about renewed interest in Smith and the acquisition of a copy of Arber. Finding that some details of southeastern European geography that had perplexed Arber were quite simple to verify through modern historical maps, the present editor undertook first an explanatory article or two, and then deliberately set out to try his luck with a biography of Smith based on known facts, illustrated with controlled flights of imagination but virtually devoid of bald legend. At that point, he became acquainted with Bradford Smith and his then recent Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953). There, in an appendix by Dr. Laura Polanyi Striker, he found evidence of the first scholarly investigation into the Hungarian and provincial Austrian sources.

To pass over extraneous details, the editor's training in linguistics and experience as a newspaperman and intelligence officer had long since been that of an investigator. Impartial investigations in European archives steadily yielded circumstantial evidence in support of Smith's personal narratives, making the biography in progress a fait accompli. But, more important, these investigations aroused the interest of Dr. Lawrence W. Towner, then editor of the William and Mary Quarterly, to the extent that the desirability of a new edition of Smith's works was broached.

Arber's original edition had become scarce, as had even the reissue of 1895 and the reprint of 1910 with a new introduction by A. G. Bradley. Then, there were the works omitted by Arber (the letter to Bacon, the Sea Grammar, and the bits included as "Fragments" in Volume III of this edition), and there was the need for annotation, including the results of the latest research in many fields. Dr. Towner had already considered attacking the problem singlehandedly, but early in 1960 he got in touch with the present editor with the idea of joining forces. Due to other commitments on both parts, however, nothing concrete resulted from our discussions.

Finally, in 1969, five years after the publication of the present editor's life of Smith (The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith, Boston, 1964), the Jamestown Foundation celebrated the 350th anniversary of the first Virginia Assembly. On this occasion, the chairman of the foundation, the Honorable Lewis A. McMurran, Jr., privately approached the editor with his own independent plan for publishing a complete and annotated edition of all Smith's works, including those omitted by Arber, and proposed entrusting this to the present editor. Agreement was soon reached. Dr. Towner (by then occupied with the Newberry Library, of which he is now president and librarian), willingly committed his dream to the present editor, and the Jamestown Foundation (now the Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation) contributed the funds necessary for further research, as well as partial support for publication. In this way, the editor was able to take charge by 1971. Although many problems remained to be solved, thanks to the efforts of Lewis McMurran and Lawrence Towner, the objective has become a reality. The many others who have helped make this edition possible, in addition to these "prime movers" (as Smith would have called them), are mentioned below.

A basic acknowledgment of debt to my forerunners in treating of John Smith's works is meet and proper, even though a wide and deep chasm often divides our aims and our conclusions. This chasm is the passage of time: the chronos of Homer, from which we have formed the word "chronology." With the passage of time, Smith's Elizabethan expansiveness became boasting within a generation, and by 1850 was labeled "lying." Yet those critics who began about 1850 to appraise Smith's work should be thanked, for ill informed though they were, they opened the door to just evaluation.

My most lasting debt in connection with this work, however, is to those who made its specific production possible. I therefore begin my acknowledgments with those who have granted me the most practical aid.

Foremost of these is the National Endowment for the Humanities, to which I express my hearty thanks for a grant in direct support of my research in 1972, and, four years later, for a Folger Library-NEH Senior Fellowship toward the same end, and in response to the need for study in greater depth of several problems raised particularly by Smith's True Travels. Another sponsor, already mentioned, is the Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation, heir to the Jamestown Foundation, whose generosity has been of help to me personally as well as to publication. And finally, two other sponsors have lent their support in more ways than one: the Newberry Library, Chicago; and the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia. They have been represented in part by an Advisory Board composed of the Honorable Lewis A. McMurran, Jr., Professor David Beers Quinn, Parke Rouse, Esq., Dr. Lawrence W. Towner, Dr. Wilcomb E. Washburn, and Dr. David Woodward. To all of these I extend my sincerest appreciation for advice and support. Dr. Thad W. Tate, director of the Institute of Early American History and Culture, has been the principal administrator of the project almost from its inception. His leadership has been essential to its success. In addition, I wish to recognize the efforts on my behalf of the editorial staff of the Institute at Williamsburg, Lucy Trumbull Brown, Dr. J. Frederick Fausz, and Dr. Norman S. Fiering. Without their keen attention to the minutiae that are encountered in such a work many flaws would not have been detected. For the oversights and errors that remain, I alone am responsible.

My debt is also great, however, to many other individuals and organizations. In addition to those listed in my Three Worlds (xi-xiii) who have since renewed their help, staff members in many previously unexplored libraries and archives have cooperated in great ways and small. Two or three sound scholars have remained skeptical (I would not want it otherwise), or disagreed with this or that analysis; but I believe I can truthfully state that the bulk of those whom I have consulted are in reasonable concord with the interpretations I have advanced here and there where highly moot historical questions are involved. Many of the results are to be found in the footnotes, above all in Volume III.

Here then, in order to avoid a list of acknowledgments reminiscent of a scholar's guide, I will single out a handful of scholars and archivists whose personal opinions have in some way influenced my work on Smith during the past five years. I am indebted particularly to Professor Quinn, already mentioned, who has freely given me the benefit of his unequaled familiarity with the entire period and area involved and thus has served as a welcome mentor for the edition as a whole. On specific matters and in specific fields, I am beholden to Dr. Franz Pichler, archivist in Graz, Austria; to the "Nicolae Iorga" Institute of History, Bucharest, and especially to Dr. Maria Holban, formerly of the staff of that institute; to the Topkapi Palace Archives and Library, Istanbul, and especially Sayin Ibrahim Baybura; to Francis W. Skeat, Esq., Fellow of the British Society of Master Glass Painters for advice on heraldic matters; to Dr. Karl Pis̆ec', Maribor (Yugoslavia), for helping to identify Smith's "Olumpagh"; to Professor Gustav Bayerle, Department of Uralic and Altaic Languages, Indiana University, Bloomington, for clarification of certain aspects of the "Long War" (1593-1606); to Dr. Mehemet Kocakülah, graduate student at the University of Louisville (Kentucky), for help with Turkish titles; and to the staff of the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C., and its director, Dr. O. B. Hardison. Many others are mentioned in the footnotes, in order to keep this section within bounds.

In conclusion, I wish to acknowledge also the help of my associate and assistant for thirty years, Wolfgang Rennert, whose work on the index was interrupted by his sudden untimely death on March 2, 1977.

Philip L. Barbour Williamsburg, Virginia, 1980


Foreword ix
Preface and Acknowledgments xi
Editorial Method xx
Abbreviations and Short Titles xxiii
Biographical Directory xxvii
Brief Biography of Captain John Smith lv
General Introduction lxiii
A True Relation of Such Occurrences and Accidents of Noate as Hath Hapned in Virginia ... (1608) 3
Introduction 5
Recension of the Narratives of Smith's Captivity 9
Chronology of Events in Jamestown, 1606-1608 16
Text 23
Notes to Transcription 98
Textual Annotation 111
Bibliographical Note 116
A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (1612) 119
Introduction 121
Chronology of Events in Virginia, 1608-1612 127
Text 131
Textual Annotation 181
Bibliographical Note 183
Schedule A: Limits of Exploration 1607-1609 as Indicated on the Smith/Hole Map 185
Schedule B: Indian Villages and River Names 186
Schedule C: Nations or Tribes Peripheral to Powhatan's Domain 189
Specialized Bibliography Pertinent to the Smith/Hole Map 190
The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia, [1606-1612] ... (1612) (Part II of Map of Virginia) 191
Introduction 193
Text 199
Textual Annotation 283
A Description of New England ... (1616) 291
Introduction 293
Chronology of Early New England, 1602-1620 298
Text 305
Textual Annotation 367
Bibliographical Note 369
Letter to Sir Francis Bacon (1618) 371
Introduction 373
Text 377
New Englands Trials (1620) 385
Introduction 387
Text 391
Textual Annotation 409
Bibliographical Note 411
New Englands Trials (1622) 413
Introduction 415
Text 419
Textual Annotation 445
Bibliographical Note 447
VOLUME II The Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England ... (1623) [A Broadside Prospectus] 3
Introduction 5
Text 7
Textual Annotation 21
Bibliographical Note 23
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (1624) 25
Introduction 27
Text 33
Textual Annotation 479
Bibliographical Note 487
VOLUME III An Accidence or the Path-way to Experience (1626) 3
Introduction 5
Text 9
Textual Annotation 33
Bibliographical Note 36
A Sea Grammar ... (1627) 39
Introduction 41
Text 45
Textual Annotation 117
Bibliographical Note 120
The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captaine John Smith (1630) 123
Introduction 125
Text 137
Textual Annotation 247
Bibliographical Note 250
Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, or Any Where (1631) 253
Introduction 255
Text 259
Textual Annotation 305
Bibliographical Note 307
Fragments 309
Introduction 313
Auxiliary Documents 371
Introduction 375
Bibliography 393
Indexes 435


Overlapping Sections of the Atlantic Coast of North America, 33° to 45° N. (Drawn by Richard J. Stinely) Endpapers
John Smith's Arms (drawn from the copy in the College of Arms, London) Frontispiece
Smith/Hole Map of Virginia (first state) 140-141
Map of New England (first state) 320-321
Overlapping Sections of the Atlantic Coast of North America, 33° to 45° N. (Drawn by Richard J. Stinely) Endpapers
Letter to the Societie of Cordwayners 35
Frances, Duchess of Richmond and Lennox 38
Map of Ould Virginia 98-99
Smith/Hole Map of Virginia (tenth state) 134-135
Map of Bermuda and the Summer Isles 336-337
Map of New England (eighth state) 394-395
Overlapping Sections of the Atlantic Coast of North America, 33° to 457deg; N. (Drawn by Richard J. Stinely) Endpapers
John Smith's Travels in Europe (Drawn by Richard J. Stinely) 126-127
John Smith's Coat of Arms 139
John Smith's Adventures among the Turks and Tatars 242-243

EDITORIAL METHODtarget="z000000005-fm0001_fn0001">*

The editor's goal throughout has been to present the texts of Smith's works as faithfully as possible. The changes introduced are of two kinds, systematic and ad hoc. All ad hoc changes have been recorded meticulously by page and line number in the sections entitled "Textual Annotation" that follow each of Smith's works. More will be said below about the guiding principles behind these ad hoc changes. The systematic changes, most of which are merely typographical, have been introduced silently in accordance with the following rules.

All other adjustments of the text, whether of punctuation, spelling, or word order, are listed in the Textual Annotation. It is perhaps necessary to comment a little on the editorial philosophy underlying these ad hoc alterations. First of all, obvious misprints have been corrected. Although in Smith's time the degree of standardization now prevailing in matters of orthography and punctuation did not exist, enough agreement existed to enable us to identify actual printer's errors as such. Correction of typographical mishaps such as inverted letters, triple consonants, and repeated words need no defense, but, in addition, we have made alterations in the copy text when it appeared logical to assume that if either Smith or his printers had noticed the "error," it would have been corrected. On the other hand, hundreds of "misspellings" in the modern sense have not been touched because they were common (or even uncommon) variants at the time. However, even though the editor has been extremely chary of making any changes at all in spelling, in a number of cases sound editorial considerations have justified some alterations. Since every one of these is listed in the Textual Annotation appended to each work of Smith's, the reader is free to check and, if so desired, reverse the editor's decision.

With regard to changes in punctuation, the same rules have been applied. When the text could easily be misunderstood by, or even be unintelligible to, the modern reader, we have altered the punctuation, based on our best judgment of how it would have been done if the compositor had minded his type. Here, too, the Textual Annotation will serve as a check and a resource for the specialist. Generally, no matter how peculiar the punctuation, if the text is comprehensible we have let it stand. The punctuation has been altered, then, only in cases of unusual ambiguity or obscurity. It has never been changed solely in the interest of modernizing or standardizing.

The Textual Annotation following each work of Smith's includes also two lists pertaining to the problems posed by words hyphenated at the end of the line. The first list records those words that in the copy text were hyphenated at the end of the line, thus raising for the editor the question of whether the hyphen should be retained when the same word fell in the middle of a line in the present edition. In deciding whether a word is normally hyphenated or whether it has been hyphenated only as part of an end-of-line word division, the editor has been guided by what he took to be Smith's typical usage. Since a decision on hyphenation is a form of emendation not unlike the correction of a supposed typographical error, the reader can use this first hyphenation list as a means of reconstructing the text as it was before editing. The second hyphenation list records those words hyphenated at the end of the line in the present edition for which the hyphen should be retained when transcribing from this edition. In other words, it corrects for the ambiguity that is often present when a word is divided at the end of the line. One does not know if it is word division brought about by the number of spaces left in the line or if the word is one that is to be hyphenated no matter where it falls in the line. The second list, then, does not reflect editorial discretion; it simply records that the word in question was hyphenated in the copy text and was found that way in the middle of a line.

Before concluding, a word must be said about the copy texts for this edition. The compositor was supplied with xerographic or printed facsimiles of Smith's works on which certain editorial changes had been made, as indicated above. The facsimiles were chosen for readability and availability, and in some cases two or three different copies of Smith's books were used. In consequence, in most instances no single library copy of a Smith work can be cited as the copy text. However, in all cases we have worked with the first editions of Smith's publications; there are no historical reasons for using any later editions under the assumption that Smith himself corrected or altered material for subsequent editions. The one partial exception to this rule is as follows: Since the Generall Historie is in some respects a compilation or reprint of some of Smith's earlier books, we have occasionally used that 1624 publication as a standard. All textual changes based on the Generall Historie are so indicated in the Textual Annotation, and many footnotes make comparisons between different versions of the same material in various of Smith's works. We have not found it necessary, on the other hand, to collate systematically the extant copies of Smith's works. There are variations from copy to copy, but these are invariably extremely minor, and after a century or so of Smith studies, no one has yet turned up a single important variation of this kind from copy to copy. Many years of research into John Smith's life and writings has brought to the editor's attention a number of these minor variations; these are noted in the Textual Annotation by the addition of the phrase "in some copies," without any further specificity.

* This statement on editorial method has been prepared by the staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture.


marg. Marginalia, notes printed in margins of Smith's works.
repr. Reprinted.
sig. Signature, a letter or mark at the bottom of each gathering (folded sheet) in a book. In the absence of printed page numbers, reference is made instead to the signature, the order of the leaf in the gathering, and the side of the leaf. E.g., AIr[ecto] and AIv[erso] for the front and back of the first page in signature A; A2r for the front of the second, etc.
Arber, Smith, Works Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, 2 vols., The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884).
Barbour, "Earliest Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. I or Pt. II Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Pt. I, LXXIX (1971), 280-302; Pt. II, LXXX (1972), 21-51.
Barbour, Jamestown Voyages Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [London, 1969]).
Barbour, Pocahontas Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World (Boston, 1970).
Barbour, Three Worlds Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964).
Bradford, Plymouth Plantation William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1952).
DAB Dictionary of American Biography.
Deane, Smith's Relation Charles Deane, ed., A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith (Boston, 1866).
DNB Dictionary of National Biography.
Hakluyt, Principal Navigations Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, 3 vols. (London, 1598-1600).
Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1906-1935).
OED Oxford English Dictionary, 13 vols. (Oxford, 1933).
Purchas, Pilgrimage Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613).
Purchas, Pilgrimes Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ..., 4 vols. (London, 1625).
Quinn, Roanoke Voyages David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV [London, 1955]).
Sabin, Dictionary Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, 29 vols. (New York, 1868-1936). Vol. XX, containing the bibliography of Capt. John Smith, was prepared by Wilberforce Eames over a period of 25 years or more and was published in 1927-1928, with an independent reprint.
Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian" Frank T. Siebert, Jr., "Resurrecting Virginian Algonquian from the Dead: The Reconstituted and Historical Phonology of Powhatan," in James M. Crawford, ed., Studies in Southwestern Indian Languages (Athens, Ga., 1975), 285-453.
STC A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, comps., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1475-1640, 2 vols. (London, 1926; repr. 1969).
Strachey, Historie William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIII [London, 1953]).
VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography.
WMQ William and Mary Quarterly.
Accidence An Accidence or The Path-way to Experience. Necessary for all Young Sea-men ... (London, 1626).
Advertisements Advertisements For the unexperienced Planters of New England, or any where ... (London, 1631).
Broadside Broadside prospectus of The Generall Historie of Virginia ... (London, 1623).
Description of N.E. A Description of New England: or The Observations, and discoveries, of Captain John Smith ... in the North of America ... (London, 1616).
Generall Historie The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (London, 1624).
"Letter to Bacon" Letter to Sir Francis Bacon (1618).
Map of Va. A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford, 1612).
New Englands Trials (1620) and (1622) New Englands Trials ... (London, 1620, 1622).
Proceedings The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first beginning from England in ... 1606, till this present 1612 ... (Oxford, 1612) [Pt. II of Map of Va.].
Sea Grammar A Sea Grammar ... (London, 1627).
True Relation A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia ... (London, 1608).
True Travels The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captaine John Smith ... (London, 1630).


The Biographical Directory has been specifically designed to direct the reader through the more obscure byways of Elizabethan and Jacobean biography, with particular reference to the works of Capt. John Smith. No "famous" personage has been listed unless there is some direct connection with Smith, and the extent to which the biographies are detailed has been determined by either the amount of firm information available or the significance of the personage in Smith's career. The Directory thus falls short of adhering to a precise pattern, as it also falls short of providing sources in every case.

Practicality has been the editor's basic principle, and this has eliminated detailed references to (I) sources in little-known languages such as Rumanian, Turkish, and Hungarian, and (2) the very many notes made by the editor over nearly twenty years in nearly three dozen archives in the United States, England, France, Austria, Spain, Italy, and such cities as Munich, Istanbul, Copenhagen, and so on. To cite the former would be idle because of the languages and the scarcity of sources in other than major libraries; to cite the latter would take more space than is practical.

In short, this is a directory, not an encyclopedia. The short titles listed below have been used for the principle sources, in addition to those given in the Short Titles list for this volume. A few particularly pertinent, isolated works are named in the Biographical Directory with full bibliographical details.

Bentley, Stage Gerald Eades Bentley, The Jacobean and Caroline Stage, 7 vols. (Oxford, 1941-1968).
DCB Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. I.
Enc. Br. The Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th ed., 29 vols. (Cambridge, 1910-1911).
Enc. Isl. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1st ed., 5 vols. (Leiden, 1908-1938); new ed., vols. I-IV (Leiden, 1954-1978).
Enc. It. Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 36 vols. (Rome and Milan, 1929-1952).
Espasa Calpe Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, Espasa-Calpe, 70 vols. in 72 (Barcelona, 1907-1930).
Gookin and Barbour, Gosnold Warner F. Gookin and Philip L. Barbour, Bartholomew Gosnold, Discoverer and Planter: New England -- 1602, Virginia -- 1607 (Hamden, Conn., 1963).
Grande Encyclopédie La Grande Encyclopédie, 31 vols. (Paris, 1886-1902).
Greg, Licensers W. W. Greg, Licensers for the Press, Etc., to 1640 ... (Oxford, 1962).
Hamor, True Discourse Ralphe Hamor, A True Discourse Of The Present Estate Of Virginia ... (London, 1615).
Hind, Engraving Arthur M. Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1952-1964).
Jester, Adventurers Annie Lash Jester, ed. and comp., in collaboration with Martha Woodroof Hiden, Adventurers of Purse and Person: Virginia, 1607-1625 (Princeton, N.J., 1956).
Koeman, Atlantes Cornelis Koeman, ed. and comp., Atlantes Neerlandici. Bibliography of ... Atlases ..., 5 vols. (Amsterdam, 1967-1971).
McKerrow, Dictionary R. B. McKerrow, gen. ed., A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers in England, Scotland and Ireland ... 1557-1640 (London, 1910).
OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary.
Plomer, Dictionary Henry R. Plomer, A Dictionary of the Booksellers and Printers Who Were at Work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1641 to 1667 (London, 1907).
Plomer, Short History Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 1476-1898 (London, 1900).
Quinn, New England Voyages David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, eds., The English New England Voyages, 1602-1608 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CLXI [London, 1983]).
Shaw, History Stanford Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. I, Empire of the Gazis: The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808 (Cambridge, 1976).
Williams, Index Franklin Burleigh Williams, Jr., Index of Dedications and Commendatory Verses in English Books before 1641 (London, 1962).


Eight air miles (12.8 km.) east by north of Louth, where young John Smith attended grammar school, lies the village of Saltfleetby All Saints. Within a radius, say, of two miles (3.2 km.) from this center, clockwise, lie Saltfleet, due north, Saltfleet by St. Clement, Theddlethorpe St. Helen, Theddlethorpe All Saints, and, due west, Saltfleetby St. Peter. In this small area there once lived at least two families named Smith/Smyth (the spelling does not matter). Despite the ubiquity of so common a surname, this can only doubtfully be an accident in such small villages so close together. We may even soundly argue that these Smiths/Smyths were related.

The better known of the two families, established by a John Smyth of Epping, Essex, had attained some degree of respectability in the early sixteenth century. This John's eldest son, also John, died in Epping in 1570, while a younger son, Richard, established a family in far-off Bristol (see below). The heir of the younger John was born about 1552 and was named Nicholas. Nicholas migrated to Lincolnshire, and established small estates in Theddlethorpe and Cawkwell (the two Theddlethorpes are not a mile apart, and Cawkwell is but five miles [8 km.] the other side of Louth). Nicholas's wife was Alice Bonvile, of Spaunton, Yorkshire. Their firstborn son was another Nicholas, who married the daughter of a knight, while their daughter Susan married Francis Guevara, surely a close relative of Antonio de Guevara, secretary of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, when he died in 1601. Here we must turn to the other Smith/Smyth family of the neighborhood.

When Capt. John Smith entered the Free Grammar School of King Edward VI in Louth, the headmaster was Robert Smith of Saltfleetby St. Clement. This Smith is known to have had a brother named Nicholas. With Theddlethorpe only two miles south of Saltfleetby St. Clement and the Nicholas Smyth who lived there having reached the age of twenty-eight when Captain John was born, it seems highly probable that Robert's brother Nicholas and Nicholas Smyth of Theddlethorpe were the same man. Add to this the fact that it has long been postulated that Captain John was sent to the Louth school because the headmaster was a relative, and it will become reasonably evident that the N. Smith who wrote commendatory verses for the Description of New England in 1616 and in them called Captain John "cousin" was the same Nicholas Smyth of Theddlethorpe. Chronologically, it all fits together: Nicholas Smyth signed his will January 18, 1623, and died before May 28.

To bear out the deduced relationships between various recorded facts, documents in manuscript as well as early compilations in print are readily available in the Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln (e.g., the "Owte Rents Dewe to the Manner of Louth"). These show that a "Master" John Smith owned specific properties in Louth that were inherited by a George Smith who died before 1613. These same properties were later held by "Alice Johnson, widow, late wife of Martin Johnson of Boston" (thirty-two miles south of Louth). Alice, Capt. John Smith's mother, is known to have married Martin Johnson within a year of the death of John Smith's father, George Smith, in 1596. Thus, through inheritance of property we establish the grandfather-grandson relationship between Master John Smith of Louth and Capt. John Smith of Willoughby.

By way of further details, we may note here that in 1552 "John Smythe and George Somerscales" donated eighteen shillings to the Guild of Our Lady in Louth "for the Frame and organs in the Ladies quere [choir]"; and in later years that the captain had inherited property in Great Carlton, which is but five miles from both Theddlethorpes.

Not only has it in this way been demonstrated that Capt. John Smith's grandfather was established in Louth as early as 1552, but also the known migrations of other Smith/Smyth families point to a mobility among Captain John's relatives heretofore considered unlikely. Earlier ancestors could just as easily have come from Lancashire to Lincoln or Louth as the Smyths of Epping could have moved to Louth or Bristol.

More important than this is the conjecture made firmer by recent investigations that Master John Smith of Louth was in some way related to the John Smyth of Epping (d. 1570), and that the latter's son Nicholas (1552-1623) was the author of the commendatory verses mentioned above.1 Despite the genuine humility that surrounded Captain John's father, much evidence has recently been brought out to show that the family was far from insignificant locally, and probably was related (at least by marriage) to personages of some distinction in the entourage of the Barons Willoughby of Eresby. Lincolnshire tradition would have it that George Smith, John's father, was a well-to-do man.

In short, the doughty captain was evidently not a boasting braggart, but a man of parts in his own microcosm whose convictions carried him beyond the smug routine of the traditionalists who all but destroyed him. The three phases of Smith's career outlined below will bear this out.

Early Life2

John Smith, son of George and Alice (Rickard) Smith, was baptized in Willoughby by Alford, Lincolnshire, on January 9, 1580. Of his paternal grandfather, John Smith of nearby Louth, we have evidence only that he was a property owner, and from Captain John we know that the family originated in Cuerdley, near Liverpool, Lancashire. Young John's mother's family had apparently migrated to Lincolnshire from Yorkshire a generation or more before, and by 1580 or so had acquired a certain social status in both counties. Still, neither side of John Smith's family could have been "upper class" in any sense. Socially they were yeomen.

Smith had a customary schooling in Alford, part of it quite possibly under the noted preacher Francis Marbury, father of the even more famous Anne Hutchinson of New England, who was born in Alford in 1591. For unexplained reasons, young John attempted to run away from school in 1593, but his father "stayed" him, and in 1595, after some further schooling in Louth, he was apprenticed to a rich merchant in King's Lynn, some sixty miles (96 km.) away. But when Smith's father died early in 1596, and his mother remarried within a year (as was not uncommon in those days), Smith did not delay long in terminating his apprenticeship, amicably. The Dutch war of independence from Spain beckoned him, and in 1596 or 1597, after his father's estate had been settled, he joined a company of English volunteers. Although this much is clear in his True Travels (1630), it seems likely that at least part of Smith's military service was in France, where English contingents had been sent to aid Henry IV in establishing himself on the throne. In any event, peace being concluded in France in 1598, by 1599 Smith was back in England.

This date is established by two facts: Smith says that "he found meanes to attend Master Perigrine Barty into France";3 and Peregrine Bertie, son of Lord Willoughby of Eresby, was granted a license "to travel for 3 years" on June 26, 1599. Bertie's father, be it noted, was John Smith's landlord. Despite this, and because of Lord Willoughby's expensive position under Queen Elizabeth, Smith had hardly reached Orléans with Peregrine when the latter's older brother let it be known that Smith's upkeep could not be paid. He simply lacked the funds.

Back across the Channel Smith went, not without adventure (including shipwreck). In Willoughby, or Alford, however, he got to know a visiting Italian nobleman of Greek extraction, who taught him horsemanship while instilling in him a violent dislike of the Turks. After all, Mehmet the Conqueror had driven the Greeks out of Constantinople less than 150 years before. The nobleman seems to have left for Yorkshire to get married in mid-1600, and his absence plus news of renewed hostilities in the Netherlands may naturally have led Smith back to the Continent. Briefly put, Smith's wanderings soon ended with a tour of the Mediterranean in a merchant ship with a captain inclined toward piracy. In this way, he became involved in a fracas with a large Venetian trader and in the end landed in Italy with a share of prize money. Thus provided for financially, he decided, late in 1600, to join the Austrian forces then engaged in the "Long War" against the Turks (1593-1606).

Promoted to captain for his services in Hungary, in the spring of 1602 Smith was sent to Transylvania (now northwestern Rumania). There, during a siege, he accepted challenges to single combat in three duels that resulted in his beheading three Turkish officers. Later, wounded in a skirmish with Tatar allies of the Turks, he was captured and sold as a slave to a Turk who in turn gave him to his sweetheart in Istanbul, a girl of Greek descent. Before long, she apparently fell in love with Smith. As a result, she sent him to her brother, head of a timar (government fief), near the Black Sea, to "sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a Turke."4 We may soundly infer that she intended to marry him and wanted him to get training for a career in the imperial service, which was open to Christian converts. Smith, however, unwilling to undergo the almost sadistic disciplining required for such aspirants, and surely not wanting to become a Turk in any case, eventually escaped by murdering the brother and fleeing back through Russia and Poland to Transylvania. Finding that country in different hands, he looked for and found the prince under whom he had served, Zsigmond Báthory, and was handsomely rewarded early in December 1603. Then, after traveling in Europe and looking for further soldiering in Morocco, Smith must have returned to England during the winter of 1604-1605. Let it be added here that, although this account is Smith's alone, circumstantial evidence supports his story broadly, and at times in detail.

Founding of Jamestown

Back in London, Smith got caught up in the plans to colonize Virginia. A royal charter licensing such activities was signed on April 10, 1606, and the Virginia Company was formed. The first colonists sailed on December 19-20, 1606, with John Smith named as one of the members of the council in Virginia, and at last Jamestown was founded on May 13, 1607.

Possibly three hundred years before, however, Algonkian Indians had pushed down from the north into the area, and their hereditary chief, Powhatan, was just then expanding his realm into a tidewater Virginia "empire." The unwelcome English colony was resisted, ambushed, raided, and cajoled, alternatively, in the hope that it would go away. But John Smith, propelled into leadership largely by the colonists' prevailing sickly inertia, retaliated in kind. Though he had little backing, he would not yield.

In December 1607, Smith and a handful of companions out exploring ran across a large band of Indians hunting deer under the leadership of a werowance (tribal chief) who was one of Powhatan's half-brothers. Smith, captured, was taken for a white werowance whose fate had to be determined by Powhatan himself, since it was not customary to put werowances to death. Off the Indians marched him, by a circuitous route, to the Great Chief's residence. There, impressed by Smith's self-confidence and by such supernatural instruments as a pocket compass, Powhatan seems to have invoked an Indian custom and adopted Smith into his tribe as a subordinate werowance. A ceremony followed in which Powhatan's little daughter Pocahontas played an unclear role. After that, Smith was subjected to further inquiry and finally returned to Jamestown on January 2, 1608, escorted by a squad to guide, help, and protect him. This episode was the source of the Pocahontas legend.

Meanwhile, the policies formulated in London, along with dilatory and insufficient supplies, gradually led to alienation between Smith and some of the other leading colonists, especially Capt. Christopher Newport, who was in charge of the colony's lifeline to London. As a result, Smith pursued his own policy so far as he could, and during June, July, and August, left Jamestown to explore Chesapeake Bay and its tributary rivers. This provided not only the food the colony needed, but eventually also the material for his Map of Virginia, a descriptive book accompanied by a map of the whole region. At that time, however, bad government in Jamestown led to near anarchy, and to Smith's election as the president of the local council in September.

Under Smith's administration the settlement took better root. He strengthened defenses, enforced discipline as far as he could, and encouraged agriculture. Nevertheless, the London Council found need to reorganize the company on a broader basis. They patterned a local administration along the lines of British monarchical rule. Two knights, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers, were consequently dispatched with Captain Newport to lay the groundwork for the later arrival of a baron as lord governor and captain general. These two top men and Newport, sailing in one ship despite orders to the contrary, were wrecked off Bermuda, but the rest of the supply fleet in convoy arrived safely, bringing back to Jamestown several members of the anti-Smith faction who had returned to England. The remaining weeks of Smith's presidency were thus disrupted by what amounted to mutiny. A brother of the future lord governor felt at liberty to disobey Smith, general disorganization broke out, and Smith, on a voyage to quell an Anglo-Indian encounter near modern Richmond, was accidentally incapacitated by a gunpowder burn. The outcome was that he had to sail back to England early in October 1609.

Colonial Propagandist

In London Smith dedicated himself to promoting Virginia, but his intransigence on matters of policy stood in his way, and he got no further commission from the Virginia Company. In fact, his Map of Virginia had to be printed in Oxford, the London publishers apparently being unwilling to flout the mercantile "establishment." In April 1614, however, Smith obtained backing in the West Country for a voyage to modern Maine and Massachusetts Bay, which he named New England with Prince Charles's approval. In spite of the major cartographical and the minor financial success of this voyage, Smith's self-assertiveness once more blocked his proposals. Apart from an abortive return voyage to New England, Smith never went to sea again. Taking up his pen, he produced eight books in the next sixteen years. To some degree, both the Pilgrims and the Massachusetts Puritans accepted his advice, and the government of Virginia fell into a basic pattern not unlike that which he had proposed. Thus, supported and encouraged only by a small group of loyal friends, John Smith lived in or near London until he was taken ill and died, June 21, 1631.

Smith in History

Smith's adventures, none too remarkable for the times, aroused much skepticism in the nineteenth century, even as his self-centered style of writing had irritated some near-contemporaries in the seventeenth. The chief difficulty was, first, the diversity of accounts Smith published regarding Pocahontas. Since he hardly could have understood what was going on in December 1607, his inconsistency is not remarkable, yet legend made the Indian maiden his passion and in time even his wife, although everybody knows that she married John Rolfe. Then some scholars began to assail the historical side of his writings, creating a "gascon and braggart" having nothing in common with the factual Smith but the name. Only quite recent research has established him for what he was.

As a writer, John Smith apologized for his "owne rough pen," yet he left to posterity one of the basic ethnological studies of the tidewater Algonkians of the early seventeenth century; an invaluable, if one-sided, contemporary history of early Virginia; the earliest well-defined maps of Chesapeake Bay and the New England coast; and the first printed dictionary of English nautical terms. Briefly, his works can be divided into the following categories, according to their main theme and despite overlapping: Colonial Exploration and History (True Relation, Map of Virginia, Proceedings, Description of New England, Generall Historie [which includes or modifies all of these], and the last third of True Travels); Propaganda (New Englands Trials [both editions] and Advertisements); Nautical Affairs (Accidence and Sea Grammar); Memoirs (True Travels [first twenty chapters]). In addition there are the "Fragments," published in Volume III of this edition. Speculation about Smith's personality is well-nigh irresistible, but specialists in psychology should note that Smith himself was the independent author of only a relatively small part of all that was published in his name.

1. The clue to the conjectural tie between John Smith of Louth and Captain John was first supplied to the editor by R. N. Benton, King Edward VI Grammar School, Louth, Lincolnshire (retired), in the summer of 1967. Ten years later, working on the present edition of Smith, the editor spent some time in the Research Room, Office of the County Archivist, The Castle, Lincoln, where he found the material used here. The chief sources were the "Lough Old Corporation Records," the "Louth Grammar School Rentals," the "Booke of Owte Rents" already mentioned, and the Notitiæ Ludæ, or Notices of Louth (Louth, 1834), and other printed works in the library. The editor owes especial thanks to Mr. Benton, and to the county archivist, C. M. Lloyd, M.A.

2. This biography is based on the editor's The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), and partly follows his article on Smith in the 1975 edition of the Encyclopedia Americana, but it also takes into account the results of investigations up to Jan. 1, 1977.

3. True Travels, 2.

4. Ibid., 24.


Sometime between fifteen and twenty years after John Smith's death, the Reverend Dr. Thomas Fuller included a brief biography of him in his History of the Worthies of England, a sort of encyclopedia describing each county of England and Wales, with short biographies of those whom he considered the most important natives. The Worthies, as the book is often called, is actually more attractive for its anecdotes and digressions than for its encyclopedic content, for Fuller was not noted for accuracy. In the case of Smith, mistakenly listed among the "Worthies of Cheshire," it is worth noting that he, Sir George Somers, and George Sandys were the only three signalized whose careers were directly connected with the colonization of America. Even then, Sir George was dismissed as "discoverer" of Bermuda and Sandys as a translator of Ovid, while Fuller's judgment of Smith was that "his perils, preservations, dangers, deliverances ... seem to most men above belief, to some beyond truth," and his "many strange performances ... are cheaper credited than confuted." Indeed, Fuller adds, "it soundeth much to the diminution of his deeds, that he alone is the herald to publish and proclaim them."1 In mitigation of this, Fuller states that he got his information from "Master Arthur Smith, his kinsman and my school-master," a man under whom Fuller "had lost some time" when he was four to eight years of age, and in connection with whom he queries a relationship with the "worshipful family of the Smiths at Hatherton [Cheshire]."2 Hatherton, incidentally, is about thirty-five miles (56 km.) from Cuerdley, Lancashire, where John Smith's family had lived.

After Dr. Fuller's mild expression of disbelief, Smith's name remained unsullied and partly forgotten for some two centuries.3 Then Charles Deane, after a brief note in 1859, issued an edition of Smith's True Relation in 1866, in which a long footnote (pp. 38-40) called attention to the "marked discrepancies" between Smith's various accounts of the Pocahontas episode. Deane's fellow Bostonian Henry Adams (then a budding expatriate serving as secretary to his father, the United States minister to the Court of St. James), subsequently published a thirty-page review of Deane's book in the North American Review, CIV (1867), 1-30. In this, "Adams, seeking to attract attention to himself, examined the Pocahontas story ... and classified Smith as a liar."4 Others followed suit5 until by the end of the nineteenth century lack of basic knowledge fanned a flicker of curiosity and doubt into a fiery controversy that not even the appearance of Arber's 1884 edition of Smith's works brought completely under control.

It is not the aim or desire of the present editor to put an end to the argument. What he hopes to present is as much factual information as may make Smith's writings understandable, along with such circumstantial evidence as has direct bearing on them, and to supply "informed" conjecture or guesswork where needed to supply continuity or integration. All theoretical, presumptive, or hypothetical elements are clearly indicated, so far as the editor's attention has not flagged, and even facts are occasionally stressed as such for the sake of clarity. Indeed, without a judicious bit of explanatory supposition, the facts themselves can well be misleading.

One considerable element for which it is difficult to find a place in an edition such as this is the matter of differing interpretation or inferences, for John Smith has been the subject of manifold study. To simplify investigation, various aspects of his career are summarized below.

1. Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England (London, 1662), 1, 275-276.

2. Ibid.

3. A full list of works on Smith is printed in Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 521-527.

4. Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971), 94.

5. They are listed in Edward Arber, ed., Travels and Works of Captain John Smith ..., A New Edition, with a Biographical and Critical Introduction by A. G. Bradley (Edinburgh, 1910), xxviii-xxix.

Smith as Autobiographer

In a broad sense, everything John Smith himself wrote was autobiographical. (The bulk of what was published under his name was collected from others.) His first work, the True Relation, bears evidence of being a letter designed to tell a friend or backer what happened to him from the time he sailed until the day he dispatched it to England. Damaged as it clearly was by injudicious editing, it still bears little trace of any interest in the colony as a whole;6 thus matters alien to Smith may be assumed to have been lacking. The next seven works regard events and developments with Smith's eye even when they are almost purely descriptive, as in the Map of Virginia and the Accidence/Sea Grammar. Then the True Travels is for the greater part openly autobiographical and is generally so classified, while the last, the Advertisements, is little more than a Smithian "voice of experience." It is true that Smith's contemporaries seem to have regarded the True Travels as res gestae patterned after Caesar's Commentaries (see Richard James's commendatory verses in the Generall Historie, sig. A5r), and our own contemporary Paul Delany includes it in the category of "travel memoirs."7 Yet all in all the editor feels that Smith was an autobiographer with other strong interests.

6. Cf. George Percy's necrology in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [London, 1969]), I, 143-145.

7. Paul Delany, British Autobiography in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1969), 110, 117.

Smith as Compiler

Only on one occasion (True Travels, 51 n), has the editor ventured to liken the Smith corpus to Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations or to the even more comprehensive Pilgrimes of his friend Samuel Purchas. Smith's objectives were far more circumscribed than those of either, and he had neither the available time nor the inclination for their breadth of scope -- even if at the end of his life he contemplated a "history of the Sea" (Advertisements, 26). Nevertheless, for the restricted subject of "English colonization of North America, 1600-1630," the sum total of his work exceeds in detail that of Hakluyt and Purchas. In execution he is less accurate than Hakluyt in transcribing material and far less painstaking in acknowledging sources, and in personal interjections he resembles Purchas more. Yet he is always John Smith - actor, participant, propagandist, and often excessively apologist for himself.

From this point of view, it is unwise to regard Smith as an editor. In Hakluyt's case, despite some evidence of editing, the definitive bibliography of his works bears the subtitle "Works compiled, translated or published by Richard Hakluyt,"8 with no mention of "editor." Even Purchas's merciless wielding of shears hardly constitutes "editing." With Smith, only when it came to reprinting his own works can he really be said to have edited them (cf. the Map of Virginia and the Proceedings vs. the Generall Historie, Books II and III respectively). Otherwise Smith sought rather to weave his source material into his own accounts, modifying it almost ad libitum, while still painstakingly preserving the original text where it served his purpose.

8. D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CXLIV-CXLV [London, 1974]), II, 461.

Smith as Geographer

The term "geographer" is perhaps more appropriate for Smith than "surveyor, cartographer, or mere map-maker." Regrettably, the bulk of critical articles on this subject is either absurdly partisan or an exercise in statistics. Among the more outrageous of the former was that by Alexander Brown. Brown produced a map that had been misfiled by the Public Record Office, London, as Smith's work,9 and "was inclined to think" that the Virginia section of the so-called Velasco map "was compiled and drawn by Robert Tyndall or by Captain [Nathaniel] Powell,"10 although the one surviving map by Tindall does not bear this out, and no map by or attributed to Powell is known to exist. This inconvenience, however, did not deter Worthington Chauncey Ford a generation later from stating: "I am inclined to advance the claim that Powell, a skilled surveyor, made the plat form, or basis, of the Smith map, and is entitled to the credit of it."11 Apart from the gratuitous description of Powell's training, a more recent professional geographer has far more soundly observed that "the map [of Virginia], whether made by Smith or by Nathaniel Powell or by other members of his party under Smith's direction ... is a remarkable production considering the conditions under which it was made."12 This is also the present editor's opinion on the subject.

Smith was a geographer in the sense that Sir Walter Ralegh was, and like Ralegh may have drawn some details himself.13 Smith it was, not Powell or Tindall, who saw to it that William Hole produced the map that goes by Smith's name, just as Ralegh was to do with Hole two or three years later. How much or how little Smith contributed is irrelevant. That he had some basic knowledge of, or qualifications for, mapmaking is attested by the list of reference books on navigation in the Accidence, 36-37.

9. Alexander Brown, ed., The Genesis of the United States, 2 vols. (Boston, 1890), II, 596-597.

10. Ibid., I, 458.

11. Worthington Chauncey Ford, "Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, 1612," Geographical Review, XIV (1924), 441.

12. George W. White, "Geological Observations of Captain John Smith in 1607-1614," Illinois Academy of Science Transactions, XLVI (1953), 125. Italics added.

13. See R. A. Skelton, "Ralegh as a Geographer," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXI (1963), 131-149.

Smith as Ethnographer

A professional study of John Smith's contribution to the ethnology of the Indian tribes, particularly in tidewater Virginia, is still a desideratum. Although Smith is virtually the only source for ethnographic information about the Indians, supplemented by William Strachey's additions made between 1610 and 1611, modern studies such as John R. Swanton's The Indians of the Southeastern United States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137 (Washington, D.C., 1946), only sort out and summarize Smith's observations, but do not evaluate them. Nevertheless, a careful inspection of Regina Flannery's An Analysis of Coastal Algonquian Culture (Washington, D.C., 1939), will show how well the traits (attitudes, habits, practices), recorded by Smith correspond with those of related tribes, and help determine the overall picture, including local traits in some areas. As for a preliminary survey of Smith's transcriptions of Indian place-names and current words and phrases, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXIX (1971), 280-302, LXXX (1972), 21-51, and the notes on Smith's vocabulary in the Map of Virginia, below. Christian F. Feest, "Virginia Algonquians," in William C. Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, XV, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger (Washington, D.C., 1978), 253-270, is a summary of current research and knowledge.

Smith as Soldier and Governor

A preliminary word on Smith's rise to the presidency of the council in Virginia is here appropriate. He was appointed to the local council by His Majesty's Council for Virginia by virtue of orders dated December 10, 1606.14 Although provision was made for thirteen councillors,15 only seven sailed with the original fleet.16 Of these, Edward Maria Wingfield was one of the patentees, Christopher Newport and Bartholomew Gosnold were admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet and had experience in American waters. John Martin was son of the master of the mint, George Kendall was related to the earl of Pembroke and to Sir Edwin Sandys, a parliamentary leader, and John Ratcliffe was ship captain of the third ship. Only Smith's presence remains to be explained. Somebody must have recommended him, and that somebody must have had a basis to go on, for Smith was a nobody while at least three original colonists who were not named to the council were of some standing: George Percy was brother of the earl of Northumberland; Anthony Gosnold was brother of Bartholomew Gosnold, the vice-admiral; and Gabriel Archer had sailed with Bartholomew Gosnold to Cape Cod in 1602.

While it may be idle to attempt to guess, it could be that Smith's accounts of military experience in the "Low Countries" (the Netherlands, Belgium, and northeastern France), and in eastern Europe, coupled with his escape from Tatary, qualified him as a Miles Standish for the Virginia venture. (Wingfield's military experience had been brief and inconsequential.) If this was the case, some of the critics of the True Travels should have second thoughts.

Whatever the position proposed for Smith in the colony may have been, it is obvious that his instincts were militaristic; discipline and training for self-defense were among his mottos. He bowed to superior authority, but expected that authority to be capable and effective. Incapability on Wingfield's part loosed Smith's wrath, and when Wingfield was legally deposed from the seat of authority in favor of the still more incompetent Ratcliffe, Smith's disgust was complete.

Smith sailed on two voyages of exploration in Chesapeake Bay. Soon after his return, he was elected president of the council (September 10, 1608). Then about Michaelmas (September 29) Newport arrived at Jamestown with a letter for the president, which is now lost. The content of this was such that in short order Smith replied with a letter of protest against Newport. This letter Newport took with him when he sailed again (early December?), leaving Smith in virtually sole command. Under the pressure of events, a brief period of discipline was inaugurated in Jamestown, which seems to have worked for the colony's benefit.17

A new charter was put into effect in 1609, with Sir Thomas Gates as governor and Smith in charge of defense at Old Point Comfort, thus combining the authority vested in those days in social (or political) rank with the capability of experience on the spot. Had it not been for untoward accidents, the arrangement might well have put the colony on its feet. As it was, Smith's bright outlook for 1608-1609 was destroyed, Smith himself left for England with his term barely finished, and Jamestown came dangerously near to extinction.

14. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 45-46, II, 382.

15. Ibid., I, 36.

16. Ibid., II, 382.

17. Stephen Saunders Webb's "Army and Empire: English Garrison Government in Britain and America, 1569 to 1763," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXXIV (1977), 6-7, surely goes too far: Smith did not "militarize Virginia government," but years later the government fell into a basic pattern not unlike what Smith had proposed in 1623/1624-at all times, strong defense.

Smith as Sailor and Admiral

Edward Arber has not been the only editor to show some surprise at the publication in 1626 of Smith's Accidence ... Necessary for all Young Sea-men.18 Yet anyone who has read the True Travels will know that Smith chanced to be involved in a trading voyage when he was twenty and sailed the Mediterranean from near Marseilles to the Levant, that he took ship with a French captain to Morocco in 1604, and that he was a prisoner on a French privateer in 1615 (True Travels, 4-5, 34; Description of New England, 50-57). His learning in his youth about seamanship as well as trading and fighting was only natural. Indeed, it seems likely that Smith's encounter with the authority of Wingfield (or Newport) off the Canaries early in 1607 may have been due to his knowing something about handling a ship or where to get water on Gran Canaria. His title of "admiral" must have been granted to him (officially or tacitly) because of his voyage to New England in 1614, when he had been captain in charge of the tiny fleet and when he had directed the coastal survey on which his map was based. In this way, his Accidence was born of his own experience. Then, taking advantage of a manuscript copy of Sir Henry Mainwaring's "Dictionary" (first published in 1644), he expanded the Accidence into the Sea Grammar, putting more than common effort into "researching," and utilizing practically all works published by that date (Accidence, 33, 36-37; Sea Grammar, 69, 83 [73]).

18. Arber, Smith, Works, 786.

Smith as Trader

This subject of course involves relations with the Indians. According to George Percy, the colony's "cape merchant" or commissary, Thomas Studley, died on August 28, 1607. On September 10, Wingfield was deposed as president (as has been mentioned), and shortly thereafter "the new President [Ratcliffe] ... committed the managing of all things abroad [at large] to captaine Smith."19 This meant that Smith not only was able to (and did) stir the colony into productive activity, but also was responsible for trade with the Indians, especially gewgaws for food. Those who have considered Smith as primarily a militarist have overlooked the stress Smith continuously placed on trade, and on the need to keep the Indians at hand and also at peace. The Indians were not to be persecuted away, for they supplied food, but the English had to maintain their readiness for combat through strict discipline.

This basic philosophy of survival and growth forced Smith to travel in order to trade; travel and trade forced him to explore; and all put together forced him to learn the language and the ways of the Indians. Smith was a relatively ill-educated man, yet experience in Europe had taught him a modicum of French, Italian, and probably Spanish. In addition, it had trained him in seamanship (as we have seen), in combat, and in survival, while his modest social background in England had instilled in him an appreciation of what it is to be the underdog in a class-conscious society (Smith himself of course would not have thought of it in those terms). All of this served him admirably in his Indian "policy," if ad hoc solutions to unexpected problems can constitute a policy. Obviously, the Indians had to supply the colony with food, since the colonists were too lazy to supply themselves by working in the fields, but the colonists had to reimburse the Indians through barter. It was not right to browbeat the Indians, but neither should the Indians steal or take potshots at the colonists. And Smith's troubles with the silly, unrealistic orders from London, as well as the silly, unrealistic behavior of the colonists in Virginia, made all of this extremely real to him. He was not a trained administrator. He was a reasonably successful improviser.

By the same token, when Smith's career led him to lay down the musket and the compass, he had to improvise with the pen. As he had learned to use the first two, so he learned to use the last. In the meanwhile, his writings reflect weakness and uncertainty in style, conservative use of dialect words in English in company with occasional borrowings from foreign languages, and the particularity of putting down his thoughts at random, in his own way, with little regard to organization.

All of this makes Smith difficult to read at times: his antiquated syntax conflicts with the modernity of most of his language. Yet it all clarifies Smith's character and habits. To get along, he insists, one must do business in some fashion (such as trading in the Mediterranean or in America) while bowing to the demands of the circumstances, and one must know how to fight when necessary, and be ready at all times. Characteristically, at the end of his life, Smith was urging the development of the fishing industry in New England, while arguing for self-discipline and readiness for self-defense.

19. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144, 219, II, 385.

Smith and His Latter-Day Critics

Jarvis M. Morse has already recapitulated the bulk of critical comment on Smith and his writings, both pro and con, in an article published in 1935.20 It seems proper here to run over Morse's conclusions in the light of recent research. Without going into detail, it is evident that most of the carping criticism revolves around two foci: Smith's rescue by Pocahontas and his soldiering in eastern Europe. But what Morse barely implies (if even that) is what is primary: the Indians and the Turkish war were two subjects about which the critics knew little or nothing. What really happened when Pocahontas "saved Smith's life" we can never know; but Indian customs provide an explanation, and the exercise of tact for the benefit of the Virginia Company in London could explain the seemingly contradictory accounts. By the same token, the matter of the Ferneza "book" on Smith in Transylvania is still unsolved (see the Purchas version in the Fragments), but local history and Turkish customs offer circumstantial evidence that the story is most likely true. All that was needed was for Morse, and the critics he criticized, to dig deeper.

When it came to Alexander Brown's Genesis and the obsessive dislike of Smith it exhibits, Morse was on surer ground. Morse contrasted Brown with Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, which was already in print when Brown began work, but without indicating that Brown could have consulted Winsor. More to the point, however, Morse called attention to Smith's portrayal of "the spirit of his times" and stressed the value of Smith's description of the founding of Plymouth by the Pilgrims.

Some years after Morse, Bradford Smith, obviously with the aim of restoring Smith's reputation, called on a Hungarian scholar, Dr. Laura Polanyi Striker, and thus for the first time serious investigation of the problems created by the True Travels began.21 Striker and Bradford Smith went on to make fruitful contact with Austrian and Yugoslav scholars. The editor is happy to have known Bradford Smith and to have corresponded with Dr. Striker, both of whom are now deceased. In brief summation, appreciative mention must also be made of Professor Everett H. Emerson's Captain John Smith (New York, 1971).

20. Jarvis M. Morse, "John Smith and His Critics: A Chapter in Colonial Historiography," Journal of Southern History, I (1935), 123-137.

21. Bradford Smith, Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953).

The Legendary John Smith

So much has been written about the John Smith of legend (along with Pocahontas, usually), and so much that is pure legend has been written about John Smith that a summary of either would be beyond the purview of an edition that strives to be basically factual. Regarding the former, the editor can refer to a brief mention in his Three Worlds, 394, and to Jay B. Hubbell's "The Smith-Pocahontas Story in Literature."22 For the legendary (nonfactual) writings about Smith, these are perhaps even more extensive. For example, at least since Charles Deane wrote "Smith was a true knight errant,"23 Smith has been so labeled.24 Yet one wonders why the label should have persisted. In fact, to read Deane's note, Smith would appear to have been more of a Casanova than a hero of medieval romances. As a matter of fact, Smith was essentially practical, more like Sancho Panza than Don Quixote. Were not the "tufftaffaty humorists" whom Smith derided (Proceedings, 13), closer to the knights? If we look for knights errant in Virginia, even though loveless, they might be found in Edward Maria Wingfield, with his aloof gentility, and George Percy, who kept a "continual and dayly Table for Gentlemen of fashion" in Jamestown, in 1611. Smith paid ladies their proper compliments while seeing life as it was.25

22. VMHB, LXV (1957), 275-300.

23. A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith (Boston, 1866), 40.

24. See Marshall W. Fishwick, "Virginians on Olympus: 1. The Last Great Knight Errant," VMHB, LVIII (1950), 40-57.

25. For Percy, see John W. Shirley, "George Percy at Jamestown, 1607-1612," ibid., LVII (1949), 239.

Bibliographical Note on the Arber Text of Smith's Works

As is shown in the bibliographical note following each of Smith's works printed here, several titles were reissued or appeared in new editions between 1632 and 1699. Then, a few years later, translations of parts of the Generall Historie and the True Travels appeared, first in Dutch in 1706-1707, and then in German in 1782.

It was the next century, however, before new English editions began to come out, first in Virginia in 1819, and later in New England. Nevertheless, it was not until 1884 that an edition of Smith's collected works was published. In that year, Edward Arber (1836-1912), a distinguished English professor, editor, and bibliographer, put out a thick volume entitled Capt. John Smith, President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. Works. 1608-1631.

Complete but for the Sea Grammar, the full text of the letter to Bacon, and a few odds and ends, Arber's edition included an introduction composed largely of reprints of other material that had bearing on Smith and early Virginia. Carefully edited, with relatively few errors of transcription or printing, the work is scholarly yet sympathetic. Writing not long after the initial efforts to "debunk" Smith in this country, Arber was perceptive enough to remark, "To deny the truth of the Pocahontas incident is to create more difficulties than are involved in its acceptance." The same applies to other "incidents" attacked by the critics, many if not all of which have since been confirmed or found to be supported by circumstantial evidence.

1884. Capt. John Smith, President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. Works. 1608-1631. The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16, ed. Edward Arber (Birmingham).
1895. Capt. John Smith of Willoughby by Alford, Lincolnshire; President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. Works. 1608-1631. The English Scholar's Library of Old and Modern Works, 2 Pts., ed. Edward Arber (repr. Westminster).
1910. Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England, 1580-1631, ed. Edward Arber. A New Edition, with a Biographical and Critical Introduction by A[rthur] G[ranville] Bradley, Parts I and II (Edinburgh).
1967. A photo-offset reprint of the foregoing (New York).

Since Arber's death facsimiles of nearly all of Smith's works have become available. Since these are in process of printing by more than one publisher at the time of writing, it is impractical to attempt a complete list.



A TRUE RELATION of Such Occurrences and Accidents of Noate as Hath Hapned in Virginia ...



While the story of John Smith's later life can be written with relatively few gaps, precisely what he did during his first twenty-six years is far from simple to determine. This period will be discussed in the Introduction to his True Travels, in Volume III. His activities from mid-December 1606 until June 2, 1608, however, are sketched by his own pen in the True Relation, and historians should be on firm ground already. Unfortunately, they are not.

The True Relation, originally a letter, was published without Smith's knowledge, permission, or supervision.1 It was also ruthlessly edited and hastily and badly printed to an unusual degree. Both the editing and the rush to press fitted the Virginia Company's interests. The True Relation was the first account of the Jamestown colony's first year to reach London. There, rumors of disillusionment and dissatisfaction in Virginia were already rife. Word had got out that one member of the local council had been executed for treason; that factions were splitting the local government; that tons of "gold" brought back to London had proved to be "guilded durt" (as Smith put it); that the Indians were far less tractable than early reports had intimated and stragglers outside Jamestown's flimsy ramparts were not safe; that starvation threatened the colony while most of the colonists sat on their hands; and that John Smith had all but been clubbed to death by the Indian "emperor" Powhatan.

Thus when Smith's letter arrived in London, it was eagerly read. Much of its contents were optimistic, and the mere "rough" style of the young Lincolnshire soldier-turned-colonist was convincing. Yet it is evident that it contained episodes not suitable for wide reading and details that could disturb potential investors. So members of the company who read what Smith reported, indirectly and discreetly forwarded the letter to one "I. H.," who prepared it for publication. This writer has been identified as John Healey, a capable translator who had shown interest in Virginia and was not overburdened with work. In this way, Smith's True Relation was entered for publication less than six weeks after its arrival in London.

Such was the haste to publish the book that a title page was struck off with no mention of Smith, but with the name of Thomas Watson as author. Watson, who may well have been the person to whom Smith's letter was addressed, quickly denied authorship, and the printer, still in haste, changed one line of type and inserted "by a Gentleman." By then someone had told Healey that Smith wrote the original letter, and after another gaffe, the thin volume at last appeared with an explanation in the foreword that Healey had "learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell there in Virginia."2 All of this was so confusing that when the Reverend Samuel Purchas used the book in compiling his first work, Purchas his Pilgrimage ... (London, 1613), he did not know that Smith was the author, and since he had met Smith in person by then, he acknowledged his source in a marginal note as "Newes from Virginia and a MS of Cap. Smith" ("Newes from Virginia" was the running head of the True Relation).3 Only in modern times has the confusion been dissipated.

Nevertheless, the text of Smith's book remains in a sorry state. Between misprints and Healey's cuts, it is not an easy book to read or to clarify editorially. The present editor has therefore thought it wise to present a facsimile of the original, with an edited text on facing pages. There, errors of both "I. H." and the printer are pointed out, and indication is made of passages where cuts are evident or suspected. For the latter, reference is made wherever possible to parallel passages, often in Smith's other works, occasionally in "discourses" by his associates in the colony: Edward Maria Wingfield , George Percy, Gabriel Archer, Francis Perkins, and others.

In addition, the editor has provided a recension of the narrative of Smith's capture by the Indians, his restraint at their hands for several weeks, and his final liberation, in which Pocahontas clearly played a role. This seems to be doubly necessary because of superficially contradictory versions in Smith's other works, as well as what appears to be some manipulation of the text by John Healey. This recension follows the present Introduction.

A word is now needed to explain the facsimile text that has been used. While working on the Jamestown Voyages in 1965 and 1966, the editor noticed a British Museum (now British Library) copy of the True Relation cataloged as long ago as 1787 (present shelf mark C.33.c.5) that contains manuscript annotations in an early hand.4 These notes were of such pertinence that the help of half a dozen specialists at the British Library, the Houghton Library, Harvard, and the Folger Shakespeare Library was solicited, and it has been established that in all probability the handwriting can be dated as of the last half of Smith's life. This copy was therefore chosen for facsimile reproduction here, and where the annotations were trimmed for binding, a reconstruction of the text is provided in footnotes in alphabetical series. While the annotator is still not certainly identified, there is a remote possibility, based on handwriting, that it was Purchas annotating from hearsay (one expert noticed that Purchas's letter "k" was unusual, although the hand "is that of any educated person"). But in any event the comments are those of someone well informed about Virginia.

1. Smith's original letter probably filled up to 40 sheets of paper, foolscap size, folded once to resemble an unbound booklet. It was most likely written with a goose quill pen in the so-called "English" or "secretary" hand.

2. See below, sig. ¶ 1v.

3. See the facsimile; and Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 638n.

4. These annotations were not noted in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 256.


The original Virginia settlers appear to have boarded their three ships at Blackwall, just east of London, on December 19, 1606, and the fleet dropped down the Thames with the tide after midnight.5 The commander was Capt. Christopher Newport, a veteran mariner in West Indian waters since 1590. Newport's lieutenant was Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold, a dozen years his junior, who had explored the coast of New England in 1602. The third in command, Capt. John Sicklemore, "commonly called Ratcliffe," remains an obscure personality. The three ships were the Susan Constant (120 tons), the Godspeed (40 tons), and the Discovery (20 tons).6

The fleet was much delayed, chiefly by storms, but the coast of Virginia was finally sighted at dawn on April 26, 1607.7 After various adventures, the colonists chose a site some forty miles up the James River from Old Point Comfort, and on the following day, May 14, 1607, they disembarked and planted a colony called James Fort (later Jamestown), in honor of King James.

There was much dissension from the outset, and soon a combination of heat, unsuitable clothing, and bad water, along with improper diet, brought on physical disorders of epidemic proportions. Among the leaders, Gosnold succumbed to some intestinal ailment (hardly malaria or yellow fever as sometimes has been suggested), while Sicklemore (Ratcliffe) proved both ailing and self-seeking. Then, the first elected president of the council (i.e., the de facto governor), Edward Maria Wingfield, evinced eminent qualities as a gentleman, but none as chief executive, and before long John Smith, apparently one of the few colonists possessed of common sense, emerged as the leader of the colony. A year later he was elected president of the council.

Meanwhile, between a desperate attempt to supply Jamestown with food and to carry out the explorations desired by the adventurers who had financed the expedition, Smith not only bargained for provisions but also eventually exposed himself to capture by Indians on a hunting foray in the wilderness near the headwaters of the Chickahominy River, northeast of modern Richmond. This resulted in his being led captive before the "emperor" Powhatan, where he was questioned about the colonists' objectives and apparently subjected to some sort of ritual or trial that ended in his being adopted into the Powhatan tribe -- as was not uncommon among the Algonkians when a valiant "werowance" (military or political commander) was captured. Powhatan's daughter Pocahontas, then a girl of eleven or twelve, was somehow involved in the ceremony (Smith was convinced that she saved his life), and this gave rise to the Smith-Pocahontas legend two centuries after. Powhatan then named Smith werowance of Capahowasic, an honor that Smith did not refuse, although he did not occupy the post.

Smith, now unwittingly a subordinate chief, was aided in every way by Powhatan until Newport returned to Virginia and upset the delicate balance. Nevertheless, Smith managed to tide over the difficulties, and trading and friendly -- though mutually distrustful -- relations resumed. Newport sailed back to England on April 10, 1608. Ten days later a strayed companion ship commanded by Capt. Francis Nelson arrived. Smith hurriedly finished the account of the colony that he had been writing, and when Nelson sailed for England on June 2, he entrusted it to him. Intended as a personal communication to a friend, it was mangled and hurried into print, as has been stated.

5. George Percy wrote, "On Saturday, the twentieth of December ... the fleet fell from London" (Percy's "Discourse," in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 129).

6. See Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 55-57, II, 378.

7. Ibid., I, 133.

Note on Editorial Method

The presentation here of a facsimile of the original printing of the True Relation on pages facing a specially edited transcription has a twofold purpose: that of preserving, on the one hand, the utmost accuracy and that of offering, on the other hand, a text that is legible and intelligible. As has been already stated, the 1608 text is clearly corrupt. Self-evident cutting and broadly acknowledged textual modifications appear on almost every page, frustrating all attempts to incorporate modern annotation in the book as it was first printed. A more radical approach is necessary if we are to have a text that at least attempts to recapture what John Smith wrote. Hence the need to couple the text left us by "I. H." with a first step toward reconstituting Smith's original manuscript.

These complications made it impossible to handle the True Relation in precisely the same fashion as the rest of Smith's works. The major difference in editorial style introduced here is that the editor's substantive annotation of the text is placed at the end of the book, rather than at the bottom of the page. (Hereafter in these three volumes, the editor's substantive annotation appears consistently at the foot of the page.) In this case only, the footnote space has been reserved for transcription and discussion of the handwritten marginal comments on the facsimile pages. In addition to this modification, the edited text itself contains insertions in square brackets of editorial suggestions, mostly bearing on paragraphing. Brackets also enclose indications of omissions, both self-evident [...] and presumptive [...?]. More modern concepts of breaking up long unparagraphed passages have been introduced silently (the facsimile provides the original version), along with capital letters in conformity. Other changes in punctuation and so on have been made sparingly, only for the sake of intelligibility, and are indicated in the Textual Annotation that appears at the end of this book.

Recension of the Narratives of Smith's Captivity

In attempting to reconstruct one of the most important episodes in Smith's life, the editor could wish that both Smith and the deposed president, Wingfield, had had something of the orderly mind of George Percy (or, later, Samuel Argall), especially with regard to dates. We know from Francis Perkins, who arrived with Newport on his return voyage, that the first "supply" reached Jamestown on January 2, 1608 (a Saturday), and from both Smith and Wingfield that Smith had been escorted back from his month-long captivity early in the morning that same day.1 Wingfield specifies, however, that Smith did not leave Jamestown until December 10, 1607, and at the same time states that Powhatan "sent him home" on January 8, and that Newport came "the same evening." Perkins's date is shown correct by the fact that he and Wingfield both state that Jamestown was nearly burned down on January 7, after Newport's (and Perkins's) arrival. Then, Wingfield implies, and Smith states, that Smith was away from Jamestown for one month. Since Wingfield has the date of his return six days too late, it is possible that the date he gives for Smith's departure is in fact the date when he heard that Smith was captured. This could easily have been six days after he left. Nevertheless, for the purpose of the recension that follows, the editor has accepted Wingfield's "Dec. 10," while warning the reader that an adjustment of about six days must be made somewhere in the chronology. However, the date of Smith's return is accurate.

The chronology for the following recension is:

December 3 or 10 (Thursday) Smith's Departure
- - (Friday or Saturday) Capture
December 26 (Saturday) Arrival at Menapacute
December 30 (Wednesday) Brought to Powhatan
January 2 (Saturday) Return to Jamestown

The excerpts included in the recension have been left in the order printed, with one exception: in the True Relation the description of the Indian religious ceremony is found after the narration of Smith's march as a captive through the Indian hunting towns; here this description is placed in the middle of the narration so that it may be more easily compared with the descriptions in the Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimage.

The recension is based on Smith's True Relation, Smith's Generall Historie, and Samuel Purchas's Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (1613).

True Relation Generall Historie Pilgrimage
[B4v] ... a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper, ... my gowne, points and garters, my compas and a tablet they gave me again. ... [47] ... and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would have served twentie men, ... Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, ...
The King [Opechancanough] tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, ... I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh [Jamestown], with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand, how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death: this he granted and sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured: ... The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted, ... this was the father of him I had slayne, ... Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, ... In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, ... according to his request they went to James towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer. ...
... the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, || [C1r] upon the top [48] ... then they led him to the Youghtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payanka- [638] Three or foure daies after his taking, seven of their Priestes in the house
of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapanient; to two other hunting townes they led me, ... After this foure or five dayes march, we returned to Rasaweack, the first towne they brought me too, where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey ... to ... Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited: ... [C3r] ... three or foure dayes after my taking seven of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after, a foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or three graines of wheate, continuing this order till they have included sixe or seven hundred in a halfe Circle, and after that two or three more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other: That done, at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two or five graines, a little sticke, so counting as an old woman her Pater noster. ... One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with little Skinnes of Weasels, and other vermine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, ... Till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling would continue ere they would depart. tanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients, ... and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee, ... Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on the one they caused him to sit, ... and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in ... and then ... three more as ugly as the rest; ... at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then ... he began a short Oration: ... and then layd down three graines more. After that, ... ever where he lay, each with a Rattle, (setting him by them) began at ten of the clocke in the morning, to sing about a fire, which they invironed with a circle of Meale, at the end of every song, (which the chiefe Priest began, the rest following) laying downe two or three Graines of Wheate: and after they had thus laide downe six or seven hundred in one Circle, accounting their songes by Graines, as the Papists their Orisons by Beades, they made two or three other circles in like manner, and put at the end of every song, betwixt every two, or three, or five Graines, a litle sticke. The High Priest disguised with a greate skinne, his head hung round with little skinnes of Weasils, and other Vermine, with a crownet of Feathers, painted as ugly as the Divell, ... thus till six of the clocke in the evening, they continued these howling devotions, and so held on three daies. ... [639] ... The high-Priests head-tire is thus made. They take a great many Snakes skinnes stuffed with mosse, as also of Weasils and other Vermines skinnes, which they tie by their tailes, so that all the tailes meete on the top of the head like a great Tassell. The faces of their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise: in their hands they have rattells, ...
laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony; ...
[C1r] ... the next day another King ... called Kekataugh, ... invited me to feast at his house; the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. ... From hence this kind King [Opechancanough] conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: the cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, ... returned thence, and discovered the River of Topahanocke, where ... he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great man ... and using mee kindly, the || [C1v] next day we departed. ... The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatans, and the next day arrived at Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, ... he bid him wellcome; ... At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts [of leftover food], ...
Werowocomoco ... where the great king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another little river ... called Payankatank. ...
Arriving at Werawocomoco, their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums: At his heade sat a woman, at his feete another, on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde, and [he] with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure dayes; hee much delighted in Opechancanoughs relation ... Hee asked mee the cause of our comming; ... [C2r] ... demaunded why we went further with our Boate; ... Many Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more then two hundred ... stood wondering at him, ... till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes || [49] of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance ... all the people gave a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and ... having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with
the two Seas. ... [C2v] In describing to him the territories of Europe, which was subject to our great King ..., I gave him to understand the ... terrible manner of fight ing were under captain Newport ... [Powhatan then] desired mee to forsake Paspahegh [Jamestown], and to live with him upon his River, ... hee promised to give me ... what I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me: their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her [Pocahontas] bells, beads, and copper; ...
Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captaine Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. ... then Powhatan more like a devill then a man ... came unto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud.
hee sent me home with 4. men, ... [C3v] ... From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled away that day, and would So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting ... every houre to be put to
not goe to our Forte ... but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night. The next morning ere Sunne rise, we set forward for our Fort, where we arrived within an houre, ... one death or other: for all their feasting. ... The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, ...

1. Proceedings, 14.

Chronology of Events in Jamestown, 1606-1608*

(Fri.) Dec. 19. The colonists set sail (Proceedings, 2).
(Sat.) Dec. 20. Down river from London (Percy).

(Mon.) Jan. 5. Anchored in the Downs (Percy).
c. (Fri.) Jan. 30. No longer in sight of England (Proceedings, 2).
c. (Tues.) Feb. 17. Conjectured arrival at Gran Canaria.
c. (Sat.-Sun.) Feb. 21-22. Departure from the Canaries; Smith "restrained as a prisoner" (Proceedings, 5).
(Mon.) Mar. 23. Arrived at Martinique (Percy).
(Tues.) Mar. 24. Anchored at Dominica (Percy).
(Thurs.) Mar. 26. Had sight of Marie-Galante (Percy).
(Fri.) Mar. 27. Sailed along Guadeloupe to Nevis (Percy); there "a paire of gallowes was made" for Smith, in an attempt to hang him (True Travels, 57).
(Fri.) Apr. 3. Set sail from Nevis (Percy).
(Sat.) Apr. 4. Sailed along St. Eustatius and Saba and anchored in the harbor of St. Thomas, Virgin Islands (Percy).
(Mon.) Apr. 6. Passed by Vieques and San Juan, Puerto Rico (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 7. Arrived at Mona and took on water (Percy).
(Thurs.) Apr. 9. Visited the Isle of Moneta and laded two boats full of eggs and fowl (Percy).
(Fri.) Apr. 10. Set sail from Mona (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 14. Passed the Tropic of Cancer (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 21. Forced to "lie at hull" because of a tempest (Percy).
(Wed.-Sat.) Apr. 22-25. Sounded but found no ground (Percy).
(Sun.) Apr. 26. "Descried the Land of Virginia" about four in the morning (Percy); at nightfall the colonists had their first skirmish with the Indians.
(Mon.) Apr. 27. Began to assemble the shallop, which had been dismantled for the voyage over. Explored "eight miles up into the Land" (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 28. Launched the shallop in which Newport took a party as far as the modern Elizabeth River (Percy).
(Wed.) Apr. 29. Set up a cross by Chesapeake Bay, naming the point Cape Henry (Percy).
(Thurs.) Apr. 30. The fleet crossed the bay to Old Point Comfort, near the village of Kecoughtan (Percy).
(Fri.-Sun.) May 1-3. Entertained by Indians (Percy).
(Mon.) May 4. The fleet came to a Paspahegh village where the colonists were entertained with "much welcome"; a werowance from across the river "seemed to take displeasure" from the colonists' being with the Paspahegh (Percy).
(Tues.) May 5. Went to visit the werowance across the river (Percy).
(Fri.) May 8. The colonists sailed up the James River to the "Countrey of Apamatica," where "there came many stout and able Savages to resist" them (Percy). Peace was made, however, and three days appear to have been spent exploring on foot.
(Tues.) May 12. The colonists went back to their ships and discovered a point of land just below modern Jamestown Island they named "Archers Hope" (Percy).
(Wed.) May 13. Came to their "seating place" (Percy), 8 mi. (13 km.) upstream; chosen by Wingfield, overruling Gosnold (True Relation, sig. A3v).
(Thurs.) May 14. Landed all their men (Percy); about midnight some Indians sailed close by, causing an alarm; "not long after" two messengers came from the werowance of Paspahegh, saying he was coming "with a fat Deare" (Percy).
(Mon.) May 18. The werowance arrived with 100 armed Indians, but after a fight, went away "in great anger" (Percy).
(Tues.) May 19. Percy and others went for a stroll "some foure miles ... to a Savage Towne" (Percy).
(Wed.) May 20. The Paspahegh werowance sent 40 men "with a Deare, to our quarter" (Percy).
(Thurs.) May 21. Captain Newport took a party on an exploring expedition in the shallop (Archer), spending the night with the Weanocks, enemies of Paspahegh.
(Fri.) May 22. The party went "some 16 myle further," picking up some friendly Indians; they sailed in all 38 mi. (61 km.) that day (Archer).
(Sat.) May 23. They continued on to the falls at modern Richmond, where they mistook the local werowance, Tanx ("Little") Powhatan, for his father, the "emperor" (Archer).
(Sun.) May 24. Whitsunday. Newport angered Tanx Powhatan by setting up a cross and claiming the region for King James. That night Newport's party went back downstream to Arrohattoc (Archer and Percy).
(Mon.) May 25. The party "satt banquetting all the forenoone" with the Arrohattoc werowance, then sailed down to "Kynd Womans Care" (Archer).
(Tues.) May 26. The party went ashore to visit Queen Opossunoquonuske, then met Powhatan's brother Opechancanough a few miles below, and finally anchored for the night 21 mi. (34 km.) from Jamestown (Archer; but see Strachey, Historie, 64; and Generall Historie, 49). That same day, Paspahegh attacked Jamestown with 200 men, causing casualties, but was repulsed by the ships' ordnance (Archer; True Relation, sig. A4r; and Generall Historie, 42).
(Wed.) May 27. The party went ashore but grew suspicious and hurried home (Archer).
(Thurs.) May 28. Labored at fortifying the fort (Archer; True Relation, sig. A4v; and Generall Historie, 42).
(Fri.) May 29. The Indians attacked again, but did not hurt any of the English (Archer).
(Sun.) May 31. The Indians "came lurking in the thickets," and Eustace Clovell was shot; he died June 8 (Archer).
(Mon.) June 1. Some 20 Indians "appeared, shott dyvers arrowes, ... and rann away" (Archer).
(Thurs.) June 4. Three Indians shot at a colonist outside the palisade, but "missed the skynne" (Archer).
(Sat.) June 6. A petition was drawn up for reformation of "certayne preposterous proceedinges" (Archer).
(Mon.) June 8. Clovell died; two Indians presented themselves unarmed, "crying 'friends,'" but a guard shot at them, and they ran (Archer).
(Wed.) June 10. "The Counsell scanned the ... petition," Newport urged the colonists to work together, and Captain Smith was sworn in as councillor (Archer).
(Sat.) June 13. Eight Indians lying "close among the weedes" shot Mathew Fitch in the breast and ran away (Archer).
(Sun.) June 14. Two Indians presented themselves unarmed, naming the friends and foes of the colonists, and advising the English to cut down the tall weeds (Archer).
(Mon.) June 15. The fort was finished, "triangle wise" (Percy).
(Tues.) June 16. Two Indians appeared with a ruse to capture Newport, but failed (Archer).
(Sun.) June 21. The colonists took communion and had a farewell dinner with Newport (Archer). Opechancanough sent a message of peace (True Relation, sig. A4v).
(Mon.) June 22. Captain Newport sailed for England (Percy; Wingfield; and True Relation, sig. A4v; Archer omits the entry, and Proceedings and Generall Historie give June 15).
(Thurs.) June 25. An Indian came from "the great Poughwaton with the words of peace" (Wingfield).
(Fri.) July 3. Seven or eight Indians presented President Wingfield "a Dear from Pamaonke [Opechancanough]; they enquired after our shipping [Newport's ships]" (Wingfield).
"About this tyme divers of our men fell sick" (Wingfield).
(Mon.) July 27. The "King of Rapahanna [Quiyoughcohanock] demanded a canoa which was restored" (Percy).
(Thurs.) Aug. 6. "John Asbie" died of the "bloudie Flixe" (Percy).
(Sun.) Aug. 9. "George Flowre" died of the "swelling" (Percy).
(Mon.) Aug. 10. "William Bruster" died of a wound given by the Indians (Percy).
(Fri.) Aug. 14. "Jerome Alikock" died "of a wound"; the same day, "Francis Midwinter" and "Edward Moris" died "suddenly" (Percy).
(Sat.) Aug. 15. "Edward Browne" and "Stephen Galthrope" died (Percy).
During these weeks, Wingfield told Smith to his face, in Gosnold's tent, that "it was proved ... that he [Smith] begged in Ireland like a rogue, without lycence" (Wingfield), drawing a sharp retort from Smith.
(Sun.) Aug. 16. "Thomas Gower" died (Percy).
(Mon.) Aug. 17. "Thomas Mounslie" died (Percy).
(Tues.) Aug. 18. "Robert Pennington" and "John Martin," son of Capt. John Martin, died (Percy).
(Wed.) Aug. 19. "Drue Piggase" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Aug. 22. Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold died; all the ordnance in the fort was shot off with many volleys (Percy; also Wingfield; True Relation, sig. A4v; Proceedings, 10; and Generall Historie, 44). About this time the Indians began to bring fresh corn for barter (Wingfield).
(Mon.) Aug. 24. "Edward Harington" and "George Walker" died (Percy).
(Wed.) Aug. 26. "Kenelme Throgmortine" died (Percy).
(Thurs.) Aug. 27. "William Roods" died (Percy).
(Fri.) Aug. 28. "Thomas Stoodie [Studley], Cape Merchant" died (Percy).
About this time George Kendall was deposed from the council and confined in the pinnace (Percy; Wingfield; True Relation, sigs. A4v-B1r, etc.).
(Fri.) Sept. 4. "Thomas Jacob" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Sept. 5. "Benjamin Beast [Best]" died (Percy).
(Thurs.) Sept. 10. Ratcliffe, Smith, and Martin, constituting a majority of councillors present, signed a warrant to depose President Wingfield (Wingfield); Ratcliffe was elected in Wingfield's place (True Relation, sig. B1r; Percy gives Sept. 11 as the date).
(Fri.) Sept. 11. The new president made a speech telling the colony why Wingfield was deposed (Wingfield).
(Thurs.) Sept. 17. After complaints by John Robbinson and John Smith, Wingfield was tried, and Robbinson got £100 and Smith £200 "damages for slaunder" (Wingfield).
(Fri.) Sept. 18. "Ellis Kinistone" and "Richard Simmons" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Sept. 19. "Thomas Mouton" died (Percy). By this time Smith had been made cape merchant (True Relation, sig. B1r).
[For the rest of 1607, dates can only be conjectured. In summary: a sharp decrease in food supplies from the Indians forced Smith to initiate trading voyages in the shallop (Proceed- ings, 11); unrest in Jamestown led to a mutiny, and Kendall was executed (Wingfield; Magnel; and Proceedings, 12); about Nov. 1, the council decided that the pinnace and barge should sail to the Falls (Powhatan village) for supplies (True Relation, sig. B1v).]
(Mon.) Nov. 9 to c. (Sun.) Nov. 15 (more likely, Nov. 19-25). Smith made three successful trading voyages up the Chickahominy River (True Relation, sig. B2r-B3r).
(Thurs.) Dec. 10 (more likely, Dec. 3 or 4). Smith "went up" the Chickahominy (Wingfield; True Relation, sig. B3r).
(Fri.) Dec. 11 (Dec. 4 or 5?). Smith reached Apocant, 40 mi. (64 km.) up the river (True Relation, sig. B3r).
(Sat.) Dec. 12 (Dec. 5 or 6?). Smith went on by canoe, was captured by an Indian hunting party under Opechancanough, and taken to a temporary lodge (ibid., sig. B3v).
Three or four days later Smith witnessed certain Indian rites or conjurations (ibid., sig. C3r), after which he was marched around for four or five days and then led to Opechancanough's residence (ibid., sig. C1r).
c. (Fri.) Dec. 25. Smith was entertained and then led to the Rappahannock River (ibid., sig. C1r-v).
(Tues.) Dec. 29. Smith was lodged in a hunting town (ibid., sig. C1v).
(Wed.) Dec. 30. Smith taken before Powhatan.

(Fri.) Jan. 1. Powhatan sent Smith "home" (True Relation, sig. C3v ).
(Sat.) Jan. 2. Smith reached Jamestown, where Newport arrived from England the same night (ibid.; Perkins).
(Thurs.) Jan. 7. A fire destroyed "all the houses in the fort" at Jamestown (Perkins and Wingfield).
Newport having brought instructions from London to find "any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh" (Generall Historie, 71), the Paspahegh werowance was pressed into helping, but he went no farther than Warraskoyack (True Relation, sig. C4r).
Feb. ? Newport, Scrivener, Smith, and "30 or 40 chosen men" visited Powhatan at Werowocomoco (True Relation, sig. C4r; Proceedings, 27-28).
(Wed.) Mar. 9. Newport's party returned to Jamestown (Wingfield).
(Sun.) Apr. 10. Newport sailed for England (Wingfield; True Relation, sig. D4r).
(Wed.) Apr. 20. Francis Nelson arrived (True Relation, sig. E1r).
(Thurs.) June 2. Smith left the fort to explore Chesapeake Bay and parted company with Nelson, who was sailing for England, at Cape Henry (Generall Historie, 55).

* Sources: John Smith's works as presented in this edition, and the following accounts printed in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), I, indicated by surnames only: Gabriel Archer, 80-98; George Percy, 129-146; Francis Magnel, 151-157; Francis Perkins, 158-163; and Edward Maria Wingfield, 211-234.

The Julian calendar, ten days behind the Gregorian, is retained throughout.

A True Relation of such occurrences and accedents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne from thence.

Written by Captaine Smith one of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England.


Printed for John Tappe, and are to bee solde at the Greyhound in Paules-Church yard, by W.W.


[The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]



Courteous, Kind and indifferent2 Readers, whose willingnesse to reade and heare this following discourse, doth explaine to the world your hearty affection, to the prosecuting and furtherance of so worthy an action: so it is, that like to an unskilfull actor, who having by misconstruction of his right Cue, over-slipt himselfe, in beginning of a contrary part,3 and fearing the hatefull hisse of the captious multitude, with a modest blush retires himselfe in private; as doubting4 the reprehension of his whole audience in publicke, and yet againe upon further deliberation, thinking it better to know their censures at the first, and upon submission to reape pardon, then by seeking to smother it, to incurre the danger of a secret scandall: Imboldening himselfe upon the curteous kindnesse of the best, and not greatly respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, makes an Apollogie for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, craves pardon for his rashnes, and in fine, receives a generall applauditie of the whole assemblie: so I gentle Readers, happening upon this relation by chance (as I take it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto by divers well willers of the action, and none wishing better towards it then my selfe, so farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may stretch too, I thought good to publish it: but the Author being absent from the presse,5 it cannot be doubted but that some faults have escaped in the printing, especially in the names of Countries, || Townes, and People, which are somewhat strange unto us: but most of all, and which is the chiefe error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer) some of the bookes were printed under the name of Thomas Watson, by whose occasion I know not, unlesse it were the over rashnesse, or mistaking of the workemen, but since having learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell there in Virginia: I thought good to make the like Apollogie, by shewing the true Author so farre as my selfe could learne, not doubting, but that the wise noting it as an error of ignorance, will passe it over with patience, and if worthy an applauditie, to reserve it to the Author, whose paines in my judgement deserveth commendations; somewhat more was by him written, which being as I thought (fit to be private) I would not adventure to make it publicke. What more may be expected concerning the scituation of the Country, the nature of the clime,6 number of our people there resident, the manner of their government, and living, the commodities to be produced, and the end and effect it may come too, I can say nothing more then is here written, only what I have learned and gathered from the generall consent7 of all (that I have conversed withall8) aswell marriners as others, which have had imployment that way; is that the Country is excellent and pleasant, the clime temperate and healthfull, the ground fertill and good, the commodities to be expected (if well followed) many, for our people, the worst being already past, these former having indured the heate of the day, whereby those that shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the most sweete, coole, and temperate shade: the action most honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the erecting of true religion among Infidells, to the overthrow of superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of || many thousands of wandring sheepe, unto Christs fold, who now, and till now, have strayed in the unknowne paths of Paganisme, Idolatrie, and superstition: yea, I say the Action being well followed, as by the grave Senators,9 and worthy adventurors, it hath beene worthily begunne: will tend to the everlasting renowne of our Nation, and to the exceeding good and benefit of our Weale publicke in generall: whose Counsells,10 labours, godly and industrious endevours, I beseech the mightie Jehovah to blesse, prosper, and further, with his heavenly ayde, and holy assistance.

Farewell. I.H.11

N.B. Page references to Smith works in the notes refer in all instances to the page numbers of the original editions, which are in boldface numerals in brackets in the margins.



a. [l. 7]. "26" altered to "16" and entered in the margin; "26" is correct. The error was possibly due to calendar confusion or misunderstanding of the badly mutilated text.

A TRUE RELATION of such occurrences and accidents of note, as hath hapned in Virginia, since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident in the South part12 thereof, till the last returne.

KINDE Sir, commendations remembred, etc.13 You shall understand that after many crosses in the downes14 by tempests, wee arrived safely uppon the Southwest part of the great Canaries: [...]15

Within foure or five daies after, we set saile for Dominica, [...]16

The 26. of Aprill: the first land we made, wee fell with Cape Henry,17 the verie mouth of the Bay of Chissiapiacke,18 which at that present we little expected, having by a cruell storme bene put to the Northward: anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie went a shore with the Captain,19 and in comming aboard, they were assalted with certaine Indians,20 which charged them within Pistoll shot: in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton were shot:21 wherupon Captaine Newport seconding them, made a shot at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent their arrowes retyred without harme. And in that place was the Box opened, wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated: [...]22

And arriving at the place where wee are now seated, the Counsell was sworne, the President elected, which for that yeare was Maister Edward23 Maria Wingfield, [...] where was


b c

b. [ll. 14-15]. A clover drawn in the margin calls attention to the "provisions" available.

c. [l. 23]. "Arsatecke," changed to read "Arsaticke"; a commoner spelling was "Arrohattoc" (see n. d, below; and n. 28 to edited text).

made choice for our scituation, a verie fit place for the erecting of a great cittie, about which some contention passed betwixt Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Gosnold.24 Notwithstanding all our provision was brought a shore, and with as much speede as might bee wee went about our fortification.

The two and twenty day of Aprill,25 Captain Newport and my selfe with divers others, to the number of twenty two persons, set forward to discover the River, some fiftie or sixtie miles, finding it in some places broader, and in some narrower; the Countrie (for the moste part) on each side plaine high ground, with many fresh Springes, the people in all places kindely intreating26 us, daunsing and feasting us with strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other their Countrie provisions wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine Newport kindely requited their least favours with Bels, Pinnes, Needles, beades or Glasses,27 which so contented them that his liberallitie made them follow us from place to place, and ever kindely to respect us. In the midway staying to refresh our selves in a little Ile foure or five savages came unto us which described unto us the course of the River, and after in our journey, they often met us, trading with us for such provision as wee had, and ariving at Arsatecke,28 hee whom we supposed to bee the chiefe King of all the rest, moste kindely entertained us, giving us a guide to go with us up the River to Powhatan, of which place their great Emperor taketh his name, where he that they honored for King used us kindely. But to finish this discoverie, we passed on further, where within a mile29 we were intercepted with great craggy stones that in midst of the river, where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a violence, as not any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth the streame, as there is not past five or sixe Foote at a low water, and to the shore scarce passage with a barge, the water floweth foure foote, and the freshes30 by reason of the Rockes have left markes of the inundations 8. or 9. foote: The south side is plaine low ground, and the north side high


d e f g h i

d. [l. 10]. "Arsetecke," changed to "Arsaticke."

e. [ll. 12-13]. "Agamatock," corrected to read "Apametuck"; in the margin, "Appamettuc[k?]" (trimmed in binding).

f. [l. 18]. In margin, "Weeanocke," with the last letter struck through.

g. [l. 21]. "Weanocke," with the last letter struck through.

h. [l. 24]. In margin, "Arsaticke" (see nn. c and d, above).

i. [l. 28]. "Tappahanocke," crossed out in text; in margin, "Quiocqahan[-]nock" (damaged by trimming).

mountaines, the rockes being of a gravelly nature, interlaced with many vains of glistring spangles.

That night we returned to Powhatan: the next day (being Whitsunday31 after dinner) we returned to the fals, leaving a mariner in pawn with the Indians for a guide of theirs. Hee that they honoured for King followed us by the river. That afternoone we trifled in looking upon the Rockes and river (further he would not goe) so there we erected a crosse,32 and that night taking our man at Powhatans, Captaine Newport congratulated33 his kindenes with a Gown and a Hatchet: returning to Arsetecke, and stayed there the next day to observe the height34 therof, and so with many signes of love we departed. The next day the Queene of Apamatuck kindely intreated us, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and from thence we went to another place, (the name whereof I doe not remember) where the people shewed us the manner of their diving for Mussels, in which they finde Pearles.35

That night passing by Weanock36 some twentie miles from our Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, seemed little to affect us, but as wee departed and lodged at the point of Weanocke,37 the people the next morning seemed kindely to content us. Yet we might perceive many signes of a more Jealousie38 in them then before, and also the Hinde39 that the King of Arseteck had given us, altered his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde circumstances40 left us there. This gave us some occasion to doubt some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Newport intended to have visited Paspahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the winde being faire for our return we repaired to the fort with all speed, where the first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before had assalted the fort, and supprised it.41 Had not God (beyond al their expectations) by meanes of the shippes at whom they shot with their Ordinances42 and Muskets, caused them to retire, they had entred the fort with our own men, which were then busied in setting Corne, their armes beeing then in drie-fats43 and few ready but certain Gentlemen of their own, in which



j. [ll. 10-11]. In margin, "[Pa]wmaunckett," a form not found elsewhere (the "-tt" may represent a locative, or place-name ending); "Powhaton: kinge" (see n. u, below).

conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy slaine in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt. With all speede we pallisadoed our Fort:44 (each other day) for sixe or seaven daies we had alarums by ambuscadoes,45 and foure or five cruelly wounded by being abroad: the Indians losse wee know not, but as they report three were slain and divers hurt. [...]46

Captaine Newport having set things in order, set saile for England the 22 of June, leaving provision for 13. or 14 weeks.47 The day before the Ships departure, the King of Pamaunke sent the Indian that had met us before in our discoverie, to assure us peace,48 our fort being then palisadoed round, and all our men in good health and comfort, albeit, that throgh some discontented humors, it did not so long continue, for the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the rest of the Counsell, being for the moste part discontented with one another, in so much, that things were neither carried49 with that discretion nor any busines effected in such good sort as wisdome would, nor our owne good and safetie required thereby,50 and through the hard dealing of our President, the rest of the counsell beeing diverslie affected through his audacious commaund, [...] and for Captaine Martin, (albeit verie honest) and wishing the best good, yet so sicke and weake, and my selfe so disgrac'd through others mallice, through which disorder God (being angrie with us) plagued us with such famin and sicknes, that the living were scarce able to bury the dead: our want of sufficient and good victualls, with continuall watching, foure or five each night at three Bulwarkes, being the chiefe cause: onely of Sturgion wee had great store, whereon our men would so greedily surfet, as it cost manye their lives; the Sack, Aquavitie, and other preservatives for our health, being kept onely in the Presidents hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates: [...]51 shortly after Captaine Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weekes died,52 Captaine Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe having also tasted of the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance being well recovered. Kendall about this time, for divers


k l m

k. [margin, at top]. "Choapock: [Pipposco? crossed out] weeroance [of?] the Quiocqua[ha]nocks[?] did a[ll]wayes at o[ur] greatest nee[de] supply us w[ith] victualls of [all?] sortes which hee [did?] not withstanding the Continuall w[ant?] which wee had in [the?] rest of his Con[try?] and uppon his death bed cha[rged?] his people that [they?] should for e[ver?] keepe good qu[iet?] with the English[.] Pippisco no[w] weeroance doth not for[get] his predecess[ors?] Testament:" (see William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 64-65).

l [l. 4]. The second "when" is erroneously inked out (see n. 53 to the edited text).

m. [ll. 27-30]. In margin, "Keequotancke" (Kecoughtan, modern Hampton, Virginia) ; "Musquasone" (unidentified, presumably in the same area); "Fort Henr[ie and] Fort Charl[es]" (on either side of Southampton River [now the Hampton River], built in mid-1610).

reasons deposed from being of the Councell: and shortly after it pleased God (in our extremity) to move the Indians to bring us Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh us, when we rather expected when53 they would destroy us: about the tenth of September there was about 46. of our men dead,54 at which time Captaine Wingefield having ordred the affaires in such sort that he was generally hated of all, in which respect with one consent he was deposed from his presidencie, and Captaine Ratcliffe according to his course55 was elected.

Our provision being now within twentie dayes spent, the Indians brought us great store both of Corne and bread ready made:56 and also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Rivers, as greatly refreshed our weake estates, whereuppon many of our weake men were presently able to goe abroad. As yet we had no houses to cover us, our Tents were rotten, and our Cabbins worse than nought: [...]57 Our best commoditie was Yron which we made into little chissels, [...]58

The president, and Captaine Martins sicknes, constrayned me to be Cape Marchant,59 and yet to spare no paines in making houses for the company, who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their mallice, grudging and muttering. As at this time were most of our chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire, as they would rather starve and rot with idlenes, then be perswaded to do anything for their owne reliefe without constraint: [...]60 our victualles being now within eighteene dayes spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to the mouth of the river, to Kegquouhtan, an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the river for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes offred us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In the like maner I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary kindenes, I liberally contented with free gifte, such trifles as wel contented them; finding this colde


n o

n. [ll. 20-21]. "Waroskoyack"; in margin, "[... sk?]ohiucke." "Warraskoyack" enjoys an exceptional variety of spellings.

o. [l. 35]. "Topohanack," not altered here (see n. i, above). Perhaps the annotator thought it was another name.

comfort, I anchored before the Towne, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne:61 under colour to fetch fresh water, I sent a man to discover the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their intent, in that they desired me up to their houses: which well understanding with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, beeing no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs, for well I might with twentie men have fraighted a Shippe with Corne: The Towne conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated upon three acres of ground, uppon a plaine, halfe invironed with a great Bay of the great River, the other parte with a Baye of the other River falling into the great Baye, with a little Ile fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof, the Towne adjoyning to the maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. [...]62 With sixteene bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte: by the way I encountred with two Canowes of Indians, who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of Waraskoyack, a kingdome on the south side of the river, which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from the mouth:63 with these I traded, who having but their hunting provision requested me to returne to their Towne, where I should load my boat with corne, and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the fort, the very name wherof gave great comfort to our desparing company:

Time thus passing away, and having not above 14. daies vituals left, some motions were made about our presidents and Captaine Archers going for England, to procure a supply,64 in which meane time we had reasonablly fitted us with houses, and our President and Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with much ado it was concluded that the pinnace and barge should goe towards Powhatan,65 to trade for corne: Lotts were cast who should go in her. The chance was mine, and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to Topohanack, where ariving, there was but certain women and children who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw neere. Truck they


p q r

p. [l. 18]. In margin, "Chickcahom[a?]niacke," now usually "Chickahominy."

q. [l. 25]. "Paspabegheans"; a misprint which the annotator has corrected.

r. [ll. 33-36]. In margin, "They moch[e? -- uncertain; some sort of deceit] him for the na[me] of it is woo[??]niucke." Though the existence of Manosquosick may be doubted, the Smith/Hole map shows an "Ozenick" ("Ozaniocke" in the Smith/Zúñiga map of 1608 [see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), I, 238-240]), and a few lines below (top of sig. B2v) Smith mentions an "Oraniocke." Since the sound represented by z almost certainly did not exist in the local Algonkian dialect and since a manuscript r could be mistaken for a z it is likely that this annotation should read "Wooraniucke" (or "Wooreniucke"). See ibid., 177; and Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Pt. I, LXXIX (1971), 295, s.v. "Oraniocke."

durst not, corne they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission: [...]66 In my returne to Paspahegh, I traded with that churlish and trecherous nation:67 having loaded 10 or 12 bushels of corne, they offred68 to take our pieces and swords, yet by stelth, but seeming to dislike it, they were ready to assault us, yet standing upon our guard in coasting the shore, divers out of the woods would meet with us with corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either to indure overmuch wrong or directly fal to revenge, seeing them dog us, from place to place, it being night, and our necessitie not fit for warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 bushells of corne: Captaine Martin after made 2 journies to that nation of Paspahegh but eache time returned with 8. or 10. bushells.69

All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, for the performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the barge, as well for discoverie, as trading; the Pinnace, 5. Marriners, and 2. landmen to take in our ladings at convenient places. The 9 of November70 I set forward for the discovery of the country of Chikhamania, leaving the pinnace the next tide to followe and stay for my comming at Point Weanock, 20 miles from our fort: the mouth of this river falleth into the great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort: that afternoone I stayed the eb, in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians: towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them being of Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country, the Paspahegheans grudged71 therat: [...] along we went by moonelight, at midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one of our men to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and [I] returned back to the barge: the next morning I went up to the towne, and shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold have for corne, each family seeking to give me most content: so long they caused me to stay that 100 at least was expecting my comming by the river with corne. What I liked I bought, and least they should perceive my too great want I went higher up the river:

This place is called Manosquosick72 a quarter of a mile from the river, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, uppon an exceeding high land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood, watered with many springes, which fall twentie yardes right downe



s. [below bottom line]. At foot, "The Naturalls much abused him/for there is not such a name for any towne in all the Country saving the first[:] Matapanient." These "nonexistent" towns are not mentioned elsewhere in Smith's works (see Philip L. Barbour, "Chickahominy Place-Names in Captain John Smith's True Relation," Names, XV [1967], 216-227; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 477-480).

into the river: right against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. miles circuit, devided in 2 ilands, by the parting of the river, abounding with fish and foule of all sorts; a mile from thence is a Towne called Oraniocke; I further discovered the Townes of Mansa, Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt at eche place kindely used, especially at the last, being the hart of the Country, where were assembled 200. people with such aboundance of corne, as having laded our barge, as also I might have laded a ship: I returned to Paspahhegh, and considering the want of Corne at our Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight I arived at our fort, where I found our Pinnis run aground: [...]73 the next morning I unladed seaven hogsheds into our store.

The next morning I returned againe: the second day I arived at Mamanahunt,74 wher the people having heard of my comming, were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which having laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned: at my departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst of the river, which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowles they see us dayly kil that much feared them, [...]75 so desirous of trade wer they, that they would follow me with their canowes, and for any thing give it me, rather then returne it back, so I unladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort. Having thus by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some bad spirrits not content with Gods providence still grew mutinous, in so much, that our president having ocasion to chide the smith for his misdeamenor,76 he not only gave him bad language, but also offred to strike him with some of his tooles, for which rebellious act the smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged. But being uppon the ladder continuing verry obstinate, as hoping upon a rescue, when he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and declared77 a dangerous conspiracy, for which Captaine Kendall as principal, was by a Jury condemned and shot to death.78 This conspiracy appeased, I set forward for the discovery of the River of Chickahominy: this third time I discovered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Ascacap, Moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattalunt, Attamuspincke, and divers others.79 Their plenty of corne I found decreased, yet la-



t. [l. 12]. "Moysonicke"; in margin, "no such tow[ne]."

ding the barge, I returned to our fort: our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe, standing chiefly against it, and in fine80 after many debatings, pro et contra, it was resolved to stay a further resolution:81

This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery,82 which as yet I had neglected in regard of the necessitie we had to take in provision whilst it was to be had: 40. miles I passed up the river, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and a half deep, exceeding osey,83 many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke,84 a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two rivers joyned to the main, by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50 yards from the high water marke: on both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards and divers sorts of fowles none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground,85 in such great proportions as there, I had not scene, of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white and yellowe coloured sand, and under, red and white clay, fish great plenty, and people aboundance, the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired:86

At the end of forty miles this river invironeth many low ilands, at each high water drowned for a mile,87 where it uniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant the highest Towne inhabited. 10. miles higher I discovered with the barge in the mid way, a great tree hindred my passage which I cut in two: heere the river became narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell,88 the ground most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for so long delaying, some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to hier a Ca-

now, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves uppon the adventure:89 the country onely a vast and wilde wildernes, and but onely that Towne: within three or foure mile we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next day a fowling:90 having made such provision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne. Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolatenes of the country, the probabilitie of some lacke,91 and the malicious judges of my actions at home, as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in England, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like, as wel for his own discharge92 as for the publike good:

Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge: having discovered 20 miles further in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred93 with trees: here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves. During the boyling of our vituals, one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts94 of the river, the other Indian I left with Master Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat at the first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece; supposing them surprised, and that the Indians had betraid us, [...]95 presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent96 to be revenged on him: he advised me to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done, but as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a French pistoll:97

By [the time?] that I had charged againe 3 or 4 more did the like, for the first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the like; my hinde I made my barricado, who offered not to strive.98 20. or 30. arrowes were shot at me, but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the



u. [margin, at top]. "Apachancka[no?] was indeede [a?] weeraonce bu[t] not K[inge]: of Pa[wma]unckett: for [his?] brother Powh[aton?] the Emporor wa[s] Kinge of that p[lace?/people?]."

king of Pamaunck called Opeckankenough99 with 200 men, invironed me, eache drawing their bowe, which done they laid them upon the ground, yet without shot; my hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions of peace. He discovered me to be the Captaine.100 My request was to retire to the boate; they demaunded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: the Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth: thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies, my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me: being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the king. I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof, whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets.101 With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and John Robbinson slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not, [...]102 I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods, [...]103

At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne, which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires:104 all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a bishion,105 eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to


v w

v. [l. 11]. "Paspahegh"; in margin, "[W?]awinckapunck[,] [King?]e of Paspaheygh." Strachey has a paragraph on "Wowinchopunck Weroance of Paspahegh" (Historie, 66-67).

w. [ll. 15-16]. "Ocanahonan"; in margin, "[Oc]onahawan"; and in ll. 26-27, below, "Ocanahonum." The phrase "as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan" has been corrected to read, "as of certaine men at a place 6 dayes jorny beyond Ocanahonan." See the Generall Historie, 110: "five daies journey from us"; and Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference, 1975 (Ottawa, 1976), 2-17.

his lodging, the Captain conducting me to his lodging; a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging:106 each morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison then ten men could devour I had; my gowne, points and garters,107 my compas and a tablet they gave me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintance increased our better affection: much they threatned to assault our forte, as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh who shewed at our fort great signes of sorrow for this mischance: [...]108

The King109 tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies and of our God: what he knew of the dominions110 he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan,111 cloathed like me, the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles was a great turning of salt water:112 I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh,113 with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand, how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death: this he granted and sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured: their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted114 the fort, [...] the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea, this report they after found divers Indians that confirmed.

The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: this was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent,115 the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome,


x y z aa bb cc dd ee ff

x. [l. 1]. "Youghtanan"; with the u struck through and t added at the end. In margin, "Yoghtanun[t]."

y. [l. 3]. "Mattapament"; in margin, "Matappa[nient?]"; cf. n. s, above.

z. [l. 5]. In text, "of Pewhakan"; the "of" was deleted, and "Pewhakan" was changed to "Powhatan."

aa. [ll. 7-8]. In text, "marsh, we returned to Rasawrack"; "marsh" being corrected to "march." In margin, "no such towne." Rasaweack was a hunting camp only (see sig. B4r, above).

bb. [l. 10]. An asterisk before "River," and in margin, "or Creeke."

cc. [l. 11]. An asterisk after "Thames," and in margin, "at London."

dd. [l. 11]. "Menapacute"; in margin, "no [such?] pla[ce?]." But both the Smith/ Hole and the Smith/Zúñiga maps show its location.

ee. [l. 29]. "Topahanocke," changed to "Rapahanocke" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298, s.v. "Rappahanock II").

ff. [l. 33]. "Topahanocke" again changed to "Rapahanocke"; in margin, "Rappahannock[e?]" (see ibid.).

upon the top of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapanient; to two other hunting townes they led me, and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Powhatan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals, to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh.116 After this foure or five dayes march, we returned to Rasaweack,117 the first towne they brought me too, where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited: the next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh, having received some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to feast at his house; the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me.

By this the great King hath foure or five houses, each containing fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly low Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither inhabited, more abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to strike therwith118 but to spoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented though a chaunce supposed.119

From hence this kind King conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: the cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, and discovered the River of Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and using mee kindly, the


gg hh ii jj

gg. [ll. 2-3]. "Topahanock"; in margin, "Rappahannock ffl:" (for "Fl:" Latin flumen, "river").

hh. [l. 5]. "Nantaugs tacum," which should be one word, as should "Cuttata women" and "Marraugh tacum," above; in margin, "[Na?]ntsattaqunt" (cf. "Nonsowhaticond" in Ra[l]phe Hamor, A True Discourse Of The Present Estate Of Virginia ... [London, 1615], 54).

ii. [l. 14]. "Weramocomoco," with an ink blot over the first m in an obvious attempt to correct it to w; however, "Waranacomoco" was allowed to stand in l. 8, above.

jj. [ll. 17-22]. In margin, "[M]ade of A beast [call?]ed a Raracoone [, the?] skinne very well [dress?]ed and arty[fic]ially sowed to[get]hur" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun").

next day we departed.120 This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttatawomen; upwards is Marraughtacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugstacum; at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines.121 The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatans, and the next day arrived at Werowocomoco upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another little river, which is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most of this Countrey though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber, most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. [...?]122

Arriving at Werawocomoco,123 their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums:124 At his heade sat a woman, at his feete another, on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde, and [he] with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, [...]125 hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure dayes; hee much delighted in Opechancanoughs relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined me upon the same.126 Hee asked mee the cause of our comming; I tolde him, being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing over powred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this shore, where landing at Chesipiake, the people shot us, but at Kequoughtan they kindly used us; we by signes demaunded fresh water; they described us up the River was all fresh water; at Paspahegh, also they kindly used us; our Pinnasse being leake127 wee were inforced to

stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate; I tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie had done128 whose death we intended to revenge.

After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what not onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had beene prisoner to Powhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and rockes, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee brackish:129 Anchanachuck130 he described to bee the people that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would revenge. Hee described also upon the same Sea a mighty Nation called Pocoughtronack,131 a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, and Pataromerke,132 Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories, where the yeare before they had slain an hundred; he signified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes.133

Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas. The people cloathed at Ocanahonan he also confirmed, and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roanoke, to the south part of the backe sea: he described a countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride hee had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were under his Territories.134


In describing to him the territories of Europe, which was subject to our great King whose subject I was, [and] the innumerable multitude of his ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets, and terrible manner of fighting were under captain Newport my father, whom I intituled the Meworames which they call King of all the waters.135 At his greatnesse hee admired, and not a little feared: hee desired mee to forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his River, a Countrie called Capahowasicke: hee promised to give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me: hee sent me home with 4. men, one that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me.136

This River of Pamaunke is not past twelve mile137 from that we dwell on, his course northwest and westerly, as the other. Weraocomoco is upon salt water, in bredth two myles, and so keepeth his course without any tarrying some twenty miles, where at the parting of the fresh water and the salt, it divideth it selfe into two partes, the one part to Goughland, as broad as Thames, and navigable, with a Boate threescore or fourescore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie, exceeding crooked, and manie low grounds and marishes, but inhabited with aboundance of warlike and tall people. The Countrey of Youghtanand, of no lesse worth, onely it is lower, but all the soyle, a fatte, fertill, sandie ground. Above Menapacunt, many high sandie Mountaines. By the River is many Rockes, seeming if not of severall Mines: The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth not neare so farre, nor so well inhabited; somewhat lower, and a white sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their best Terra Sigillata:138 The mouth of the River, as I see in the discoverie therof with captain Newport, is halfe a mile broad, and within foure miles not above a Masket shot:139 the channell exceeding good and deepe, the River straight to the devisions. Kiskirk140 the nearest Nation to the entrances.



kk. [l. 35]. After "ours" an "x" calls attention to a marginal annotation (1. 27 to bottom of page): "This Author I fy[nde] in many errors w[hich?] they doe impute to h[is?] not well understa[n]dinge the language[,] for they doe Ackno[w]ledge both God [&] the Devill and that af[ter] thei are out of this world they shall r[ise?] againe in anothe[r] world where the[y?] shall live at ea[se] and have great[e] store of bread a[nd] venison and other [???]." While Strachey supports the annotator (Historie, 100), it is doubtful that the English were capable, linguistically or philosophically, of understanding the Indians' religion (see John Rolfe, in Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ..., 3d ed. [London, 1617], 952).

Their religion and Ceremonie I observed was thus:141 three or foure dayes after my taking seven of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after, a foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or three graines of wheate, continuing this order till they have included sixe or seven hundred in a halfe Circle, and after that two or three more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other: That done, at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two or five graines, a little sticke, so counting as an old woman her Pater noster.

One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with little Skinnes of Weasels, and other vermine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, at the end of each song will make many signes and demonstrations, with strange and vehement actions; great cakes of Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he casteth in the fire. Till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling would continue ere they would depart. Each morning in the coldest frost, the principall to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled themselves in a round circle, a good distance from the towne, where they told me they there consulted where to hunt the next day: so fat they fed mee, that I much doubted they intended to have sacrificed mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they worship; a more uglier thing cannot be described: one they have for chief sacrifices, which also they call Quiyoughquosick:142 to cure the sick, a man with a Rattle and extreame howling, showting, singing, and such violent gestures, and Anticke actions over the patient will sucke out blood and flegme from the patient out of their unable143 stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will more tire them. Tobacco they offer [to] the water in passing in fowle weather. The death of any they lament with great sorrow and weeping: their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads, jewels, hatchets, and copper: the other in graves like ours. They acknowledge no resurrection.144

Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of his bre-

theren succeeded other. For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not, but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so successively the weomens heires: For the Kings have as many weomen as they will, his Subjects two, and most but one.

From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled away that day, and would not goe to our Forte by any perswasions: but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night.145 The next morning ere Sunne rise, we set forward for our Fort, where we arrived within an houre, where each man with the truest signes of joy they could expresse welcommed mee, except Master Archer and some 2. or 3. of his, who was then, in my absence, sworne Counsellour, though not with the consent of Captaine Martin:146 great blame and imputation was laide upon mee by them for the losse of our two men which the Indians slew, insomuch that they purposed to depose me;147 but in the midst of my miseries, it pleased God to send Captaine Nuport, who arriving there the same night,148 so tripled our joy, as for a while these plots against me were deferred, though with much malice against me, which captain Newport in short time did plainly see. Now was maister Scrivener,149 captaine Martin, and my selfe, called Counsellers.

Within five or sixe dayes after the arrivall of the Ship, by a mischaunce our Fort was burned,150 and the most of our apparell, lodging and private provision, many of our old men diseased,151 and of our new for want of lodging perished. The Emperour Powhatan each weeke once or twice sent me many presents of Deare, bread, Raugroughcuns,152 halfe alwayes for my father, whom he much desired to see, and halfe for me: and so continually importuned by messengers and presents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and take the Countrie their King had given me, as at last Captaine Newport resolved to go see him.153 Such acquaintance I had amongst the Indians, and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they would not come till I came to them, every of them calling me by my name, would not sell any thing till I had first received their presents, and what

they had that I liked, they deferred to my discretion: but after acquaintance, they usually came into the Fort at their pleasure: The President, and the rest of the Councell, they knewe not, but Captaine Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyved him the chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and servants. We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke,154 beyond Roanoke, where he reported many men to be apparelled. [...] Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where playing the villaine, and deluding us for rewards, [he] returned within three or foure dayes after without going further.

Captaine Newport, maister Scrivener, and my selfe, found the mouth of Pamuncks river, some 25. or 30. miles northward from Cape Henrie,155 the chanell good as before expressed.

Arriving at Weramocomoca, being jealous156 of the intent of this politick157 salvage, to discover his intent the better, I with 20. shot armed in Jacks158 went a shore; the Bay where he dwelleth hath in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the chanel all os.159 Being conducted to the towne, I found my selfe mistaken in the creeke, for they al there were within lesse then a mile; the Emperors sonne called Naukaquawis,160 the captaine that tooke me, and diverse others of his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation, but in the mid way I was intercepted by a great creek over which they had made a bridge of grained stakes161 and railes. The king of Kiskieck, and Namontack, who all the journey the king had sent to guide us, had conducted us this passage, which caused me to suspect some mischiefe: the barge I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I found my selfe first deceyved, and knowing by experience the most of their courages to proceede from others feare, though fewe lyked the passage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our conductors, and his chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, leaving halfe at the one ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front.162 The Indians, seeing the weaknesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke me in of the middest with foure or five more, being landed wee made a guard for the rest till all were passed. Two in



ll. [ll. 12-13]. "Nobles, if there be any amongst Salvages, kindly"; the commas are inked over by parentheses, perhaps for greater emphasis as was then a common practice.

a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. Before his house stood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread; being entred the house, with loude tunes they all made signes of great joy. This proude salvage, having his finest women, and the principall of his chiefe men assembled, sate in rankes as before is expressed, himselfe as upon a Throne at the upper ende of the house, with such a Majestic as I cannot expresse, nor yet have often scene, either in Pagan or Christian; with a kinde countenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a place to bee made by himselfe to sit. I presented him a sute of red cloath, a white Greyhound, and a Hatte; as Jewels he esteemed them, and with a great Oration made by three of his Nobles, if there be any amongst Salvages, kindly accepted them, with a publike confirmation of a perpetuall league and friendship.

After that, he commaunded the Queene of Appomattoc, a comely yong Salvage, to give me water, a Turkie-cocke, and breade to eate: being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this purpose.163

Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, but where is your father whom I much desire to see, is he not with you.

I told him he remained aboord, but the next day he would come unto him; with a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine peeces which I promised him, when I went to Paspahegh. I told [him] according to my promise, that I proffered the man that went with me foure Demy Culverings,164 in that he so desired a great Gunne, but they refused to take them; whereat with a lowde laughter, he desired [me] to give him some of lesse burthen, as for the other I gave him them, being sure that none could carrie them: [...]165

But where are these men you promised to come with you.

I told him without, who166 therupon gave order to have them brought in, two after two, ever maintaining the guard without. And as they presented themselves ever with thankes, he would salute me, and caused each of them to have foure or five pound of bread given them. This done, I asked him for the corne and ground he promised me. He told me I should have it, but he expected to have all these men lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects. I tolde him that was a ceremonie our ene-

mies desired, but never our friends, as we presented our selves unto him, yet that he should not doubt of our friendship: the next day my Father would give him a child of his, in full assurance of our loves, and not only that, but when he should thinke it convenient, wee would deliver under his subjection the Country of Manacam and Pocoughtaonack his enemies.167

This so contented him, as immediatly with attentive silence, with a lowd oration he proclaimed me a werowanes of Powhatan, and that all his subjects should so esteeme us, and no man account us strangers nor Paspaheghans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, weomen and Country, should be to us as to his owne people: this proffered kindnes for many reasons we contemned not, but with the best languages and signes of thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leave.

The King, rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and caused each of my men to have as much more bread as hee could beare, giving me some in a basket, and as much he sent a board for a present to my Father: victuals you must know is all there wealth, and the greatest kindnes they could shew us: arriving at the River, the Barge was fallen so low with the ebbe, [...]168 though I had given order and oft sent to prevent the same, yet the messengers deceived mee. The Skies being very thicke and rainie, [...]169 the King understanding this mischance, sent his Sonne and Namontack, to conduct mee to a great house sufficient to lodge mee, where entring I saw it hung round with bowes and arrowes.

The Indians used all diligence to make us fires, and give us content: the kings Orators presently entertained us with a kinde oration, with expresse charge that not any should steale, or take out bowes or arrowes, or offer any injury. [...]170

Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay my stomacke: in the evening hee sent for mee to come onely

with two shot with me: the company I gave order to stand upon their guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports171 all night. To my supper he set before me meate for twenty men, and seeing I could not eate, hee caused it to be given to my men: for this is a generall custome, that what they give, not to take againe, but you must either eate it, give it away, or carry it with you: two or three houres we spent in our auncient172 discourses, which done, I was with a fire stick lighted to my lodging. [D1v]

The next day the King, conducting mee to the River, shewed me his Canowes, and described unto me how hee sent them over the Baye, for tribute Beades, and also what Countries paide him Beads, Copper or Skins. But seeing Captaine Nuport, and Maister Scrivener, comming a shore, the King returned to his house, and I went to meete him.173 With a trumpet174 before him, wee marched to the King: who after his old manner kindly received him, especially a Boy of thirteen yeares old, called Thomas Salvage, whom he gave him as his Sonne: he requited this kindnes with each of us a great basket of Beanes, and entertaining him with the former discourse, we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next day, and so returned to our Pinnis: the next day comming a shore in like order, the King having kindly entertained us with a breakfast, questioned with us in this manner.

Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee was our friend, and had neither bowes nor arrowes, what did wee doubt? I told him it was the custome of our Country, not doubting of his kindnes any waies. Wherewith, though hee seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport caused all our men to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie score175 from thence: but to prevent the worst, Maister Scrivener or I were either the one or other by the Barge. Experience had well taught me to beleeve his friendship, till convenient opportunity suffred him to betray us; but quickly this politi-



mm. [bottom of page]. The words "Virginia Barmudas" are inscribed below the signature in a bold secretary hand, without apparent pertinence.

tian176 had perceived my absence, and cunningly sent for mee; I sent for Maister Scrivener to supply my place, the King would demaund for him, I would againe releeve him, and they sought to satisfie our suspition with kind Language, [...]177 and not being agreed to trade for corne, hee desired to see all our Hatchets and Copper together, for which he would give us corne; with that auncient tricke the Chickahomaniens had oft acquainted me: his offer I refused, offering first to see what hee would give for one piece. Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Merchant, did scorne to sell, but we freely should give him, and he liberally would requite us.

Captaine Nuport would not with lesse then twelve great Coppers178 try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as much corne as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse proportion: our Hatchets hee would also have at his owne rate, for which kindnes hee much seemed to affect Captaine Nuport. Some few bunches of blew Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, he offred me a basket of two pecks, and that which I drew to be three pecks at the least,179 and yet [he] seemed contented and desired more: I agreed with him the next day for two bushells, for the ebbe now constrained us to returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired us to stay [for] dinner which was a providing, and being ready he sent aboard after us, which was bread and venizon, sufficient for fiftie or sixtie persons.180

The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning not to bring a shore with us any pieces, least his weomen and children should feare. Captaine Nuports good beliefe would have satisfied that request, yet twentie or twentie five shot we got a shore: the King importuning mee to leave my armes a board, much misliking my sword, pistol and target, I told him the men that slew my Brother with the like tearmes had perswaded me, and being unarmed shot at us, and so betraide us.

He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might

leave their armes, which still hee commanded to the water side, [...]181 this day we spent in trading for blew Beads, and having neare fraighted our Barge. [...]182 [D2v]

Captaine Nuport returned with them that came abord, leaving me and Maister Scrivener a shore, to follow in Canowes; into one I got with sixe of our men, which beeing lanched a stones cast from the shore stuck fast in the Ose: Maister Scrivener seeing this example, with seven or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking to have found deeper water on the other creeke, but they were inforced to stay with such entertainment183 as a salvage, being forced ashore with wind and raine, having in his Canow, as commonly they have, his house and houshold, instantly set up a house of mats which succoured them from the storme.

The Indians seeing me pestred in the Ose, called to me; sixe or seven of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and to the middle in Ose, came to bear me out on their heads. Their importunacie caused me better to like the Canow then their curtesie, excusing my deniall for feare to fall into the Ose, desiring them to bring me some wood, fire, and mats, to cover me, and I would content them: each presently gave his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse would scarce have indured, yet a couple of bells richly contented them.

The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantiuas184 in the evening with bread and victuall for me and my men; he no more scripulous185 then the rest seemed to take a pride in shewing how litle he regarded that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce have indured it. This kindnes I found, when I litle expected lesse then a mischiefe, but the blacke night parting our companies, ere midnight the flood [tide] served to carry us aboard: the next day we came ashore, the King with a solemne discourse, causing all to depart, but his principall men, [...] and this was the effect when as hee perceived that we had a desire to invade Monacum, a-

gainst whom he was no professed enemy, [...] yet thus farre hee would assist us in this enterprise: First hee would send his spies, perfectly to understand their strength and ability to fight, with which he would acquaint us himselfe.186

Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great Werowances, they would stay at home, but I, Maister Scrivener, and two of his Sonnes, and Opechankanough, the King of Pamaunke, should have 100. of his men to goe before as though they were hunting, they giving us notise where was the advantage we should kill them. The weomen and young children he wished we should spare, and bring them to him. Only 100. or 150. of our men he held sufficient for this exploit: our boats should stay at the falls, where we might hew timber, which we might convey each man a piece till we were past the stones, and there joyne them, to passe our men by water; if any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our boats. This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport undertake, by this meanes to discover the South sea, which will not be without trecherie, if wee ground our intent upon his constancie.

This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. The King of Pamaunke sent his messenger, as yet not knowing Captaine Nuport, to come unto him, who had long expected mee, desiring also my Father to visite him: the messenger stayed to conduct us, but Powhatan understanding that we had Hatchets lately come from Paspahegh, desired the next day to trade with us, and [for us] not to go further.187

This new tricke he cunningly put upon him, but onely to have what hee listed, and to try whether we would go or stay. Opechankenoughs messenger returned [saying] that wee would not come: the next day his Daughter came to entreate me, shewing her Father had hurt his legge, and much sorrowed he could not see me.


nn oo pp

nn. [l.7]. "Opitchapam"; in margin, "[O]pochoppam," and just below, "[I?]toyatene." These were two names for the same brother (see the Generall Historie, 153 [on Opitchapam] and 125 [on Itopatin, or Itoyatin]).

oo. [l. 11]. "Opechankanough"; in margin, "[A]pachanckano" (see n. u, above).

pp. [ll. 24-25]. "Pansarowmana," corrected to read, "Pansaromanans"; in margin, "Pansaromanans [are?] accounted a very [da]ynty dish amongst [the]m, beeing made of the [cor]ne when it is greene [boy?]led and so mingled [am]ongst beanes and so [kep]t all the yeare, which is [wh]en it is boyled very [swe?]ete and wholesom [me?]ate."

Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in that Powhatan had desired us to stay, sent her away with the like answer. Yet the next day upon better consideration intreatie prevailed, and wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the first towne above the parting of the river, where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan: the one called Opitchapam, the other Katatough.188 To these I went a shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scrivener, sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilst we were trucking with these Kings.

Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children189 came to meete me with a naturall kind affection, hee seemed to rejoyce to see me.

Captaine Nuport came a shore. With many kind discourses wee passed that forenoone: and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Menapacant which is twenty miles by water, and not one by land:190 Opechankanough conducted me and Maister Scrivener by land, where having built a feasting house a purpose to entertaine us with a kind Oration, after their manner and his best provision, kindly welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but did his best to delight us with content: Captaine Nuport arrived towards evening, whom the King presented with sixe great platters of fine bread, and Pansarowmana.191 The next day till noone wee traded: the King feasted all the company, and the afternoone was spent in playing, dauncing, and delight; by no meanes hee would have us depart till the next day, he had feasted us with venizon, for which he had sent, having spent his first and second provision in expecting our comming: the next day he performed his promise, giving more to us three, then would have sufficed 30. and in that we carried not away what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what words or signes of love he could expresse, we departed.

Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the

Barge to digge a rocke,192 where wee supposed a Mine at Cinquaoteck, [...] which done, ere midnight I arrived at Weracomoco, where our Pinnis anchored, being 20. miles193 from Cinquaotecke. The next day we tooke leave of Powhatan, who in regard of his kindnes gave him an Indian, he well affected194 to goe with him for England in steed of his Sonne, the cause I assure me was to know our strength and countries condition: the next day we arrived at Kiskiack, the people so scornefully entertained us, as with what signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed and returned to our Fort with 250. bushells of Corne. Our president being not wholy recovered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece brake and split his hand, of which he is not yet well recovered.195

At Captaine Nuports arrivall, wee were victualled for twelve weekes, and having furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set saile for England the tenth of Aprill:196 Maister Scrivener and my selfe with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Henrie.

Powhatan having for a farrewell, sent him five or sixe mens loadings, with Turkeyes for swords, which hee sent him in our return to the fort:197

[...] we discovered the river of Nansemond,198 a proud warlike Nation, as well we may testified,199 at our first arrivall at Chesiapiack: but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged at his returne,200 where some of them intising him to their Ambuscadoes by a daunce, hee perceiving their intent, with a volley of musket shot, slew one, and shot one or two more, as themselves confesse. The King at our arivall sent for me to come unto him: I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for wheat, and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie yards from the shore; he signified to me to come a shore, and sent a Canow with foure or five of his men, two whereof I desired to come a-

board and to stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a shore. To this hee agreed: the King wee presented with a piece of Copper, which he kindly accepted, and sent for victualls to entertaine the messengers.

Maister Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore: the King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the next day, which having done, we returned to the Fort. This river is a musket shot broad, each side being should bayes,201 a narrow channell, but three fadom, his course for eighteene miles, almost directly South, and by West, where beginneth the first inhabitants; for a mile it turneth directly East, towards the West, a great bay and a white chaukie Iland, convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck a plaine high Corne field, the wester bought a high plaine likewise, the Northeast answerable in all respects: in these plaines are planted aboundance of houses and people. They may containe 1000. Acres of most excellent fertill ground, so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect, for an invincible strong Citty, with so many commodities, that I know as yet I have not seene: This is within one daies journey of Chawwonocke.202 The river falleth into the Kings river, within twelve miles of Cape Henrie.

At our Fort, the tooles we had were so ordinarily stolen by the Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving theeverie: for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst the rest, having stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set in the bilboes:203 the next day with three more, he came with their woodden swords in the midst of our men to steale, their custome is to take any thing they can ceaze off,204 onely the people of Pamunke, wee have not found stealing: but what others can steale, their King receiveth.

I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they



qq. [l. 10]. "Paspahegh"; in margin, "the Paspaheghs w[ere?] alwayes treacher[ous] villaynes and ever s[hall?] bee till thei are capt[ived?]."

seemed to defend what they could catch but out of our hands. His pride urged me to turne him from amongst us, whereat he offred to strike me with his sword, which I prevented, striking him first: the rest offring to revenge the blow, received such an incounter, and fled; the better to affright them, I pursued them with five or sixe shot, and so chased them out of the Iland: the beginning of this broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, we durst have resisted, having even till that present not beene contradicted, especially them of Paspahegh:205 these Indians within one houre, having by other Salvages, then in the Fort, understood that I threatned to be revenged, came presently of themselves, and fell to working upon our wears, which were then in hand by other Salvages, who seeing their pride so incountred, were so submissive, and willing to doe any thing as might be, and with trembling feare, desired to be friends within three daies after: From Nansemond which is 30. miles from us, the King sent us a Hatchet which they had stollen from us at our being there:206 the messenger as is the custome, also wee well rewarded and contented.

The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing downe Trees, and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede to take our armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages: but understanding it a Boate under saile, our doubts were presently satisfied, with the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills of extreame stormes and tempests [passed]. His ship well, as his company could testifie, his care in sparing our provision, was well: but the providence thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets, and other tooles, onely ours excepted, which of all the rest was most necessary, which might inforce us, to think either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most unconscionable deceiver of our treasures.[...]207 This happy arrivall of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having beene then about three monethes missing, after Captaine Newports arrivall, being to all our ex-

pectations lost: albeit, that now at the last, having beene long crossed with tempestuous weather, and contrary winds, his so unexpected comming, did so ravish us with exceeding joy, that now we thought our selves as well fitted, as our harts could wish, both with a competent number of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a further supply should come unto us: whereupon the first thing that was concluded, was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener should with 70. men goe with the best meanes we could provide, to discover beyond the Falls, as in our judgements conveniently we might: sixe or seaven daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. These208 willing minds to this action, so quickned their understanding in this exercise, as in all judgements wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force in our order of battle amongst the Trees, (for Thicks209 there is few) then the Fort was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or twenty shot, not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece: our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste us with the voluntary Marriners, and himselfe, as he promised, unlesse we would stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners for the time they stayed: and further there was some contraversie, through the diversitie of Contrary opinions, some alleadging that, how profitable and to what good purpose soever our journey should portend, yet our commission, commanding no certaine designe, we should be taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did belong, and to no other:210

The meanes for guides,211 beside the uncertaine courses of the river, from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie us in two houres, better then that they first called the Fort. Their Townes upon the river, each within one dayes journey of other, besides our ordinary provision, might well be supposed to adde reliefe, for truck



rr. [ll. 6-7]. In margin, "Hee that knowes n[othing?] feares nothing"; obviously referring to Captain Martin.

and dealing only, but in love and peace, as with the rest. If they assalted us, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so convey that we should not share; but admit the worst, 16. daies provision we had of Cheese, Oatmeale, and bisket besides, our randevous,212 we could and might have hid in the ground. With sixe men, Captaine Martin, would have undertaken it himselfe, leaving the rest to defend the Fort, and plant our Corne: yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, though we were going aboard to set saile. These discontents caused so many doubts to some, and discouragement to others, as our journey ended: yet some of us procured petitions to set us forward, only with hope of our owne confusions.213 Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees and set Corne. Fiftie of our men, we imployed in this service, the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president, and Captaine Martin, [while] 30. dayes the ship lay expecting the triall of certain matters which for some cause I keepe private:214 the next exploit was an Indian, having stolen an Axe, was so pursued by Maister Scrivener, and them next him, as he threw it downe, and flying drew his bow at any that durst incounter him:215 within foure or five dayes after, Maister Scrivener and I, being a litle from the Fort among the Corne, two Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with Terrasigillata, came circling about mee, as though they would have clubed me like a hare: I knew their faining love is towards me, not without a deadly hatred, but to prevent the worst, I calling maister Scrivener retired to the Fort: the Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, asked me for some of their men whom they would beate, and went with me into our Fort, finding one that lay ordinarily with us, only for a spie: they offered to beat him.216 I in perswading them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me, being now foure, for two other arrayed in like manner, came in on the other side the Fort: whereupon I caused to shut the Ports,217 and apprehend them. The
president and Counsell, being presently acquainted, remembring at the first assault, they came in like manner, and never else but against some villanie, concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the event;218 eight more we ceazed at that present. An houre after, came three or foure other strangers, extraordinarily fitted with arrowes, skinnes, and shooting gloves; their jealousie and feare bewrayed their bad intent, as also their suspitious departure.219

The next day came first an Indian, then another, as Embassadors for their men; they desired to speake with me. Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne, to bring home (if not the next day, they should hang). The next newes was, they had taken two of our men, ranging in the woods, which mischiefe no punishment will prevent but hanging, and these they would should redeeme their owne 16. or 18. thus braving us to our doores. We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that afternoone to sally upon them, that they might but know, what we durst to doe, and at night mand220 our Barge, and burnt their Townes, and spoiled, and destroyed, what we could, but they brought our men, and freely delivered them: the president released one, the rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Evening prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare, then caused them to much sorrow,221 which till then scoffed and scorned at what we durst doe. The Counsell concluded that I should terrific them with some torture, to know if I could know their intent. The next day I bound one in hold222 to the maine Mast, and presenting sixe Muskets with match in the cockes,223 forced him to desire life, to answere my demaunds he could not, but one of his Comouodos224 was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I, releasing him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with Muskets, which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would confesse to this execution:225 Maister Scrivener come,226 his discourse was to

this effect, that Paspahegh, the Chickahamanian, Youghtanum, Pamunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack, these Nations were altogether a hunting that tooke me; Paspahegh, and Chicahamanya, had entended to surprise us at worke, to have had our tools: Powhatan, and al his would seeme friends till Captaine Nuports returne, that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack, where with a great feast hee would so enamor227 Captain Nuport and his men, as they should ceaze on him, and the like traps would be laied for the rest.

This trap for our tooles, we suspected228 the chiefe occasion was foure daies before Powhatan had sent the boy he had to us, with many Turkies to Maister Scrivener, and mee, understanding I would go up into his Countries to destroy them, and he doubted229 it the more, in that I so oft practised my men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wives, and children; we sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to Powhatan to seeke stones to make Hatchets, except his men shoot at us, as Paspahegh had told us they would, which if they did shoote but one arrowe, we would destroy them, and least this mischiefe might happen, sent the boy to acquaint him thus much, and request him to send us Weanock,230 one of his subjects for a guide. The boy he returned backe with his Chest, and apparell, which then we had given him, desiring another for him, the cause was, he was practising with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary resort,231 and secret conference from whence they would send him. The boy we keepe, now we would send him many messengers, and presents. The guide we desired he sent us, and withall requested us to returne him either the boy, or some other, but none he could have, and that day these Indians were apprehended, his sonne with others that had loaded232 at our Fort returned, and being out of the Fort, rayled on233 me, to divers of our men, to be enemies to him, and to the Chikamanias. Not long after Weanock that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to have conducted us in another journy, with a false excuse



ss. [l. 19]. "Daughter"; in margin, "[Po]kahuntas," and just below, "Mator/." While the final r is clear, "Matoa" or "Matoaka" is found elsewhere (see Hamor's True Discourse, 59; Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1769, marg.).

returned, and secretly after him, Amocis the Paspaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongst us for a spie, whom the better to avoide suspition presently after they came to beate234 away: these presumptions induced me to take any occasion, not onely to try the honesty of Amocis, the spie, but also the meaning of these cunning trickes of their Emperour of Powhatan; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most confidently pleaded.235

The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of Paspahegh: [...]236 first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh, and Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischiefe, and who they were that tooke me, the names of them that stole our tooles, and swords, and that Powhatan received them, they all agreed: certaine vollies of shot we caused to be discharged, which caused each other to thinke that their fellowes had beene slaine.

Powhatan, understanding we detained certaine Salvages, sent his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old, which not only for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people, but for wit, and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country:237 this hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of person, but of a subtill wit and crafty understanding. He with a long circumstance told mee how well Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me, a Deere and bread besides for a present: desiring me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly, his litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also: not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate their libertie.

Opechaukanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we

would release two that were his friends, and for a token sent me his shooting Glove and Bracer,238 which the day our men was taken upon, separating himselfe from the rest a long time, intreated to speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred239 me the same: now all of them having found their peremptorie conditions, but to increase our malice, which they seeing us begin to threaten to destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came amongst us to begge libertie for their men: In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church, and after prayer, gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers kindnesse in sending her: after having well fed them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes, arrowes, or what else they had, and with much content, sent them packing: Pocahuntas also we requited, with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them. The next day we had suspition of some other practise for an Ambuscado, but perfectly wee could not discover it; two daies after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering Minerall stone 240 and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance, like unto Rockes. With some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and the Indean to conduct me: but suspecting this some tricke to delude us for to get some Copper of us, or with some ambuscado to betray us, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on our way, led him ashore, where abusing us from place to place, and so seeking either to have drawne us with him into the woods, or to have given us the slippe: I shewed him Copper, which I promised to have given him if he had performed his promise, but for his scoffing and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with a Rope, and his bowes and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst, and so let him goe.241

In all this time, our men being all or the most part well

recovered, and we not willing to trifle away more time then necessitie enforced us unto, we thought good for the better content of the adventurers in some reasonable sort to fraight home Maister Nelson with Cedar wood, about which, our men going with willing minds, was in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England; wee now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free from mutinies, in love one with another, and as we hope in a continuall peace with the Indians, where we doubt not but by Gods gracious assistance, and the adventurers willing minds and speedie furtherance to so honorable an action in after times, to see our Nation to enjoy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant for habitation, but also very profitable for comerce in generall, no doubt pleasing to almightie God, honourable to our gracious Soveraigne, and commodious generally to the whole Kingdome.242


1. Inserted as sig. ¶ 1-2, a single leaf, between sig. A2v and A3r, apparently after the book was in print. What follows bears out the haste and confusion attending the publication of Smith's account.

2. Fair, unbiased.

3. I.e., "having inadvertently spoken another player's lines"; a hint that "I. H." had connections in the theatre.

4. Dreading, fearing.

5. Authors not uncommonly went to the printing houses to read proof.

6. Region.

7. Consensus.

8. Often merely "with."

9. Councillors, counselors.

10. Opinions, private designs.

11. Very likely John Healey (see the Biographical Directory). Charles Deane dismissed the importance of "I. H." and his address somewhat briefly, without attempting to identify him (Charles Deane, ed., A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith [Boston, 1866]). Worthington Chauncey Ford, however, suggested Healey as the author (Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, LVIII [1924-1925], 245-247). More recently Mr. Giles de la Mare, a London editor, independently reached the same conclusion (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 168n; and further personal communications, 1974-1975).

12. Modern Virginia.

13. Wording possibly supplied by "I. H."

14. The Downs was a protected rendezvous for ships off the east coast of Kent near Deal, where the fleet anchored Jan. 5, 1607, and suffered "great storms" (George Percy's "Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).

15. Gran Canaria Island is probably meant. Capt. Christopher Newport, admiral in command, had watered there Apr. 6-9, 1590, on his first West Indian voyage (David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV (London, 1955)], II, 600), and Smith himself had probably visited the island (see the True Travels, 39). A sentence or more has been cut here (see n. 16).

16. More cutting is obvious. Purchas states in a marginal note to his extract from Percy's "Discourse" that "the next day [after leaving the Canaries?] Capt. Smith was suspected for a supposed Mutinie, though never no such matter" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).

17. See the Proceedings, 3; and the Generall Historie, 42. Percy supplies further detail (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 135).

18. Deane attempted to clarify the passage but misconstrued Percy's "Discourse" (Smith's Relation, 2n; see n. 16, above). For the name, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 461n, II, 847-848; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 287.

19. I.e., Christopher Newport; see the Biographical Directory.

20. Cf. Percy's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 133-134). Deane hazarded a guess as to the identity of the Indians (Smith's Relation, 3n). Arber mistakenly explained "aboard" (on board the ship) as "on land" (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 5).

21. For Gabriel Archer, see the Biographical Directory. According to Smith, Morton was an "expert Sea-man" with Sir Thomas Roe in South America (1610-1611) and later on "with command in the East Indies" (True Travels, 49). He is otherwise obscure.

22. A large cut, ignored by Deane, seems to have been made here, relating to Smith's exclusion from the council and the events between Sun. night, Apr. 26, and Wed., May 13, 1607. See Percy's "Discourse" for details (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 134-138).

23. "Edm." in the original.

24. See Percy's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 138); and Charles E. Hatch, Jr., "Archer's Hope and the Glebe," VMHB, LXV (1957), 467-484. Deane summarizes Percy's "Discourse" in his notes (Smith's Relation, 4n).

25. "Thursday the xxith of May [1606]," according to Archer (Barbour, James- town Voyages, I, 81). Deane calls attention to Smith's slip (Smith's Relation, 5n). For the details of this exploration, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 80-98.

26. I.e., "treating, dealing with"; common in Smith.

27. Gewgaws made of glass.

28. "Arsatecke" was a persistent alternative to "Arrohattoc." Smith's account here seems to be based on early, uncorrected notes; the "Relatyon" commonly attributed to Archer and sent to England in 1607 is better (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 84-89). The facts are that the werowance of Arrohattoc entertained Newport's party. Then the werowance of Powhatan village came downstream to see who they were. The latter werowance was the son of Great Powhatan, the "emperor," whom Smith first saw seven months later (see sig. C1v, below).

29. Misread and printed as "within an ile"; not noted at the time. As in many cases, the misprint was ignored by Deane (Smith's Relation, 7). From the foot of the falls today it is 0.75 mi. to the mouth of Gillie Creek, just inside the southern city limits of Richmond. Powhatan village was probably on the high ground just N or S of this creek (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 297; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 468, 474- 475).

30. "Freshets."

31. May 24, 1607.

32. The "Relatyon" attributed to Archer specifies that Captain Newport "sett up a Crosse with this inscriptyon Jacobus Rex. 1607. and his owne name belowe" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 88). Deane's notes are similar to these.

33. I.e., "acknowledged his pleasure or satisfaction (at)."

34. I.e., "latitude." Below, the colonists' visit to the queen of Appamatuck is described in Archer's "Relatyon" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 91-92), also referred to by Deane. "Agamatock" was probably a misreading of the handwritten "Appamatuck"; the "p" could easily have been confused with a "g." "Appomattoc" is a post-17th-century spelling.

35. For further details, see ibid., 92. This location was most likely a mile or so upstream from the E end of Eppes Island (ibid., II, 466). Deane's note on the site was written a century before serious investigation began.

36. The Weanock tribe occupied both sides of the James River below modern Hopewell (see Ben C. McCary, Indians in Seventeenth-Century Virginia, Jamestown 350th Anniversary Historical Booklet No. 18 [Williamsburg, Va., 1957], 7; Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301; and n. f to facsimile).

37. Perhaps modern Weyanoke Point (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 466), as intimated in Deane, Smith's Relation, 8n.

38. Animosity.

39. Servant, attendant; his name was Nauiraus, or Navirans (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 84-90).

40. I.e., "much ado, many formalities."

41. Archer's "Relatyon" says "above 200. of them" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 95). However, neither he nor Smith was there. The Englishmen could not have numbered over 120, including the sailors. The werowance of Paspahegh, within whose hunting grounds the English had unknowingly settled, was always inimical to the colonists (cf. sig. E1r, below; and n. qq to facsimile). He of Tappahanocke (later more correctly called Quiyoughcohanock), however, was always friendly (see sig. B1r, below; and n. k to facsimile).

42. Large guns; cf. the Accidence, 24.

43. Casks or boxes for stacking guns.

44. "Palisadoed," Smith's characteristic use of a Spanish form in preference to French (cf. modern English "palisade"). Wingfield, and perhaps Newport, had been reluctant to fortify Jamestown on the basis of the "Instructions" they had (see the Proceedings, 4; and the Generall Historie, 42; the "Instructions" are in Barbour, James- town Voyages, I, 34-44).

45. Another Spanish form in place of French.

46. A considerable cut seems to have been made here (cf. the Proceedings, 5-6; and the Generall Historie, 42-43). "Abroad" means "outside the stockade, the house, the city."

47. Percy adds that Newport left 104 colonists "verie bare and scantie of victualls, furthermore in warres [among themselves] and in danger of the Savages," but with a promise of supplies within 20 weeks (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 143). Note the implied disparagement of Newport, carefully omitted in nearly two pages of notes by Deane that seem intended to slight Smith (Smith's Relations, 10-11).

48. This passage was omitted in both the Proceedings and the Generall Historie. Wingfield independently testified that the Indian came from Opechancanough, not Powhatan, on June 25, not June 21, "with the worde of peace" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 214-215). It is not known which date is correct.

49. Archaic for "conducted, managed"; today we might say "carried out."

50. The sentence seems truncated (cf. Wingfield's "Discourse," in Barbour, James- town Voyages, 1, 213-218).

51. There may have been further meddling here.

52. Bartholomew Gosnold died on Aug. 22, 1607 (Percy's "Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144).

53. Green corn (maize), American "on the cob," was considered unripe by the English. In the concluding clause, the second "when" is correct if "expected" is taken in the archaic sense of "waited to see." Cf. n. 1 of facsimile.

54. Cf. the Proceedings, 10; the Generall Historie, 44; Percy's "Discourse" (in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 143-145); and Wingfield's "Discourse" (ibid., 215). Deane suggests comparison with the condition of "the Pilgrims at Plymouth during the first winter and spring" (Smith's Relation, 13n). See William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620- 1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1952), 77: "of 100 and odd persons, scarce fifty remained."

55. I.e., "in turn." He was the only ship captain present, with Gosnold dead and Newport away.

56. With their harvest ended, the Indians were probably eager to barter food for gewgaws. It should be noted, however, that Halley's comet was brilliant in the night sky from mid-Sept. to mid-Oct. Although no colonist seems to have noticed it, the Indians may well have, and they may have been influenced by the apparition.

57. Something seems to be missing; see n. 58, below.

58. The entire passage is amplified in the Proceedings, 11; and the Generall Historie, 45.

59. The officer in charge of purchase and sale or barter of goods (see the Sea Grammar, 34).

60. Although something seems to be missing here, the account that follows is somewhat more ample than that in the Proceedings, 11; and the Generall Historie, 45.

61. The Generall Historie, 44, also contains a detailed account of the manner in which "God ... altered their conceits," which was credited and reprinted by Samuel Purchas without comment (Pilgrimes, IV, 1707). Deane found this "a very extravagant story ... quite inconsistent with this account, and probably with the truth" (Smith's Relation, 16n). In view of Strachey's sidelights on Powhatan and the Kecoughtan Indians (Historie, 44, 68), the editor sees no basis for Deane's assertion. "Conceits" often meant "fanciful notions, whims." Below, "discover" usually meant "make a reconnaissance of."

62. The "little Ile" was surely Cape Comfort, mentioned in the "Relation" of Francis Magnel, one of Newport's sailors: "This Cape Comfort is an island which is at the entrance of a big river where the English live" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 151- 152, 157n). Percy described the naming of it in his "Discourse" (ibid., 135), but Smith's first reference to the name is in the Proceedings, 40. Here the account appears to have been pruned again.

63. Warrascoyack was near the mouth of modern Pagan River, perhaps opposite Smithfield (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301). The James River is now 4.5 mi. wide here, and Old Point Comfort is about 18 mi. downstream by modern navigable channels.

64. Cf. the Proceedings, 12; and the Generall Historie, 46. It was probably less a matter of supplies than an urge to go home, but the sequence of events is less clear in this account than in the other two, most likely due to cutting.

65. I.e., Powhatan village.

66. "To spoil" here means "plunder, obtain by force." Something again seems to be missing, but in any case this marks the beginning of Smith's calculated policy of living by trade (forced if necessary) and not by combat.

67. Smith could not know that Jamestown was built on Paspahegh hunting grounds (cf. Frank G. Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia, Heye Foundation, Indian Notes and Monographs, I, No. 5 [New York, 1928], 320-321; and John L. Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia, National Park Service, Archeological Research Series, No. 4 [Washington, D.C., 1958], 6). The Paspaheghs resented the white squatters.

68. Tried, attempted.

69. "Only" should be added here (cf. Anas Todkill's remarks in the Proceedings, 25, and the Generall Historie, 54).

70. It was new moon on Nov. 8; since they went along "by moonelight," "9" may be a misprint for "19."

71. A passage seems to be missing.

72. See n. r to facsimile. For further discussion of the Chickahominy River excursions, see Barbour, "Chickahominy Place-Names," Names, XV (1967), 216-227; Jamestown Voyages, II, 477-482; "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 285-302; and Ben C. McCary and Norman F. Barka, "The John Smith and Zuniga Maps in the Light of Recent Archaeological Investigations along the Chickahominy River," Archaeology of Eastern North America, V (1977), 73-86.

73. Again, something seems to be missing.

74. The site has been established beyond reasonable doubt by McCary and Barka, "Archaeological Investigations," Archaeology of Eastern North America, V (1977), 82. It must be one of four late sites within modern Wilcox Neck, across the Chickahominy from Lanexa.

75. Another cut was apparently made here.

76. Misconduct.

77. Announced, made known.

78. See Philip L. Barbour, "Captain George Kendall, Mutineer or Intelligencer?" VMHB, LXX (1962), 297-313.

79. See n. s to facsimile.

80. I.e., "in the end, finally."

81. Decision.

82. According to Wingfield, who was no more reliable about dates than Smith, this was on Thurs., Dec. 10, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226). It is curious that the following eight pages of text were condensed to one page in the Proceedings, 13-14, but reappear in large part in the Generall Historie, 46-49. Deane has a good many notes, without suggesting an explanation (Smith's Relation, 22-43). True, he points out difficulties with the punctuation and offers a lengthy digression on the "Pocahontas incident" without being constructive, but there is little if anything worth repeating here.

83. "Oozy."

84. See n. t to facsimile. McCary and Barka have found evidence of a site corresponding to the one named by Smith ("Archaeological Investigations," Archaeology of Eastern North America, V [1977], 82-83).

85. "Chickahominy" seems to mean "cleared place" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 179n; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 287).

86. The apparent meaning is that the neighborhood of Moysonicke was well populated and that most of the inhabitants were within sight of the "towne" (or "place").

87. The modern dam at Matahunk Neck, c. 6 mi. downstream, has turned the area into swamp and marsh.

88. I.e., "riverbed." The significance of the next sentence, from Smith's point of view, lay in the London Council's instructions: "You must Observe ... Whether the River on which you Plant Doth Spring ... out of Lakes[;] if it be out of any Lake the passage to the Other Sea [the Pacific Ocean] will be the more Easy" (Barbour, James- town Voyages, I, 51).

89. Make the venture, at some hazard.

90. This was a plausible justification for the trip. Three of the colonists were killed. The remainder apparently took the barge back to Jamestown.

91. "Lacke" was a variant spelling of "lake"; common in the 16th and early 17th centuries.

92. Performance, execution of duty.

93. "Encumbered."

94. I.e., "bends, curves." Below, John Robbinson ("Jehu Robinson," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 223) was a "gentleman"; Thomas Emry was a carpenter. The former had accused Wingfield of slander in Sept. and was awarded £100 damages by the same court that had given Smith £200 for a similar reason. This may have led Robbinson to volunteer to go with Smith.

95. Another passage was cut here with the antecedent of "him" omitted. The meaning is, "Supposing that the Indians we had hired had betrayed us, and that my companions had been surprised, I forthwith seized the one with me, and held him at gunpoint to prevent any further surprise" (see the Generall Historie, 46).

96. Aimed, leveled.

97. The French were leaders in pistol making (J. F. Hayward, European Firearms [London, 1955], 10).

98. I.e., "did not try to resist." "Barricado" is another one of Smith's Spanish preferences over French.

99. See n. u to facsimile. This is Smith's first mention of Opechancanough's name (the previous mention of "the King of Pamaunke" [sig. A4v] seems rather to refer to Powhatan, despite Arber [Smith, Works, 8]). Opechancanough was the second in line for the overlordship after Powhatan and was about 60 years old at the time (see the Biographical Directory).

100. "He made known that I was a captain." A captain, tribal chief, or werowance was not put to death if captured (Map of Va., 26; Generall Historie, 33). For "werowance," see n. 135, below.

101. For the compass, Smith seems to have taken a leaf from Thomas Harriot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia ... (London, 1588), which relates how such things were used to mystify the Indians in North Carolina (see Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation [London, 1598-1600], III, 277). Later, Purchas summarized this passage without reference to the True Relation but referred to a MS "courteously communicated" to him by Smith (Pilgrimage [1613], 634). As for Smith's knowledge or understanding of astronomy, at best it was probably rudimentary Copernican.

102. Apparently another cut was made here.

103. The rest of the sentence is missing; the meaning is perhaps, "that Opechancanough and his men were on a deer hunt" (cf. top of sig. E3r).

104. This was the hunting camp "Rasaweack" named below (sig. C1r). Deane, lacking the Smith/Zúñiga map (see n. 122, below), mistakenly imagined that Smith was referring to Orapaks (later Powhatan's residence), regardless of Smith's clear statement that the town was "Rasawrack" (Smith's Relation, 27n, 30n).

105. Italian biscione, "great snake" (Generall Historie, 47: "Bissone"). While there is a reference to a display of this sort called a "bissa" in William Garrard's The Art of Warre ... (London, 1591), 133-136, Smith must have picked up his form of the name during his European soldiering, 1597?-1602.

106. After dining with the Indian captain, Smith was apparently lodged elsewhere.

107. The gown was a cape-like upper garment; the points were strips of leather (or yarn or silk) used in place of buttons; garters kept the long stockings from falling down.

108. See n. v to facsimile; and n. 113, below. A passage about the king's activities may have been cut.

109. I.e., Opechancanough, not Wowinchopunck.

110. Powhatan's "empire."

111. Ocanahonan (Ocanahowan) seems to have been a Mangoak (non-Powhatan) town near the modern Virginia-North Carolina boundary, west of the Chowan River (see Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments," in Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference, 1975, 3-17).

112. The "King's" phrase undoubtedly had reference to the salt springs in the mountains west of the falls, but was misunderstood.

113. Smith used the Indian name for the district where Jamestown was.

114. Apparently a misprint for "incensed," meaning "informed" (cf. Shakespeare's Henry VIII, V, i, 42-45: "I think I have Incensed the lords ... that he is ... a most arch heretic"). The punctuation here makes one suspect cutting (cf. Deane, Smith's Relation, 29n).

115. Hardly the true reason (cf. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 482).

116. Smith's confusion about the relative locations of Powhatan village, Powhatan's residence, and Paspahegh/Jamestown must have puzzled Opechancanough.

117. Printed "Rasawrack" (see n. aa to facsimile); perhaps better spelled "Rasawek"; the probable meaning is "in-between place" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298, where another place with the same name is mentioned, thereby invalidating Deane's surmise in Smith's Relation, 30n).

118. Presumably six score paces, or 600 feet; dueling pistols were only "reliable" at 100 feet, but so were Indian arrows: "Forty yards will they shoot levell [with direct aim]" (Map of Va., 24). Smith did not want the Indians to realize the limitations of his weapons.

119. "Supposed" is used in the obsolete sense of "pretended": e.g., "though I pretended it was an accident."

120. "Discovered" here means "explored." This visit by some European ship about 1605-1606 has been the subject of study and speculation (Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World [Boston, 1970], 6, and David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481-1620 [New York, 1974], 452-454). In any event, the local exoneration of Smith seems to have paved the way for the "Pocahontas episode" that followed in short order at Powhatan's residence (cf. n. 123, below).

121. For the first five names, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, s.vv. "Cuttatawomen," "Moraughtacund," "Toppahanock," "Appomattoc," and "Nantaughtacund." "Topmanahocks" appears to be an error, perhaps due to cutting. The Smith/Hole map shows the country of the Mannahoacks at the top (head) of the Toppahanock River, in the midst of mountains. Deane remarks on the "sad work" of the printer here, as elsewhere, but nowhere does he stress the cutting admitted by "I. H." (Smith's Relation, 32n).

122. Smith's route is shown by a dotted line on the map of Virginia sent from London to Spain by Don Pedro de Zúñiga, Sept. 5/15, 1608, referred to as the Smith/ Zúñiga map (see the Generall Historie, 48; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 238-240). At this point, a passage that comprises all of sig. C3r and the first several lines of sig. C3v seems to have been shifted from here (see n. 141, below), as indicated by "[...]."

123. Here begins the now famous episode involving Pocahontas (who is not yet mentioned), which runs on to the middle of sig. C2v and was greatly modified and augmented in the Generall Historie, 48-49, 121-122. Deane found the two accounts incompatible, and on the basis of this became "responsible for the attack on Smith's veracity" (Arber, Smith, Works, cxviii), which has since spread far and wide, despite rebuttals that began in 1882 (see Deane's notes in Smith's Relation, 33-40). See the recension in the introduction to this book.

124. "Raccoon skins"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun." Below, Charles M. Andrews's note on two passages in Hakluyt and Purchas is pertinent: "It must be remembered that language of this sort was due in part to the inflated style of the day and in part to a desire to make an impression for propagandist purposes" (The Colonial Period of American History [New Haven, Conn., 1934], I, 58n). There is less inflated style in Smith than in most of his propagandist contemporaries.

125. This is the first appearance of the word "savage" for "Indian" in Smith's works. The epithet was common in England before the first Jamestown fleet sailed in 1606. The jerky style of writing here suggests cutting.

126. These statements read as if they were introduced by "I. H." to reassure potential backers of the Virginia venture. The promise of "libertie within foure dayes" more likely came at the end of Powhatan's cross-examination, while the reference to Smith's interview with Opechancanough seems out of place.

127. "Leaky"; a common variant spelling (see the Accidence, 13).

128. During the expedition of May 21-27, Smith had learned that the Monacans were enemies of Powhatan's (see n. 28, above; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 87- 88). On the Monacans, see, inter alia, David I. Bushnell, Jr., The Five Monacan Towns in Virginia, 1607, Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Collections, LXXXII, No. 12 (Washington, D.C., 1930); and R. Westwood Winfree, "Monacan Farm, Powhatan County, Virginia," Archeological Society of Virginia, Quarterly Bulletin, XXVII (1972), 65-93. On the reference to the "backe Sea," see sig. B4v, above. The "childe slaine" was obviously John Robbinson, gentleman (see sig. B4r, above).

129. The phrase, "where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and rockes," seems to be the basis for the annotation at the top of the Smith/Zúñiga map (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 240).

130. The only instance of the name; probably an error for "Atquanachuke" (see the Map of Va., 10; the Proceedings, 39, 45; and the Generall Historie, 25, 61, 68).

131. See the notation at the top right of the Smith/Zúñiga map (n. 129, above); and the references to the Bocootawwonaugh tribe in Strachey, Historie, 35-36, 57, 132.

132. "Moyaoncer" is clearly a mistake for "Moyaonce," while "Pataromerke" is a garbled version of "Patawomecke," a common spelling of modern "Potomac." The only problem is with the former. There were two villages, on opposite sides of the Potomac, usually then spelled "Moyomps" and "Moyaones" (quite possibly the same name), the former of which was under Powhatan's control (at least allied to him), and the latter independent and even inimical (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 292). Smith appears to have meant "Moyomps" here, not "Moyaones."

133. Battle axes; i.e., tomahawks.

134. Although Smith can have understood little, his summary makes sense (see Strachey, Historie, 56-57, for a parallel, with "Anoeg" for Smith's "Anone").

135. See n. 100, above. A "werowance" (here misprinted "Meworames") was a chief, captain, or head of a village, often called a king by the colonists. The name was already familiar, in nine variegated spellings, from Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, III, 255. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46-47.

136. The account is expanded in the Generall Historie, 49, and the squad enlarged to 12. ("Knapsack" was apparently soldier's slang then, imported from the Netherlands.)

137. According to Strachey, it was 15-16 mi. from Werowocomoco on the Pamunkey River to Jamestown (Historie, 57); the "other" river was the James. The sense of the passage that follows is that the Pamunkey (modern York) River extends 20 mi. above Werowocomoco, where it splits into two branches. One branch, the Youghtanund (modern Pamunkey) River, leads through "Goughland" (perhaps the same word, distorted), which is well populated, but above Menapacunt (above modern West Point) it flows between hills and riverine rocks that may contain minerals. The other branch, the Mattapanient (modern Mattaponi) River, is smaller and runs through less hilly, less populated terrain. Note that Smith had seen much of the Youghtanund but had barely glimpsed the Mattapanient.

138. An unctuous, astringent clay from the island of Lemnos, often mentioned by Smith, that was called "sigillata" because it was exported in tablets imprinted with the Ottoman sultan's seal. It was esteemed as a medicine and an antidote.

139. At modern Yorktown the mouth of the river is under 900 yards wide and, due to the terrain, must have been about the same in 1608. Smith's estimate of "halfe a mile" (880 yards) is very close. From that point for 4 mi. upstream, Smith estimated the breadth at "not above a musket shot," which has been sized up today as "the space ... at which a good [musket] marksman can hit a man, which is between 600 and 800 feet" (A. R. Hall, Ballistics in the Seventeenth Century: A Study in the Relations of Science and War with Reference Principally to England [Cambridge, 1952], 53). While it is true that the modern channel is only about 1,100 yards wide, and there are islands and marshes particularly along the left bank that may have been dry land then, Smith's "musket shot" still remains to be explained. Perhaps the range of some small ordnance (2,500 to 3,000 yards) was originally used, which would clarify the apparent discrepancy. Deane has possibly erred more than Smith in his note on the subject (Smith's Relation, 41n).

140. Kiskiack, here misprinted "Kiskirk," has been tentatively identified in an archaeological excavation near Yorktown (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 288).

141. All of sig. C3r and the first five lines of C3v appear to belong after the paragraph ending "... in each valley a cristall spring" (sig. C1v and n. 122, above). The passage was reprinted with minor alterations in Purchas, Pilgrimage, 638 (see Fragments, in Volume III of this edition).

142. Quiyoughcosucks (variously spelled) were petty gods and their priests. The name appears to mean "the just, or upright, ones," though it is impossible to know whether it was extended from the gods to include the priests, or vice versa (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42; and Percy's "Discourse" in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 149-150).

143. Probably a misprint for "navle" (navel), as in the Map of Va., 29, and the Generall Historie, 34, where there are further memoranda on curing the sick.

144. See n. kk to facsimile.

145. The apparently senseless delay is difficult to rationalize. One reason could be that Powhatan had "assured" Smith's liberty "within foure dayes" (editor's italics, see sig. C1v, above). Another could be that Powhatan's spies on the Eastern Shore had already sighted Newport's ship (see below), and for some reason he did not want Smith to reach Jamestown until he was sure that Jamestown was the ship's destination (see Barbour, Pocahontas, 27, which should read "Paspahegh's houses," not "Powhatan's houses").

146. After the execution of Kendall and before Newport's return on Jan. 2, 1608, the local council was composed of President Ratcliffe (with two votes), Martin (with one), and Smith (also with one, but then "in durance vile"). Councillors could be appointed by a majority. With Wingfield deposed, Ratcliffe could appoint Archer by two votes over Martin's opposition.

147. Sc., "from the council"; for fuller accounts, see the Generall Historie, 49, and Wingfield's "Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 227.

148. Newport (here spelled "Nuport") arrived Jan. 2, 1608 (see Francis Perkins's letter in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 159; and Wingfield, ibid., 227).

149. See the Biographical Directory.

150. Both Perkins and Wingfield give Thurs., Jan. 7, as the date of the fire (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 160, 228).

151. The old planters had been deprived of what little ease they had.

152. See n. 124, above.

153. The disjointed sentence hints at a cut.

154. Panawick ("Panawaioc," etc.) appears on Theodore de Bry's map of North Carolina (based on John White's map), but its location is uncertain (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 849, 872). The incident is not mentioned in the Proceedings or the Generall Historie, though there is reference to it in the Smith/Zúñiga map (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 240). Strachey gives further information (Historie, 34). Note that some such phrase as "like me" is missing at the end of the sentence.

155. The mouth of the York ("Pamuncks") River is actually just under 30 mi. NW of Cape Henry; Smith's magnetic compass, however, would have shown a 4° variation west.

156. Suspicious.

157. Crafty.

158. Leather quilted jackets, often plated with iron.

159. As usual, "ooze" (here misprinted "os"). This spelling is the result of an obvious attempt, made in some copies only, to correct a mistaken "ost" for "ose" (see the latter on sig. D2v). Modern Purtan Bay has three creeks, or inlets: Bland, Leigh, and Purtan. Smith apparently mistook the first for the second and had to cross a "dreadful bridge" (sig. D2v, below). Despite the confused text, both the honesty of the guides and the cause of the colonists' anxiety are clear.

160. Transcribed as "Nantaquoud" and "Nantaquaus" in the Generall Historie, 49, 121.

161. I.e., "forked posts." Ottahotin was werowance of Kiskiack (Strachey, Historie, 69).

162. "The Rankes are called Frunts, because they stand foremost" (Gervase Markham, The Soldiers Accidence [London, 1625], 6). Below, "the bridge" was built for nimble-footed Indians, not for maladroit Englishmen in armor.

163. The exchanges of oratory between Powhatan and Smith are after the Classical pattern.

164. Cf. Generall Historie, 49, which mentions "two great gunnes, and a gryndstone." Demiculverins were cannons of about 4.5 in. bore, weighing 4,500 lbs. (Accidence, 34), or 3,400 lbs. (Sea Grammar, 70). This passage is not repeated in the Generall Historie, and the exact meaning of what follows is not clear.

165. A bridge is missing here; perhaps, "He then said (or asked): But where. ..."

166. The sense requires "and I" instead of "who."

167. Despite the colonists' offers to conquer his enemies, Powhatan preferred first to conquer the colonists.

168. Some such phrase as "that it was aground" has been left out here.

169. Again, something seems to be missing.

170. Once more, something seems to be missing; perhaps also at the beginning of the paragraph. Note that Arber wrongly printed "our" for "out" in "take out bowes" (Smith, Works, 26; see also Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 193n).

171. An absurd word for the doors to an Indian house, big as they may have been; literally, "gates."

172. "Auncient" means simply "former, earlier." Cf. the Proceedings, 18; and the Generall Historie, 51-52: "With many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance."

173. Both the Proceedings and the Generall Historie dismiss the evening's events with a few words. The final "him" obviously refers to Newport, whose name is consistently spelled "Nuport" from here to the end.

174. "Trumpeter." The military trumpet of Smith's day was a "natural" one, of limited range, but surely more strident than any sound the most stout-lunged Indian warrior could make. Below, the "basket of Beanes" is omitted in the Proceedings, 19, and the Generall Historie, 52, but Powhatan's return gift of Namontack is added (see the Biographical Directory).

175. Probably referring to paces: 3,000 ft., or more than half a mile.

176. Cf. "politic," sig. C4r and n. 157, above.

177. Something about Powhatan seems to be missing here.

178. Large copper cooking pots used on shipboard; already in use as valuable trade goods in fur-trading coastal areas farther north.

179. Smith "drew him on" to give 3 pecks at least; cf. the Proceedings, 20; and the Generall Historie, 52.

180. There were 30 to 40 men in the party; see the Proceedings, 17-18; and the Generall Historie, 51. Despite some possible exaggeration, this account of the "blew Beades" is plausible.

181. Again, something seems to be missing. The sense is that Newport, seeking a compromise, allowed his men to carry arms, against Powhatan's wishes, but made them stay at the waterside, against Smith's better judgment.

182. The sentence has been truncated, but there is no parallel account elsewhere to hint at what is missing.

183. This mangled sentence merely means that Scrivener and his men made the best of it, "as a savage [would]."

184. Possibly "I. H."'s misreading of "sonne Nantaquaus"; Powhatan had no "seamen," and "Mantiuas" does not occur elsewhere.

185. Variant of "scrupulous"; here "fastidious, finicky."

186. Something seems to be missing from the middle of this passage in two places; but it is evident that Powhatan was not eager to fight the Monacans, although he was willing to offer token aid to the English if they did.

187. Newport had apparently sent overland for more hatchets for trading. Since Powhatan did not want Opechancanough to get any, he resorted to trickery.

188. See n. nn to facsimile.

189. Although an emendation to read "Opechancanough, his wife, ..." seems in order, it is possible that the meaning is "Opechancanough's wife ...," despite the later statement that "he seemed. ..." The brevity and isolation of the paragraph lead the editor not to emend it, but to suggest that some pruning was done.

190. Judging by modern charts, the distance by water was probably half that.

191. See n. pp to facsimile; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40. The dish was the Powhatan counterpart of New England "succotash."

192. This passage seems incomplete, and the incident is not mentioned in the Pro- ceedings, 20, or in the Generall Historie, 52. The "Instructions" of the London Council, however, required that exploring parties should "try if they Can find any mineral" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 51).

193. While the site of Werowocomoco (misspelled in text) has not yet been determined archaeologically, the editor subscribes to the suggested location at Purtan Bay, on the north (left) bank of modern York River, 11-12 mi. downstream from West Point (cf. McCary, Indians in Seventeenth-Century Virginia, 7). On that basis, it would have been about 15 mi. from Cinquaotecke, a distance roughly confirmed by the Smith/Hole map. Deane has disregarded other factors in arguing for 20-plus mi. (Smith's Relation, 59).

194. Namontack; see n. 174, above.

195. According to Wingfield, Newport and party returned to Jamestown Mar. 9 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 228). This passage raises the question of how soon after their return Smith made the note on which this passage was based.

196. Wingfield and Archer went with him (Proceedings, 22; Generall Historie, 53). Deane suggests that the first sentence of the next paragraph should come here (Smith's Relation, 61) and the present editor concurs.

197. For the sequel, see the Proceedings, 23, and the Generall Historie, 54.

198. Something seems to have been cut at the beginning. "Nausamd" in the original is clearly an error for "Nawsamond" (sig. E1r), itself a variant of the usual "Nansemond."

199. "We may testified" is most likely a misprint of "we many testified" (cf. "we two, we three, etc.").

200. There is no explanation of why this first revenge raid on the Indians took place (Smith disapproved of the idea; see the Proceedings, 95-96, and the Generall Historie, 91). The Nansemond River and the tribe of that name were 12 to 16 mi. (20 to 25 km.) W of the site of the encounter of nearly a year before (probably with the Chesapeake Indians; but see Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 454-456). As a matter of fact, however, the whole area was virtually unknown. Robert Tindall had noted "Nattamonge" on his "Draughte" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 105), but John Smith did not explore the region until after June 2, 1608. The present editor wonders if the editor of 1608 did not tamper with the account to vindicate Newport's actions (cf. Smith's letter to the Virginia Company, in the Generall Historie, 70-72).

201. Shallow bays.

202. Smith's guess at the location of Chawwonocke is reasonable (see the pocket map at the end of Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II).

203. Long iron bars with sliding shackles to lock prisoners' ankles to the floor.

204. Now usually "seize on."

205. Garbled as this paragraph is, it is clear from it that the colonists generally were less determined than Smith. As to details, the end of the first sentence means, "they seemed to fight to keep anything they could snatch up, but for what we held in our hands." Then a cut was made, eliminating the antecedent of the masculine third-person pronoun, so that we do not know whose pride or who "offered" to strike Smith.

206. Cf. n. 198, above.

207. To understand this exceptionally bad passage, see the Generall Historie, 53. Briefly put, Nelson had wintered in the West Indies after being driven before a storm, and there had stocked up with food for himself and his men, and for Jamestown. Hatchets, tools, traitors, and deceivers are not mentioned. The trouble is much more than a mere matter of punctuation, as suggested in Deane, Smith's Relation, 64.

208. "These" has curiously been misread as "their" by both Deane (Smith's Relation, 65) and Arber (Smith, Works, 34).

209. "Thickets," dense undergrowth.

210. An overstated version of the London Council's "Instructions"; see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 50-51.

211. Smith's rebuttal, which follows and combines the opinions of others with his own, is badly worded (or edited).

212. "Rendezvous," here meaning "store of provisions"; an unusual use of the word.

213. I.e., "only with the prospect of our own discomfiture."

214. "I keepe private" sounds very much like "I. H." (see sig. ¶1v). Two of the "certain matters" may have been the gold fever (Proceedings, 25, 28; Generall Historie, 54) and Ratcliffe's "palace" (Proceedings, 28, 41; Generall Historie, 55, 66).

215. More time was needed to load and fire a gun than to nock and shoot an arrow.

216. The spy was Amocis (sig. E3r, below); no reason is given for the beating, and the passage has no exact parallel in the Proceedings, 24, or the Generall Historie, 54.

217. Here, "gates"; cf. sig. D1v and n. 171, above.

218. Await the outcome.

219. The meaning is, "Their mistrust and fear betrayed their evil designs, as did their apprehensive departure."

220. "Manned"; purely for the printer's convenience.

221. I.e., "made them grieve or mourn (loudly)." The daily prayers, with the minister in vestments and the colonists in armor, probably terrified the Indians.

222. I.e., "custody." The problems with the Indians were minimized in the Pro- ceedings, 21-24, and the Generall Historie, 54.

223. I.e., the muskets were ready to fire.

224. Macanoe (see sig. E3v, below). "Comouodos" was likely a misreading of Smith's Spanish form "camaradas" -- modern "comrade" had not yet taken definite shape in English.

225. "The action of carrying [a plan] into effect" (OED).

226. "Came" in some copies. The meaning is, "when Maister Scrivener had come, the Indian explained that. ..."

227. Charm.

228. Arber suggests interpolating "[to be]" after "suspected" (Smith, Works, 37).

229. Suspected, feared.

230. Strachey confirms that "Weionock" was a "servant" of Powhatan's (Historie, 56).

231. Frequent or habitual meetings.

232. A misprint or misreading of "loged" or "lodged."

233. Now usually "railed against."

234. Deane reads "beare" (Smith's Relation, 71); the type is damaged, but an enlargement shows "beate."

235. Martin at that time apparently pleaded that Powhatan was "true" -- not false or inimical.

236. Though the text is again mangled, it is clear that Smith and Scrivener repeated Macanoe's confession to other Indians and found that he told the truth.

237. See n. ss to facsimile. This is the first mention of Pocahontas in the True Relation as it was printed, but the casual way in which her name appears on the next page suggests that Smith's original letter had mentioned her before. On Pocahontas, see the Biographical Directory; Barbour, Pocahontas; and the editor's entry in Edward T. James et al., eds., Notable American Women: A Biographical Dictionary (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), III, 78-81.

238. A guard for the wrist. The meaning of what follows seems to be that on the day of the affray (three days before), when some Englishmen were taken, Opechancanough had promised to send the articles to Smith as a gesture of peace.

239. Obsolete spelling of "proffered."

240. The English interest in such stones must have puzzled the Indians, whose sole "gems" were pearls and copper.

241. A passage seems to have been cut at the end of this paragraph. Despite preliminary pruning of one sort or another, the printer (and "I. H."?) found a single blank page remaining in the last gathering to accommodate both the end of the narrative and Smith's peroration. The former seems to have suffered.

242. This final paragraph seems to form a curious conclusion for a letter to a personal friend. Smith may well have written a few encouraging remarks as a close, but it seems entirely possible that "I. H." was primarily responsible for its propagandistic tone. In any event, Smith himself seldom if ever followed the text of the True Relation in his later works.



The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

¶1v.13 somewhat] som:what
¶1v.14 publicke. What] ~ ^ what
¶1v.15-16 nature of] ~ , ~
¶1v.22 excellent] execellent
¶1v.22-23 healthfull] health full
¶2r.3 superstition] susperstition
A3r.12 Canaries] Cauaries
A3r.13 after, we] ~ ^ ~
A3r.25 harme. And] ~ , and
A3v.3 Gosnold. Notwithstanding] ~ , notwithstanding
A3v.9 narrower; the] ~ , ~
A3v.22 us a] ~ in ~
A3v.25 a mile] an ile
A3v.31 have] hane
A4r.2 spangles.] ~ ^
A4r.5 theirs. Hee] ~ , hee
A4r.7 further he] furtherhe
A4r.12 Apamatuck] Agamatock
A4r.21 us. Yet] ~ , yet
A4r.27 with all] with-all (end-of-line hyphen)
A4r.29 it. Had] ~ , had
A4v.2 hurt.] ~ ^
A4v.17 thereby] whereby (in some copies)
A4v.22 plagued] inplagued (in some copies)
A4v.25-26 cause: onely] ~ , ~ (in some copies)
B1r.17 The president] the ~
B1r.26 Kegquouhtan, an] ~ ^ ~
B1r.33 kindenes, I] ~ : ~
B1v.7 them. With] ~ , with
B1v.18 Waraskoyack] waraskoyack
B1v.25 Time] time
B1v.31 her. The] ~ , the
B1v.35 neere. Truck] ~ , truck
B2r.7 trade. But] ~ , but
B2r.15 trading; the] ~ , ~
B2r.19 Weanock] weanock
B2r.31 corne. What] ~ , what
B2r.33 This] this
B2v.3 sorts; a] ~ ^ ~
B2v.13 The next] the ~
B2v.18-19 ordnance. Many] ~ , many
B2v.22 back, so] ~ ^ ~
B2v.28 hanged. But] ~ , but
B2v.29 rescue, when] ~ : ~
B2v.34 Chickahominy] Checka Hamania
B2v.35 Moysenock, Righkahauck] moysenock ^ ~
B2v.36 others. Their] ~ , their
B3r.5 resolved] reolved
B3r.6 This matter] this ~
B3r.12 circuit] cicuit
B3r.16 marsh. More] ~ , more
B3r.19 there, I] ~ ^ ~
B3r.21 under, red] ~ ^ ~
B3r.24 At] at
B3r.25 selfe at] ~ , ~
B3r.31 soyle. This] ~ ^ this
B3r.33 head, but] ~ ^ ~
B3v.9 Indians in] ~ , ~
B3v.10 probabilitie] propabilitie
B3v.12 England] england
B3v.15 Having] having
B3v.19 selves. During] ~ , during
B3v.20 vituals, one] ~ : ~
B3v.24 Indian. But] ~ , but
B3v.25-26 peece; supposing] ~ , ~
B3v.32 French] french
B3v.33 By] by
B3v.35 like; my] ~ , ~
B3v.35 barricado, who] ~ ^ ~
B3v.35 strive. 20] ~ , ~
B4r.4 peace. He] ~ , he
B4r.4-5 Captaine. My] ~ , my
B4r.5 boate; they] ~ , ~
B4r.12 king. I] ~ , ~
B4r.16 plannets. With] ~ , with
B4r.33 order. This] ~ , this
B4v.1 lodging; a] ~ , ~
B4v.5 had; my] ~ , ~
B4v.6 again. Though] ~ , though
B4v.12 The King] the ~
B4v.17 falles was] ~ , ~
B4v.21 unpossible by] ~ , ~
B4v.24-25 returne. Their] ~ , their
B4v.27-28 confirmed. The] ~ ^ the
C1r.1 Youghtanan. Having] ~ , having
C1r.3 Mattapanient;] Mattapament,
C1r.6 Paspahegh. After] ~ , after
C1r.7 Rasaweack] Rasawrack (see n. 117, above)
C1r.13 house; the] ~ , ~
C1r.23 me, with] ~ ^ ~
C1r.33 hee. But] ~ , but
C1v 1 Topahanock seemeth] ~ , ~
C1v.3 Cuttatawomen; upwards] Cuttata women ^ ~
C1v.3-4 Marraughtacum, Tapohanock] Marraugh tacum ^ ~
C1v.4 Nantaugstacum; at] Nantaugs tacum, ~
C1v.5 Mountaines. The] ~ , the
C1v.6 Powhatans] Powhatams
C1v.7 Werowocomoco] Waranacomoco
C1v.9 two, called] ~ ^ ~
C1v.15 At his heade] At heade (in some copies)
C1v.19 shoulders, their] ~ : ~
C1v.24 dayes; hee] ~ , ~
C1v.24-25 Opechancanoughs] Opechan Comoughs
C1v.26 comming; I] ~ , ~
C1v.30 us; we] ~ , ~
C1v.31 water; they] ~ , ~
C1v.31 water; at] ~ , ~
C1v.32 us; our] ~ , ~
C1v.32 Pinnasse] Pinnsse
C2r.2 Boate; I] ~ , ~
C2r.5-6 enemie had done whose] enemie whose (in some copies)
C2r.19 hundred; he] ~ , ~
C2r.26 Seas. The] ~ , the
C2r.26 Ocanahonan he] Ocamahowan. He
C2r.29 Roanoke] Roonock
C2v.6 waters. At] ~ , at
C2v.7 Paspahegh] Paspaliegh
C2v.8 Capahowasicke] Capa Howasicke
C2v.16 northwest and] ~ , ~
C2v.16-17 Weraocomoco is] ~ , ~
C2v.24 Youghtanand] Youghtomam
C2v.25 Menapacunt] Manapacumter
C2v.28 inhabited; somewhat] ~ , ~
C3r.4 after, a] ~ ^ ~
C3r.15 actions; great] ~ , ~
C3r.16 fire. Till] ~ , till
C3r.22-23 worship; a] ~ , ~
C3r.28-29 them. Tobacco] ~ , ~
C3v.11 Archer and] ~ , ~
C3v.11 then, in] ~ ^ ~
C3v.13-14 them for] ~ , ~
C3v.14 slew, insomuch] ~ : ~
C3v.15 me; but] ~ , ~
C3v.25-26 bread, Raugroughcuns] ~ ^ ~
C4r.7 Panawicke, beyond] ~ ^ ~
C4r.7 Roanoke] Roonok
C4r.13 Cape Henrie] Cape Henricke (in some copies). Cf. D4r.16, below, where "Cape Henrie" was misprinted "Captaine Hendrick," and also D4v.21, below, where it is "Cape-hendicke." For a possible reason for the misprints, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 190n.
C4r.16 shore; the] ~ , ~
C4r.17 os. Being] of, being (in some copies "oft, being")
C4r.19 mile; the] ~ , ~
C4r.21 men, conducted] ~ ^ ~
C4r.23 railes. The] ~ , the
C4r.31-32 Indians, seeing] ~ ^ ~
C4r.34 passed. Two] ~ , two
C4v.2 bread; being] ~ , ~
C4v.7-8 Christian; with] ~ , ~
C4v.9 sit. I] ~ , ~
C4v.10 Hatte; as] ~ , ~
C4v.14 Appomattoc] Apamatuc
C4v.20 him; with] ~ , ~
C4v.21 which I] I which
C4v.21 Paspahegh. I] ~ , ~
C4v.24 them; whereat] ~ , ~
C4v.27 you.] ~ ,
D1r.8 a werowanes] A ~
D1r.14 King, rising] ~ ^ ~
D1r.15-16 beare, giving] ~ : ~
D1r.20-21 mee. The] ~ , the
D1r.22 Namontack] Mamontacke
D1v.7 auncient] aunent (end-of-line error)
D1v.11 Beades, and] ~ : ~
D1v.14 him. With] ~ , with
D1v.26 waies. Wherewith,] ~ , wherewith ^
D1v.29 Barge. Experience] ~ , experience
D1v.31 us; but] ~ , ~
D2r.6 corne; with] ~ , ~
D2r.8-9 piece. Hee] ~ , hee
D2r.15 Nuport. Some] ~ , some
D2v.14 me; sixe] ~ , ~
D2v.16 heads. Their] ~ , their
D2v.23 Emperor] Emperors
D2v.24 men; he] ~ , ~
D2v.27 it. This] ~ , this
D2v.30 discourse, causing] ~ ^ ~
D3r.7 Opechankanough, the] ~ . The
D3r.7-8 Pamaunke, should] ~ ^ ~
D3r.10 them. The] ~ , the
D3r.11 him. Only] ~ , only
D3r.15 water; if] ~ , ~
D3r.16 boats. This] ~ , this
D3r.19 mirth. The] ~ , the
D3r.21 him, who] ~ : ~
D3v.1 goe, in that] ~ ^ ~ , ~
D3v.2 stay, sent] ~ : ~
D3v.2-3 answer. Yet] ~ , yet
D3v.4 Cinquoateck, the] ~ ^ ~
D3v.4 towne] twaine
D3v.6 Katatough. To] ~ , to
D3v.13 shore. With] ~ , with
D3v.16 Opechankanough conducted] ~ , ~
D3v.19 us. That] ~ , that
D3v.22 Pansarowmana. The] ~ ^ the
D3v.24 delight; by] ~ , ~
D3v.29 Pinnis. With] ~ , with
D4r.3-4 Cinquaotecke. The] ~ , the
D4r.10 Corne. Our] ~ , our
D4r.12 hand, of which] ~ off, which
D4r.16 Cape Henrie] Captaine Hendrick (see C4r.13, above)
D4r.20 Nansemond] Nausamd
D4r.24 volley] vally
D4r.25 confesse. The] ~ , the
D4r.27 would, as] ~ ^ ~
D4r.28 contented. At] ~ , at
D4r.30 shore; he] ~ , ~
D4v.2 shore. To] ~ , to
D4v.3 accepted] excepted
D4v.7 Fort. This] ~ , this
D4v.10 inhabitants; for] ~ , ~
D4v.16 people. They] ~ , they
D4v.20 Chawwonocke. The] ~ , the
D4v.21 Cape Henrie] Capehendicke (see C4r.13, above)
E1r.1 hands. His] ~ , his
E1r.8 present not] ~ , ~
E1r.13 so submissive] so ~ ~
E1r.15 Nansemond] Nawsemond
E1r.25 testifie, his] ~ ^ ~
E1v.7 was that] ~ , ~
E1v.7 selfe and] ~ , ~
E1v.10 trayning our] ~ , ~
E1v.11 woods. These] ~ , these
E1v.13 force in] ~ : ~
E1v.18 himselfe, as] ~ ^ ~
E1v.19 shippe and] ~ , ~
E1v.21 alleadging that,] ~ , ~ ^
E1v.21-22 profitable and] ~ , ~
E1v.27 The meanes] the ~
E1v.29 Fort. Their] ~ , their
E1v.32 reliefe, for] ~ : ~
E2r.1 rest. If] ~ ; if
E2r.3 share; but] ~ , ~
E2r.4 besides, our] ~ ^ ~
E2r.8 reason to] ~ , ~
E2r.11-12 confusions. Our] ~ , our
E2r.17 Indian, having] ~ ^ ~
E2r.17 Axe, was] ~ ^ ~
E2r.20 Fort among] ~ , ~
E2r.21 Indians] Indiants
E2r.28 him. I] ~ , ~
E2v.3 villanie, concluded] ~ ^ ~
E2v.4 event; eight] ~ , ~
E2v.4 present. An] ~ , an
E2v.4 after, came] ~ ^ ~
E2v.6 gloves; their] ~ , ~
E2v.8 another, as] ~ ^ ~
E2v.9 men; they] ~ , ~
E2v.9 me. Our] ~ , our
E2v.11 hang). The] ~) ^ the
E2v.15 doores. We] ~ , we
E2v.23 doe. The] ~ , the
E2v.23 concluded that] ~ , ~
E2v.24 intent. The] ~ , the
E2v.25 hold to] ~ , ~
E2v.28 I, releasing] ~ ^ ~
E2v.29 first with the rack] ~ ~ thereat (in some copies)
E2v.31 come] came (in some copies)
E3r.2 Kiskiack, these] ~ . These
E3r.3 me; Paspahegh] ~ , ~
E3r.5 friends till] ~ , ~
E3r.10 occasion was] ~ , ~ (in some copies)
E3r.17 Powhatan to] ~ , ~
E3r.21 guide. The] ~ , the
E3r.27 presents. The] ~ , the
E3r.28 him either] ~ , ~
E3r.30 Fort returned] ~ , ~
E3r.32 Chikamanias. Not] ~ , not
E3v.3 suspition presently] ~ , ~
E3v.16 Powhatan, understanding] ~ ^ ~
E3v.16 Salvages, sent] ~ ^ ~
E3v.22 understanding. He] ~ , he
E3v.22 circumstance told] ~ , ~
E3v.23 Powhatan loved] ~ , ~
E3v.25 Deere and] ~ , ~
E3v.25 bread besides] ~ , ~
E3v.31 Opechaukanough sent] ~ , ~
E4r.2 Glove and] ~ , ~
E4r.8 us to] ~ , ~
E4r.8 afternoone, they] ~ ^ ~
E4r.14 Pocahuntas also] ~ , ~
E4r.16 suspition] snspition (inverted "u")
E4r.17 it; two] ~ , ~
E4r.18 after, a] ~ ^ ~
E4r.18 Paspaheyan came] ~ , ~
E4r.20 Rockes. With] ~ , with
E4r.22 us for] ~ , ~
E4r.27 him if] ~ , ~
E4v.3 adventurers in] ~ , ~
E4v.9 minds and] ~ , ~

Hyphenation Record

The following list has been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. It records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

¶1r.6 himselfe] him-selfe
¶1v.20 aswell] as-well
¶1v.29 overthrow] over-throw
A3v.12 strawberries] straw-berries
A4r.33 drie-fats] ~
B1r.13 abroad] a-broad
B4r.9 quagmire] quag-mire
B4r.34 themselves] them-selves
D2v.10 ashore] a-shore
D2v.30 ashore] a-shore
D4r.31- D4v.1 aboard] a-board
E2r.12 husbandmen] husbandmen
E3r 28 withall] with-all

Entry in the Stationers' Register

13 Augusti [1608]

William Welby. John Tappe/ Entred for their copie under the handes of. master. Wilson and Th[e]warden Master Lownes/A booke called A true relation of suche occurrences and accidentes of note as have happened in Virginia synce the first plantinge of that Colonye which is nowe resident in the south parte of Virginia till master Nelsons comminge away from them etc. ..... vid

(Edward Arber, ed., A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D.... [London, 1875-1877], III, 388).


While it is uncertain whether (a) or (b) was the first issue (Worthington Chauncey Ford makes a good case for the latter in Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceed- ings, LVIII [1924-1925], 246), issue (c) was evidently someone's error. Most if not all surviving copies of this issue show attempts to blot out the first three and the last two letters of the word "Coronell," leaving the word "one." The reason for the several issues is clearly stated on sig. ¶Iv. Note that the blank leaf before the title page bears sig. A, missing in B.M. copies.]

A MAP OF VIRGINIA. With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion



Whereas the True Relation (1608) suffered from injudicious editing even before it was printed, Smith's 1612 publication has been subjected only to modern criticism, often in the form of myopic inspection. It is therefore wise that a fresh start be made here.

The original long title, pruned and modernized here for readier understanding, outlines the contents of both parts:

The first part, ordinarily though loosely referred to by the title Map of Virginia, consists of an engraved map and a descriptive text with information on the location of Virginia, and its geography, resources, and inhabitants. A quarto volume of only thirty-nine pages, it is virtually the fountainhead of what is known today of the Indians who inhabited the Chesapeake Bay area at the beginning of the seventeenth century.

Edward Arber was the first to point out that the printing of Smith's "book of travels" at the Oxford University Press was a "most singular fact," since that press usually "produced sermons, theological and learned Works, etc."1 Eleven years later Falconer Madan added that Smith's book and Robert Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy (Oxford, 1621) were two of "the most important works produced at Oxford between 1585 and 1640."2 Although in Burton's case the place of publication is not surprising since he lived and died in Oxford, Smith had no ties there and may never have visited the city (unless it was to revise proofs at Joseph Barnes's printing house). Yet when the course of events is taken into consideration, Arber's "singular fact" may not be so out of the way as it seemed to him. Although the evidence is purely circumstantial, it seems worth presenting.

Smith, disabled by a severe burn, returned to England late in 1609 without yet knowing that the Virginia Company had shown considerable appreciation of his work in Jamestown, and without having yet seen a copy of the new charter, signed only some six months before. He arrived in London, however, at a most inauspicious juncture. The reorganized company, now privately operated by royal license, had suffered a grave mishap at its very inception. For the same ships that took Smith home brought the news that the new governor, Sir Thomas Gates, the admiral, Sir George Somers, and the vice-admiral, Capt. Christopher Newport, were lost at sea on their way to take up their posts in Virginia, with all their letters of authority and other documents. Fortunately, the Council for Virginia had already planned to put a "lord governor and captain-general" over Gates, and thus a relief expedition could be organized with extraordinary speed. Sir Thomas West, third (or twelfth) Baron De La Warr, was appointed to take command, and on April 1, 1610, another fleet was on its way to Virginia.

Clearly, the councillors in London were too busy, and too troubled, to pay much attention to Capt. John Smith. He may have been put off politely, or he may have been merely brushed aside. The result was the same. The months dragged along, and by September 1610, London learned that the colony had been saved; Gates and De La Warr had joined forces in Jamestown, and Gates himself conveyed the tidings. An old friend or two of Smith's came back with Gates, and about the same time Smith found a new "best friend" in the elderly earl of Hertford, Sir Edward Seymour. Finding a "harbour" in his lordship's favor, and encouragement from his Virginia friends, Smith gathered together his notes, sketches, and keepsakes and set about writing a book.

A year passed. With a basic sketch map already in hand, Smith himself pulled together the text for the description of Virginia to go with the map, and with the aid of Richard Pots, clerk of the council in Virginia when Smith was president, he assembled various narratives from which the Proceedings was to be formed. Probably through Rawley Crashaw, a companion who had remained in Virginia, Smith got hold of the Reverend William Crashaw -- for what immediate, specific purpose is not clear -- and the Reverend William Whitaker. One or both of these put Smith in touch with a third preacher, William Symonds, an Oxford man then often to be found in the pulpit at St. Saviour's in Southwark, just across London Bridge from the Royal Exchange and other centers for news gathering. The rough copy for the Proceedings needed editorial advice, and Symonds gladly lent a hand. In this way, Smith's work came to be published in Oxford, and in two parts.

The map was engraved by William Hole, a well-known artist whom Smith apparently engaged sometime in 1611. Since Hole was not a cartographer, Smith supplied him with his own basic sketch map dating back to late 1608 and probably also with "regional" sketch maps of the rivers and other geographical details. In terms of the Latin then current, it can possibly best be said that Smith collegit (brought together, assembled) cards or sketches for Hole to use. To these he apparently added the Indians' verbal or manual descriptions (e.g., drawn with a stick in the sand) of unvisited or insufficiently explored regions. How much, or how little, of this Smith himself drafted is of small importance, especially since he seems never to have laid claim to any special ability in that field. What is significant is that he had the vision to get the map prepared and engraved.

Be that as it may, one chronological detail is important here. On March 12, 1611, Spain's ambassador to James I, Don Alonso de Velasco, sent a large manuscript map of northeast North America to Spain, which, as in the case of the Smith/Zúñiga map, no doubt is that stored in the Archivo General de Simancas, Valladolid, Spain, today. Careful inspection of the Velasco map points to a basic sketch of the Chesapeake Bay area, now lost, from which both the Velasco map and the more detailed one engraved by Hole were derived. Whether or not Smith did any or all of the drafting is not at issue here. Nor are the discrepant details an important matter, since there are valid explanations for these, such as the greatly reduced scale of the Velasco map as against Hole's. The important point is that the Velasco map establishes that the source of the Hole engraving was in existence early in 1611.

Smith's textual "Description of the Country," as distinct from the map, appears to have been inspired basically by Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, which had been completed in 1600 with the publication of Volume III, dealing with America. Hakluyt himself was one of the four patentees for the "Jamestown voyages," as the enterprise may succinctly be termed. His surrogate, the Reverend Robert Hunt, accompanied the original colonists as spiritual adviser. Most important of all, one or more copies of Hakluyt's book were taken along, too. Smith can hardly have failed to have had one handy.3

Thomas Harriot, however, who was "specially imploied" by Ralegh, was even more directly useful to Smith. His book A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (London, 1588) had been available to Smith in Virginia as reprinted by Hakluyt.4 On his return, yet another reprint of the same work proved of great worth: that of the Flemish engraver and publisher Theodore de Bry, illustrated with de Bry's engravings based on John White's original drawings from life (Frankfurt am Main, 1590). Under Smith's guidance, both Hole and, later, Robert Vaughan5 vicariously portrayed the Indians Smith saw around Chesapeake Bay in the likeness of the Indians White saw off Pamlico Sound. But it was Harriot's trained mind that accounted for de Bry, and de Bry inspired Smith's engravers.

As for the general organization of Smith's text, there is some slight reason to believe that he may have read José de Acosta's Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies (Seville, 1590), which had been translated by Edward Grimston (or Grimestone) and published in London in 1604. At least Smith's plan is broadly similar to Acosta's, even if there seems to be no evidence of direct borrowing, and it may be that the Reverend Samuel Purchas, when he got interested in Smith, made his copy available. Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, as we have noted, also gave Smith ideas. But for the rest, it was Smith's Map of Virginia that gave ideas to others.

William Strachey, the ex-secretary of the Jamestown colony, who returned to London late in 1611, was the first to follow in Smith's wake. Although it is remotely possible that Strachey had access to a manuscript copy of the Map of Virginia while in the colony early in that same year, it is certain that he had one soon after he got back home. Careful study of his The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania shows that he incorporated about four-fifths of Smith's work bodily into his own. To this he added about twice as much more that he had collected himself during his fifteen to sixteen months' stay, beginning the year after Smith left Virginia. Strachey's complementary reinforcement of the Map of Virginia should be neither depreciated nor overlooked.6

Meanwhile, Samuel Purchas, B.D., vicar of Eastwood, near Southendon-Sea at the mouth of the Thames, surrounded as he was by seafaring folk, had begun work on a large volume to be called Purchas his Pilgrimage, in which he planned to combine his religious calling with firsthand tales of foreign lands: "Relations," as he put it, "of the world and the religions observed in all ages and places discovered from the creation unto this present."7 The Virginia colony, consequently, could not but interest Purchas, and through his colleagues in divinity in London, such as Crashaw and his associates, he must have heard about Smith and his book, full of the "devilish" procedures of the American "savages" (from the French word sauvages, usually translated in those days as "wild-men"). If, then, Purchas had not already got in touch with Smith, he certainly did when Strachey came back with his harrowing tales.8

So it was that about the time Strachey returned, Purchas and Smith became or had become friends, and the former was able to publish a few extracts from the latter's manuscripts in the Pilgrimage, in 1613, including a fragment or two never printed by Smith himself.9 The following year, Purchas noted in the second edition of the Pilgrimage (1614) that Smith's manuscript had been "since printed at Oxford" (p. 760), and this same notation was repeated in the third edition (1617), and in the 1626 reprint of the last mentioned.

Meanwhile, between 1617 and 1621, Purchas had started work on a new project, the enormous four-volume folio Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, which appeared in 1625 (with an engraved title page dated 1624 in at least one copy). In this magnum opus Purchas found room to reprint the entire text of Smith's Map of Virginia as published in Oxford, with a few minor changes. But before the Pilgrimes appeared on the market, Smith himself had published the Generall Historie of Virginia (1624). In that work he included a reprint of the Map of Virginia as Book II, with minor changes of his own, but he almost rewrote the Proceedings for Book III. In short, inspired by Harriot but working according to his own understanding of what ought to be done, Smith produced a description of Virginia and its inhabitants that has been utilized ever since, with only the most trivial alterations, and to which Strachey's slightly later observations serve as a confirmation and handy complement.

In conclusion, it is worth noting here that the chance survival of a handwritten bill or invoice dated March 30, 1623, shows the importance that the Virginia Company then attached to Smith's work. Among the 115 titles of books sold to the company "at severall times" were:

The student of Smith's writings may find helpful the following table of broad correspondences between the Map of Virginia, Strachey's Historie, Smith's Generall Historie, and Purchas's Pilgrimes, vol. IV; and between the Map and the various editions of Purchas's Pilgrimage.

Map of Va. Strachey Gen. Hist. Pilgrimes
1-10 31-53 21-25 1691-1694
10-15} {25-28 1694-1696
15-18} 117-133 {28-29 1696-1697
18-19} {29 1697
19-29 70-87, 104-111 29-34 1697-1701
29-34 88-103 34-37 1701-1702
34-39 37-39 1703-1704

Map of Va. Pilgrimage
(1613) (1614) (1617) (1626)
1-2 634 760 834-835
9 640-641 767 953-954 842-844
2-19 635 761 836
29-34 639-640 768-769 950-956 839-841

Chronology of Events in Virginia, 1608-1612*

June 2. Smith sent his True Relation to England, and with it probably the Smith/Zúñiga map.
Sept. 10. Smith elected president of the Virginia Council, after virtually completing his geographical and ethnological investigations. Shortly thereafter Captain Newport returned to Virginia with the second supply of colonists and brought a letter from the London Council that berated the colonists for their factiousness and "idle conceits."
c. Dec. 1. Newport left on a return voyage to England, taking along Smith's "rude answer" to the London Council, as well as a "Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them."

Jan. 16. Sometime before this date Newport reached England.
Feb. 18. Robert Johnson's Nova Britannia, a promotional pamphlet inspired by King James's grant of a new charter, was entered for publication.
May 5. Capt. Samuel Argall sent out to test a shorter route to Virginia, under a company commission.
May 23. Second charter signed; Sir Thomas Smythe appointed treasurer. Also in May, the new council issued instructions to Sir Thomas Gates, as governor of Virginia, naming Sir George Somers admiral of Virginia, Capt. John Smith and others to the local council, and assigning Smith to the command of a fort to be built at Cape Comfort.
June 8. Gates's fleet got out to sea from Falmouth.
July 13. Argall arrived in Jamestown, after 69 days at sea (the 1606 voyage had taken 128 days).
July 24. Gates and Somers's flagship caught by a hurricane and driven on the Bermuda reefs.
Aug. 11-18. The surviving ships reached Jamestown. Archer, Ratcliffe, and other old enemies of Smith's stirred up trouble over the new charter (though nobody had a copy of it) but let Smith finish his term as president. Not long after, Smith was incapacitated by a severe burn, and the rebellious clique gained the upper hand. George Percy, youngest brother of the earl of Northumberland, reluctantly agreed to serve as president, apparently even before Sept. 10.
Aug. 18. Henry Hudson, a friend of Smith's, explored Delaware Bay, after picking up from where Smith's explorations had left off (approximately 37° 30' N lat.). From there he sailed N to explore the river now named after him.
Oct. 4. Captain Ratcliffe wrote to Lord Salisbury that Smith "is sent home."
Nov. 9. Sometime before this date, Argall arrived back in England. Meanwhile, in Virginia the "starving time" had set in.
Nov. 27. In Bermuda, Gates and Somers determined to build boats to transport themselves to Virginia.
Nov. 30. Sometime before this date, Smith arrived in England.
Dec. 14. Lord De La Warr, Sir Thomas Smythe, and others entered for publication A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose of the Plantation Begun in Virginia to calm investors concerned over the loss of the flagship and to announce the immediate departure of a relief fleet commanded by De La Warr, now named lord governor and captain general for Virginia.

Feb. 21. The Reverend William Crashaw, a Puritan, preached a farewell sermon before De La Warr, and on Apr. 1 the latter's fleet sailed from the Solent (Isle of Wight).
May 10. Gates set sail from Bermuda for Virginia in two pinnaces built on the island. At about the same time, George Percy undertook for the first time to sail from Jamestown down to Old Point Comfort to see if the colonists there were still alive.
May 21. Gates arrived with his men just in time to meet Percy, who was at Old Point Comfort, and two days later they were all reunited in Jamestown.
June 7. Finding "not past sixtie" colonists alive, out of 500, Gates abandoned Jamestown and put the survivors and his own men aboard three pinnaces. A few miles downstream, however, they met De La Warr, who had entered the bay the day before, and in short order all went back to Jamestown.
June 10. Sunday afternoon. De La Warr came ashore to take formal charge of the colony. Two days later he nominated his council, with William Strachey secretary and recorder.
c. Sept. 1. De La Warr's ships returned to England, bearing Gates, Newport, and others, along with Strachey's account of the Bermuda misadventure, "A True Reportory of the Wracke, and Redemption of Sir Thomas Gates." Important for John Smith was the highly probable return then of Richard Pots, an old Virginia colonist who had apparently acted as clerk of the council when Smith was president, and who was to take an important part in Smith's immediate plans, for the news of the colony's survival could not but give Smith a new purpose in life.
Nov. 8. Sir Thomas Smythe, Richard Martin, secretary of the Virginia Company, and others entered for publication A True Declaration of the Estate of the Colony in Virginia, a vindication based largely on Strachey's "Reportory." It is probable that the publication of this pamphlet was an immediate cause in Smith's completing plans for his own work, since Richard Pots, a knowledgeable acquaintance from Virginia now in England, and probably others, could help.
Nov. 9. Sir George Somers died in Bermuda.
Dec. 14. Richard Martin, secretary of the Virginia Company, apparently assailed by misgivings about Virginia, wrote privately to Strachey asking for an honest report of the colony.

Mar. 12. Don Alonso de Velasco, Spanish ambassador to James I, sent to Philip III a manuscript map of NE North America (hereafter called the "Velasco map"), which was evidently based on various available maps, "plots," or sketches.
Mar. 26. Smith appears to have employed the engraver William Hole shortly after this date.
Mar. 28. De La Warr left Virginia, ill. Sir Thomas Dale had already sailed for Virginia with three ships bearing men, cattle, and supplies.
Nov. 1. The earliest recorded performance of Shakespeare's The Tempest, in which he surely drew on William Strachey's "Reportory."
c. Dec. 18. Shortly before this date Newport returned from Virginia with word of Gates's safe arrival there. Gates thereafter was employed by the East India Company. Argall seems to have replaced Newport in the Virginia service, and John Smith may have regarded this development as a favorable sign for himself. But by then William Hole presumably was at work on Smith's map, and William Crashaw and William Symonds may well have started to help Smith find a printer.

Mar. 12. The third charter, an amplification of the 1609 charter inspired by the knowledge that Bermuda was accessible and habitable and by the fear that Spain might now occupy it, was signed.
May 1. Robert Johnson's The New Life of Virginia was entered for publication. Containing no map, no sound information about the Indians, and no historical details, this appears to have been the type of promotional literature considered most appropriate by Smythe's clique.
Aug. 7. Purchas's Pilgrimage was entered for publication. In it he stated that the Smith/Hole map was in print, but implied that the accompanying text was not.

Mar. 24. Smith's Map of Virginia and Proceedings must have been in print by this date, since the legal year 1612 ended then. This is corroborated in the second edition of Purchas's Pilgrimage, which states in a marginal note that Smith's manuscript was "since printed at Oxford."

* This work was printed in two parts, with twin title pages. The present Introduction deals with the first part only.

1. Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), I, 42.

2. Falconer Madan, Oxford Books: A Bibliography (Oxford, 1895), I, v, 83-85.

3. See the Proceedings, 28-36, with its reference to Ralph Lane's account of 1585-1586, from Richard Hakluyt's The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-1600), III, 255-260. Smith appropriated two Indian words recorded by Lane: "werowances" ("kings," as defined by Lane); and "crenepos" ("their women," as explained by Hakluyt in a marginal note).

4. Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 266-280.

5. See caption to the "Map of Ould Virginia," following the first book of the Generall Historie, in Vol. II.

6. For Strachey's debt to Smith, see S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621 (Charlottesville, Va., 1965).

7. Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), title page.

8. Strachey's letter about the shipwreck on the reefs of Bermuda, "the Ile of Divels," was already known to Hakluyt, from whose estate Purchas finally retrieved it years later.

9. See the Fragments, in Vol. III.

10. Invoice, dated Mar. 30, 1623, found by the editor among the Ferrar Papers, Magdalene College, Cambridge. See David B. Quinn's published version, "A List of Books Purchased for the Virginia Company," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXVII (1969), 347-360.

* The Julian calendar, ten days behind the Gregorian, is retained throughout.


WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTREY, THE Commondities, People, Government and Religion.

Written by Captain SMITH, Sometimes Governour of the Countrey.

WHEREUNTO IS ANNEXED THE proceedings of those Colonies, since their first departure from England, with the discourses, Orations, and relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that befell them in all their Journies and discoveries.

TAKEN FAITHFULLY AS THEY were written out of the writings of

And the relations of divers other diligent observers there present then, and now many of them in England.

By W.S.

AT OXFORD,Printer by Joseph Barnes. 1612.


[See the "Note on the Authors" following the Introduction to the Proceedings for comments on the "diligent observers."

"W. S." refers to William Symonds, D.D., who acted as editor for the Proceedings (see the Biographical Directory; and the Proceedings, 110).

The editor is grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]


Sir Edward Semer Knight, Baron Beauchamp, and Earle of Hartford,1 Lieutenant to his most excellent Majestie, in the Countries of Somerset and Wiltshire, my Honourable good Lord and Maister.2

My Honourable Lord:

If Vertue be the soule of true Nobilitie3 as wise men say, then blessed is your Lordship, that is every way noble, as well in vertue, as birth, and riches. Though riches now, be the chiefest greatnes of the great: when great and little are born, and dye, there is no difference: Vertue onely makes men more then men: Vice, worse then brutes. And those are distinguished by deedes, not words; though both be good, deedes are best, and of all evils, ingratitude the worst. Therfore I beseech you, that not to seeme ungratefull, I may present your Honour with this rude discourse, of a new old subject. It is the best gift I can give to the best friend I have. It is the best service I ever did to serve so good a worke: Wherin having beene discouraged for doing any more, I have writ this little: yet my hands hath been my lands this fifteene yeares in Europ, Asia, Afric,4 or America.

In the harbour of your Lordships favour, I hope I ever shall rest secure, notwithstanding all weathers; lamenting others, that they fall into such miseries, as I foreseeing have foretold, but could not prevent. No more: but dedicating my best abilities to the honour and service of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest.

Your Lordships true and faithfull Servant,

John Smith

1. This printed dedication has been found in two surviving copies of the Map of Va., one of them the earl's own copy, now in the New York Public Library (Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927-1928], 246-247). It is the only firm evidence we have that John Smith was befriended by the earl, whose wife Frances Howard upon the death of the earl married Ludovick Stuart, duke of Richmond and Lennox. John Smith listed the earl as an adventurer for Virginia in the 1620 roll, but this does not seem to be substantiated elsewhere (Generall Historie, 136; and see the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Seymour, Edward").

2. Dialectal form of "master," meaning "employer."

3. Cf. Juvenal, Satire VIII, line 20: "nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus" -- virtue alone is true nobility. Smith's immediate source has not been spotted, but the moralizing that follows is better attributed to the spirit of the times than to any specific printed source.

4. This is the first mention of Smith's travels and adventures between c. 1597 and c. 1604, which are the subject of two-thirds of his True Travels.


Thomas Watson, And John Bingley, Esquiers: P. F. Wisheth all Health and Happinesse.5

As there is nothing more pretious in Man then vertue, so there is nothing worse then hatefull ingratitude. Though it be farre beyond my power, to requite, or deserve, the least of your favours, yet would I not neglect the opportunitie, to expresse my thankefulnesse. Being thus constrained both by dutie and affection, I hope you will pardon me for presenting your Worships with this little Booke; howbeit, it is not mine by Birth, yet it is by Gift, and purchase from the Presse. I esteeme of it as the best gift I can give, and I cannot give it to any, to mee more deare then your selves, and worthie Progenie, Friends, and Well-willers to this noble action, for whose recreation, and true satisfaction, I have occasioned the Impression, which if it give you content, my charge and paines is highly recompenced. So dedicating my best abilities to the exquisite judgement of your right worthie vertues;

I ever rest your Worships true and faithfull servant.

Philip Fote.

5. Thomas Watson was one of the tellers of the Exchequer and may be the same man as the Thomas Watson to whom the authorship of Smith's True Relation had been ascribed. John Bingley was also employed in the Exchequer. Both had been appointed members of the Council for Virginia under the third charter, Mar. 12, 1612. While the revised edition of Pollard and Redgrave's Short-Title Catalogue suggests that this dedication may possibly have been a joke ("as all copies have dedic[ation] To the Hand by T. A[bbay]"), a Philip Fote (or Foote) did get a license to sell clay for making tobacco pipes (see Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith [Boston, 1964], 291, 300, 468).


Least I should wrong any in dedicating this Booke to one: I have concluded it shal be particular to none. I found it only dedicated to a Hand, and to that hand I addresse it. Now for that this businesse is common to the world, this booke may best satisfie the world, because it was penned in the Land it treateth of. If it bee disliked of men, then I would recommend it to women, for being dearely bought, and farre sought, it should be good for Ladies. When all men rejected Christopher Collumbus: that ever renowned Queene Izabell of Spaine, could pawne her Jewels to supply his wants; whom all the wise men (as they thought themselves) of that age contemned. I need not say what was his worthinesse, her noblenesse, and their ignorance, that so scornefully did spit at his wants, seeing the whole world is enriched with his golden fortunes. Cannot this successfull example move the incredulous of this time, to consider, to conceave, and apprehend Virginia, which might be, or breed us a second India? hath not England an Izabell, as well as Spaine, nor yet a Collumbus as well as Genua?6 yes surely it hath, whose desires are no lesse then was worthy Collumbus, their certainties more, their experiences no way wanting, only there wants but an Izabell, so it were not from Spaine.

T. A.7

6. Genua was the Latin name of Genoa (modern Italian, Genova).

7. Evidently the initials of Thomas Abbay, who is listed as a "diligent observer" on the title page of the Proceedings, appears as author of the address "To the Reader" (Pro- ceedings, sig. A2r-v), and is mentioned as a gentleman of the second supply that arrived late in Sept. 1608 (ibid., 52). He is otherwise unidentified.

Because many doe desire to knowe the maner of their language, I have inserted these few words.8

8. The most complete attempt at analysis of all Smith's Indian words and phrases and the meanings he assigns to them is in Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. II, VMHB, LXXX (1972), 21-51. More recently, however, Frank T. Siebert, Jr., has published studies of nearly half of the total, correcting Barbour's work in a few instances ("Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the Dead: The Reconstituted and Historical Phonology of Powhatan," in James M. Crawford, ed., Studies in Southeastern Indian Languages [Athens, Ga., 1975], 285-453, hereafter cited as Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian"). Siebert's work, based on William Strachey's "Short Dictionary" (The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 174-207) rather than on Smith, has the advantage of supplying linguistic details known only to a specialist, but suffers from inadequacy with respect to early modern English handwriting, usage, and colonial history. For this reason, it raises questions regarding the "phonemic representation of the Powhatan form" (Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 305-306) presented there. Beyond Siebert and Barbour there are only scattered references to Smith's transcriptions, principally in two monographs by the late Reverend James A. Geary of The Catholic University of America, "Strachey's Vocabulary of Indian Words Used in Virginia, 1612" (Strachey, Historie, 209-214), and "The Language of the Carolina Algonkian Tribes" (David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 [Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIV-CV (London, 1955)], II, 873-900). For the problems involved, see the facsimile of the Bodleian Library copy of Strachey's "Short Dictionary," in John P. Harrington, "The Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Virginia Indian Language," Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Anthropological Papers, No. 46 (Washington, D.C., 1955), 189-202, with not a few slips; and Philip L. Barbour, "The Function of Comparative Linguistics in the Study of Early Transcriptions of Indian Words," Studies in Linguistics, XXIII (1973), 3-11.

9. More correctly, "ka katorawincs yowo" (see Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 361); the "-cs" may represent the sound "sh" or "ch."

1. Siebert's suggestion of a misprint ("nemarough" for "nematough," ibid., 355) is apparently based solely on Strachey. Whether Strachey's copyist miscopied, or Smith's printer misprinted, cannot be determined.

2. Siebert's analysis needs reworking (ibid., 326); both Smith and Strachey clearly have "r" in the second syllable. The Maryland form "matchcoat" cited by Siebert is apparently not recorded before 1638.

3. Siebert has amplified and partly corrected Barbour here (ibid., 340), adding cognates from Micmac and from his own unpublished notes on Unami; Smith's final "-r" is evidently redundant, though it may represent a breathing sound, or inaudible whistle.

4. Musical pipes; cf. Natick, pupehquon, "an instrument of music." Here, Siebert has apparently been led astray by Strachey's carelessness (ibid., 367-368).

5. While the second element of this word, "-assin," clearly means "stone," Siebert's conjecture that the first element, "matt-," represents a root meaning "uneven, jagged," seems farfetched. Geary's analysis, "mat- means 'red,'" corresponding with Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36, seems sounder semantically (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 897, s.v. "Tapisco").

6. Overlooked by Siebert, though he analyzes Strachey's "osawas, brass" in detail, as a derivative from an element meaning "ore, mineral," plus a root meaning "yellow" (Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 328-329, 409-410).

7. More accurately, "firewood, pieces of wood."

8. Siebert correctly emphasizes the meaning "reed, water weed" for this apparently collective name, which may well have been primary in tidewater Virginia ("Virginia Algonquian," 372).

9. The basic Algonkian element implies "sleeping together" (ibid., 385).

1. A common Algonkian name for the sturgeon, appearing in various forms in Abnaki, Narragansett, Delaware, etc. (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 35).

2. More specifically, "my friend" (cf. Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 342).

3. The first word should probably be divided "casa cunnakack" (cf. "[nu]ssaconnoke," the third day [singular], in Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and the Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference [Ottawa, 1976], 2-17). The last word, an unanalyzed designation, was still applied to the English in North Carolina in 1701, in the form "Tosh shonte" (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46).

Their numbers.4


4. There is a study in depth of the numbers from one to ten in Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 306-309, with extensive analyses.

5. Should read "Paransketassapooeksku." The typesetter misplaced the first "s."

6. Properly "Keshowghes." The word was undoubtedly intended to rhyme with "owes," the "-gh-" representing a breathing sound somewhat as in the German phrase "doch so"; the palatalization of the first sibilant ("sh" for "s"), however, may well have been accidental (indistinct speech or mishearing). Cf. Rawcosowghs, immediately preceding, and see Siebert's analysis ("Virginia Algonquian," 391).

7. Siebert has unfortunately omitted Smith's word, though he lists Strachey's "nepaus[c]he," meaning "sun" (ibid., 392). Although this word seems to have meant "luminary" rather than either "sun" or "moon," a full inquiry into its semantics remains a desideratum.

8. Obviously a miscopy or a misprint of "popanow," meaning "winter" (see p. 16, below).

9. A problem word, not yet analyzed.

1. Perhaps the most puzzling word in Smith or Strachey (see p. 29, n. 4, below).

2. Apparently an Algonkian parallel to the Greek Eumenides, "the Kindly Ones," a euphemism for the Furies. The Quiyoughcosucks were "the Upright Ones" -- including the priests ("affinities") who served them.

3. This reference to Pocahontas has been overlooked by some of Smith's critics. It shows how he thought of her before her arrival in London in 1616.

Relevant to the foregoing word list and diminutive phrase book, it should be pointed out here that the idea for such a list seems to have been a relatively novel one. Only three or four such "curiosities" have been found by the editor in contemporary or earlier works. It has been postulated, however, that Harriot, after studying the North Carolina Indians at firsthand, "may have gone on to compile a short word-book" for just such later expeditions as the one Smith joined (David B. Quinn, "Thomas Hariot and the Virginia Voyages of 1602," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXVII [1970], 274). A last-minute communication from Professor Quinn, however, states that "Harriot's manuscript on the Indian language was amongst the MSS deposited in Sion College, but was destroyed with part of the library in the fire of London" of 1666 (personal communication to the editor, Jan. 1979). That Smith had such a book in Jamestown seems improbable, but Harriot could have shown it to him later, in London. William Strachey could well have picked up the notion from Smith and expanded it into his "Short Dictionary." The firm facts are that Smith recorded 137 Indian words, with a few errors of transcription or translation, while Strachey's later vocabulary of 16 MS pages listed nearly 600 more, including some duplication, as well as errors similar to Smith's.


[This is a slightly reduced reproduction of a print from the original plate, or first state, of William Hole's map of Virginia, based on sketches supplied by John Smith (the original dimensions were 32.2 x 40.6 cm.). Bibliographers have detected at least ten states of this map, three of which concern the Map of Va. as a book. For the tenth state, see the Generall Historie. The original plate lacks Smith's coat of arms and the dates 1607 (under Powhatan) and 1606 (under the scale). The second state had the two dates, and the third state, Smith's coat of arms.

For the Indian figures, Hole availed himself of the engravings made for Thomas Hariot's A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia ... in Theodore de Bry's edition (Frankfurt am Main, 1590). The "Gyantlike" Sasquesahanough is all but a copy of de Bry's engraving No. III, "A weroan or great Lorde of Virginia," with changes in the coiffure, clothing, and armament, probably suggested by Smith. The inset of Powhatan in state, on the other hand, is a composite picture in which Hole mingled de Bry's No. XVII, "Their manner of pra[y]inge with Rattels abowt t[h]e fyer," with No. XXI, "The[ijr Idol Kiwasa," and No. XXII, "The Tombe of their Werowans or Cheiff Lordes" (see the reprint, with an introduction by Paul Hulton [New York, 1972]).

The compass card at the lower left shows that the map is oriented with N to the right -- purely a matter of convenience. Note that the value of magnetic declination in lower Chesapeake Bay was approximately 4° 2' W in 1608 (letter to the editor, Aug. 31, 1962, from the Chief of the Geophysics Division, Coast and Geodetic Survey, Washington, D.C.). In 1961 it was 6° 45' W (see Coast and Geodetic Survey charts for that year).

In the scale of leagues, Hole used nautical leagues, at 20 to a degree of latitude (see the latitudinal markings just below). This gave 60 nautical miles to one degree of latitude, as opposed to the 69 statute miles (plus 14 rods) measured by Smith's friend Richard Norwood (see E. G. R. Taylor, The Haven-finding Art: A History of Navigation from Odysseus to Captain Cook [New York, 1956], 230; and the Generall Historie, 169n). Although this antique system still gives rise to occasional confusion involving knots and miles per hour, it need not concern readers unduly. Smith was too careless about figures for the difference between a statute mile of 5,280 feet and a nautical mile of c. 6,076 feet to matter.

Attention is called in the footnotes to significant variations between the Smith/Hole map and Smith's text, as well as the other sources that have survived. Additional information about the Indian names can be found in Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. I, VMHB, LXXIX (1971), 280 -- 302.

In the textual apparatus following this edition of the Map of Va., the reader will find three schedules designed to help scholars and laymen alike. Schedule A lists the geographical limits of Smith's explorations, as indicated by the Maltese crosses, showing approximate modern locations. What lay beyond the crosses, as the legend to the map says, was "by relation" of the Indians. Schedule B lists the "Kings howses" (where the chiefs resided) and the "ordinary howses" (villages in all cases) as shown on the map. Schedule C gives the names and locations of peripheral nations or tribes conspicuously shown on the map, but barely known to Smith. In addition, following these three schedules, the editor has added a short specialized bibliography pertinent to the Smith/Hole map.

The editor is grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce this map.]

By Captaine Smith.1

VIRGINIA is a Country in America that lyeth betweene the degrees of 34 and 44 of the north latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean. On the South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia. As for the West thereof, the limits are unknowne. Of all this country wee purpose not to speake, but only of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this countrie doth agree well with English constitutions being once seasoned to the country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not only to have made them sicke, but even to end their daies, etc.2 The latitude.

The sommer is hot as in Spaine; the winter colde as in Fraunce or England. The heat of sommer is in June, Julie, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the proverbe is true that no extreame long continueth.3 The temperature.

In the yeare 1607 was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was founde as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. daies of ill weather, other 14 daies would be as Sommer.

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the aire, I have seldome either seene or || heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gustes with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and South-East as from the Bermudas, fogs and raines. The windes.

Some times there are great droughts other times much raine, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but that all the variety of needfull fruits in Europe may be there in great plenty by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted.

There is but one entraunce by sea into this country and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neare 18. or 20. miles. The cape on the Southside is called Cape Henry in honour of our most noble Prince. The shew of the land there is a white hilly sand like unto the Downes, and along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres. The entrances. Cape Henry.

The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. Within is a country that may have the prerogative4 over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions, were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine,5 most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North and South in which the water floweth neare 200 miles and hath a channell for 140 miles, of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 miles.6 From the head of the Bay at the north, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mounetaines. From which fall || certaine brookes which after come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the Southeast, and so into the west side of the Bay, where the fall7 of every River is within 20 or 15 miles one of an other. Cape Charles. The country.

The mountaines are of diverse natures for at the head of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like milnstones.8 Some of marble, etc. And many peeces of christall we found as throwne downe by water from the mountaines. For in winter these mountaines are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in the narrow valleyes which yet is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doeth manifestly prove the nature of the soile to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata and lemnia,9 Fullers earth marle and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part the earth is a black sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees or abundance of weedes, etc. The mountaines. The soile.

The country is not mountanous nor yet low but such pleasant plaine hils and fertle valleyes, one prettily crossing an other, and watered so conveniently with their sweete brookes and christall springs, as if art it selfe had devised them. By the rivers are many plaine marishes1 containing some 20 some 100 some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there are fewe, but only where the Savages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees and weedes being a plaine wildernes as God first made it. The vallyes. Plaines.

On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. faire and || delightfull navigable rivers, of which wee will nowe proceed to report. The first of those rivers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this river they call Powhatan according to the name of a principall country that lieth upon it. The mouth of this river is neere three miles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neere the land that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanck. This river is navigable 100 miles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to bee expressed.2 It falleth from Rockes farre west in a country inhabited by a nation that they call Monacan. But where it commeth into our discoverie it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, showles, etc. which makes it past navigation any higher.3 Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of smal rundles4 and pleasant springs that disperse themselves for best service, as doe the vaines of a mans body. From the South there fals into this river: First the pleasant river of Apamatuck: next more to the East are the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived 10 weekes upon oisters, then a convenient harbour for fisher boats or smal boats at Kecoughtan, that so conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creeks that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They have also in every of those places some Governour, as their king, which they call Werowances.5 In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English planted in a place by them called James || Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majestie, upon which side are also many places under the Werowances. The river Powhatan. The branches. James Towne.

The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their women and children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes on whose land is seated the English Colony, some 40. miles from the Bay have not past 40. The river called Chickahamania neere 200. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks have 60 fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, 25. The Warraskoyacks 40.6 The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks are able to make 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickhamanians, who are governed by the Priestes and their Assistants or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes.7 In somer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of fowle, especially in the time of frost. There was once taken 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of 2 or three yards long and fewe others. And in 4 or 5 houres with one nette were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient. The severall inhabitants.

Foureteene miles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river Pamaunke,8 which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pa- || maunke, and nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when Captain Smith was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. But now he hath abandoned that, and liveth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the wildernesse; 10 or 12 myles lower, on the South side of this river is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Arrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great kings chiefe alliance and inhabitance. The rest (as they report) his Conquests. River Pamaunke. The inhabitants.

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland, the river is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about some 40 serviceable men. Payankatank River.

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles).1 At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoackes amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we describe. Upon this river on the North side are seated a people called Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the river are the Moraughtacunds, with 80 able men. Beyond them Toppahanock with 100 men. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20 men. On the South, far within the river is Nantaughtacund having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. Toppahanock River. The inhabitants.

The fourth river is called Patawomeke and is 6 or 7 miles in breadth. It is navigable 140 miles,2 and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeelde no lesse plenty and variety of fruit then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. This river is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. Then Patawomeke with 1603 able men. Here doth the river divide it selfe in- || to 3 or 4 convenient rivers; The greatest of the last is called Quiyough treadeth4 north west, but the river it selfe turneth North east and is stil a navigable streame. On the westerne side of this bought5 is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the north of this river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. Some what further Potapaco with 20. In the East part of the bought of the river, is Pamacacack with 60 men, After Moyowances6 with 100. And lastly Nacotchtanke with 80 able men. The river 10 miles above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant vally over-shaddowed in manie places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.7 Patawomek River. The inhabitants.

The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channell is 16 or 18 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls8 of divers kinds of fish more then elsewhere. Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt and Mattapanient. 200 men was the greatest strength that could bee there perceived. But they inhabit togither, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of al other were found the most civill to give intertainement. Pawtuxunt River.

Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red earth or clay resembling bole Armoniack9 the English called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles in breadth, there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from diverse bogges invironed with high mountaines. There is one that commeth du north 3 or 4. daies journy from the head of the Bay and fals from rocks and mountaines, upon this river inhabit a people called Sasquesahanock. They are seated 2 daies higher then was passage for the discoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and had in it but 12 men10 to perform this discovery, wherein they lay above the space of 12 weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having nothing but a little meale or oatmeale and water to feed them; and scarse halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but that by the || Savages and by the plentie of fish they found in all places, they made themselves provision as opportunitie served; yet had they not a marriner or any that had skill to trim their sayles, use their oares, or any businesse belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3, the rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by their Captaines diligence and example, taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such small meanes, I leave to the censure of the Reader to judge by this discourse and the annexed Map.1 But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks, came to the discoverers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring the discoverers as Gods.2 Those are the most strange people of all those Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as it were a great voice in a vault, or cave, as an Eccho. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares heades and skinnes that a mans necke goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the beare fastned to his shoulders behind, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, and at the end of the nose hung a Beares Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard long,3 prettily carved with a Bird, a Beare, a Deare, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out the braines of a man, with bowes, and arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse and conditions. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neere 600 able and mighty men and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from || the Massawomekes their mortall enimies. 5 of their chiefe Werowances came aboard the discoverers and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man that ever we beheld.4 His haire, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crown like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with flints or splinters of stones, in forme like a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These hee wore in a woolves skinne at his backe for his quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described. Bolus River. The head of the Bay. Sasquesa- hanock. The description of a Sasquesahanough.

On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh, and upon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some 7 miles within the river: where they have a Fort very wel pallisadoed and mantelled with the barke of trees. Next to them is Ozinies with 60 men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river of Rapahanock, neere unto which is the river of Kuskarawaock. Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After that is the river of Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the river of Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as king. Tockwhogh River. Rapahanock River. Kuskarawaock River. Wighcocomoco River. Accomack River.

Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search them there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack hath formerly been discovered by Master Heriots and Sir Raph Layne.5 Amongst those people are thus many severall nations of sundry languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesaha- || nocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes.6 Al those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the mountaines and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe, according to their instructions. Chawoneck. The several languages.

Of such things which are naturall in Virginia and how they use them.

Virginia doth afford many excellent vegitables and living Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in lowe Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weedes, by reason of the rancknesse of the ground which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this wood there is 2 or 3 severall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose barke is more white, then the other, is somewhat sweetish, which being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford a sweete oyle, which they keep in goards to annoint their heads and joints. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elme, some black walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are || some neere 3 fadome about at the root very straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a braunch.7 By the dwelling of the Savages are some great Mulbery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groves.8 There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with rats. Why there is little grasse. Woods with their fruits. Elme. Walnuts. Supposed Cypres. Mulberies.

In some parts were found some Chesnuts9 whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy, to their tasts that had tasted them all. Plumbs there are of 3 sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plumbs, but the other which they call Putchamins,1 grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a medler; it is first greene then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe it will drawe a mans mouth awrie, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock. Chesnuts.

They have Cherries and those are much like a Damsen,2 but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries, we see some few Crabs,3 but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but fewe grapes. But by the rivers and Savage habitations where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes wee made neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as good as your French Brittish wine,4 but certainely they would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes,5 they bee fatte, and the juyce thicke. Neither doth the tast so well please when they are made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorne. This they call Chechinquamins6 which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry much like our gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; those they call || Rawcomenes,7 and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner, The walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechin- quamens are dryed to keepe. When they need them they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they cal Pawcohiscora,8 and keepe it for their use. The fruit like medlers they call Putchamins, they cast uppon hurdles on a mat and preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamens boyled 4 houres, they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white populer, and another tree like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleere and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees.9 They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. Cherries. Vines. Chechin- quamens. Rawcomens. How they use their fruits. Walnut milke. Gummes. Cedars. Saxafras trees.

In the watry valleyes groweth a berry which they call Ocought- anamins1 very much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they will eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoume groweth as our bents do in meddows.2 The seede is not much unlike to rie, though much smaller. this they use for a dainty bread buttered with deare suet. Berries. Matoume.

During Somer there are either strawberries which ripen in April; or mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises hurtes; or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks,3 which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a lemond. Many hearbes in the spring time there are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslin,4 Sorrell, etc. Besides many we used whose || names we know not. Strawberries. Hearbs.

The chiefe roote they have for foode is called Tockawhoughe,5 It groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes. In one day a Savage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much of the greatnes and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with oke leaves and ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a colepit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better then poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the sun, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread. Rootes.

They have an other roote which they call wighsacan:6 as th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones,7 is a small roote that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing their joints, painting their heads and garments. They account it very pretious and of much worth. Musquaspenne8 is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying it will wither almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mattes, Targets and such like. Wighsacan a Root. Pocones a small Roote. Musquaspenne, a Root.

There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage,9 and divers other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and medicinable. Pellitory. Sasafrage.

In the low Marishes growe plots of Onyons containing an acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small not past the bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe. Onyons. Their chiefe beasts are Deare.

Of beastes the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, ther are many, but amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun,1 much like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels some are neare as greate as || our smallest sort of wilde rabbits, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray. Aroughcun. Squirrels.

A small beast they have, they call Assapanick2 but we call them flying squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of their skins that they have bin seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom3 hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignes of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein shee lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. Mussascus,4 is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strongly of muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies, and few of them to be found. Assapanick a Squirrel flying. Opassom. Mussascus.

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as an ordinary water dogge, but his legges exceeding short. His fore feete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare without haire, which to eate the Savages esteeme a great delicate. They have many Otters which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skinnes great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feede when they catch them. Beares. The Beaver. Otters.

There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes5 in the forme of a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of that country are like their Wolves, and cannot barke but howle, and their wolves not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, weessels and Minkes we know they have, because we have seen many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is strange that we could never perceive their vermine6 destroy our hennes, Egges nor Chickens nor do any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents anie waie pernitious, where in the South parts of America they are alwaies dangerous and often deadly. Vetchunquoyes. Foxes. Dogges. Martins. Polcats. Weesels and Minkes.

Of birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of diverse sorts, as our Falconers called them, Spa- || rowhawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all pray most upon fish. Partridges there are little bigger then our Quailes, wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame.7 There are woosels or blackbirds with red shoulders, thrushes and diverse sorts of small birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a wrenne, but few in Sommer. In winter there are great plenty of Swans, Craynes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds to us unknowne by name. But in sommer not any or a very few to be seene. Birds.

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingraies, whose tailes are very dangerous.8 Brettes,9 mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of 3 sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises,1 Oysters, Cocles and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a smal one so like the picture of St. George his Dragon,2 as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Todefish3 which will swell till it be like to brust, when it commeth into the aire. Fish.

Concerning the entrailes of the earth little can be saide for certainty. There wanted good Refiners, for these that tooke upon them to have skill this way, tooke up the washings from the mounetaines and some moskered4 shining stones and spangles which the waters brought down, flattering themselves in their own vaine conceits to have bin supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their arts and judgements expected. Only this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford mines very rich of diverse natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeve there are other mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the mine from spare.5 The Rocks.

1. For a summary of the use made of this work in later books by Smith, Purchas, and Strachey, see the editor's Introduction, above. In l. 2, below, Smith has made the error of listing the N latitude of "Virginia" as 44° rather than 45°. See the Generall Historie, 21 and 203n.

2. A missing passage, indicated by "etc.," can be conjecturally restored from Strachey, Historie, 37-38: "... yet have they recovered againe by very smale meanes, without helpe of fresh dyett, or comfort of wholsome Phisique, there being at the first but fewe phisique Helpes, or skilfull surgeons, who knew how to applie the right Medecyne in a new Country or to search the quality and constitution of the Patient and his distemper, or that knew how to counsell, when to lett blood or not, or in necessity to use a Launce in that office at all." This lends support to the suggested possibility that Strachey had a manuscript copy of Smith's work before he left Virginia (see the Introduction, above).

3. This proverb appears as "No extreame will hold long," in Nicholas Breton, Crossing of Proverbs: The Second Part (London, 1616), repr. in Alexander B. Grosart, ed., The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton (n.p., 1879), 6.

4. Eminence, superiority.

5. Open, clear of woods.

6. The estimates are approximately accurate.

7. I.e., "outlet, mouth"; now obsolete. Smith obviously was not referring to the falls of the James River, or the rapids of the Appomattox River, and so on.

8. "Millstones"; this then archaic spelling was corrected in the Generall Historie, 22.

9. Properly bole armeniac, an astringent red clay brought from Armenia and used as an antidote and styptic, often along with terra sigillata. The latter, also an astringent (see the True Relation, sig. C2v and C2vn), came from the island of Lemnos, and so was called also "terra lemnia"; thus, the passage should read "or lemnia." George Sandys, resident treasurer at Jamestown, 1621-1625, explained that when Jove threw Vulcan down from Olympus, he landed on Lemnos, "the earth in that place thereupon receiving those excellent vertues of curing of wounds, stopping of fluxes, expulsing poysons, etc., [is] now called Terra Sigillata," which is there gathered and sealed (sigillata) (A Relation of a Journey Begun Anno Domini 1610 [London, 1673 (orig. publ. 1615)], 18).

1. In Smith's day, a variant of "marsh"; perhaps dialectal.

2. The mouth of the Powhatan (now James) River is about three mi. wide. A saker was a cannon smaller than a demiculverin with a range of half a mi. point-blank (cf. the Accidence, 34). From the mouth to the falls by the old channel is about 113 mi. (exaggerated to 150 mi. in the Generall Historie, 22).

3. Cf. the fuller description in Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia (London, 1724), 133-134, modern edition by Richard L. Morton (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1956), 143. There seems to have been no awareness of the fall line in Smith's day.

4. Small streams, rivulets.

5. This word (variously spelled) for "king, chieftain, captain" was first recorded by Ralph Lane in 1585-1586 in the territory of the Chesepians, 15 mi. inland from the bottom of Chesapeake Bay and E of whatever tribe then occupied the Nansemond River region.

6. The Warraskoyacks were carelessly omitted in the Generall Historie, 23.

7. Later anglicized as "cockarouse"; cf. the Generall Historie, 38; and Robert Beverley, The History and Present State of Virginia, ed. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1947), 226.

8. From Jamestown on the James to Kiskiack on the Pamaunk (Yorktown on the York) was close to 14 mi. by Indian trails. The York River is navigable today for a good 65 mi., with three-ft. depths for another 25 mi. It should be noted here that "Pamaunke" can easily be read as "Pamavuke" in the handwriting of the period: e.g., "Pamaunke" was printed "Pamavuke" at the end of this page and overleaf (corrected in this edition; see the Textual Annotation). The river is mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C2v.

1. The head of navigation at modern Fredericksburg is about 112 mi. from the mouth.

2. The distance from the Great Falls, just above Washington, D.C., to the mouth of the Potomac can be little more than 100 mi. For some reason, Samuel Purchas changed the figure to 120 mi. in Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 635. Possibly the 140 mi. is a misprint.

3. Increased to "more then 200" in the Generall Historie, 23.

4. Error for "trendeth"? "Trending" in the Generall Historie, 23.

5. Bend, curve; a parallel form to "bight."

6. For the confusion regarding this name, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 292. Nacotchtanke is modern Anacostia, Maryland.

7. For further description, see the Generall Historie, 58.

8. "Skuls" was a frequent spelling of "schools (shoals)" of fish.

9. See p. 3n, above. The following passage is somewhat altered in the Generall Historie, 24.

10. Smith refers here to his second voyage (Proceedings, 36); on the first he had 14 men (ibid., 28-29). "Toons" is, of course, "tons."

1. The Smith/Hole map, already in print when these pages were in the press, appears at the beginning of this book.

2. The Sasquesahanocks spoke an Iroquoian language and lived on the Susquehanna River in what is now southeast Pennsylvania. Note that it was not uncommon for isolated peoples not in contact with the Old World to take Europeans for gods -- e.g., in Mexico (cited in José de Acosta, Naturall and Morall Historie, ed. Clements R. Markham [Hakluyt Soc., 1st Ser., LX-LXI (London, 1880)], II, 514-516) and in the Pacific (mentioned in Olivier Leroy, La Raison Primitive [Paris, 1927], 221-224).

3. An 11-in. clay pipe has been unearthed at a Susquehannock site in Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania (Donald A. Cadzow, Archaeological Studies of the Susquehannock Indians of Pennsylvania [Harrisburg, Pa., 1936], 77-79). As for Smith's "3 quarters of a yard long," cf. n., following.

4. Despite conclusions reached by Francis Jennings in his "Glory, Death, and Transfiguration: The Susquehanna Indians in the Seventeenth Century," American Philosophical Society, Proceedings, CXII (1968), 15-53, the observations of many early explorers indicate that the North American Indians generally were substantially taller than Europeans. To men of the stature of Drake, John Smith, and even Jacques Le Moyne, a naked Indian over six ft. tall was a giant. There may be some exaggeration, but after all, Smith is trying to show the Indian's unusually great size.

5. See the Proceedings, 57, for the details. Note that this passage in the Generall Historie, 25, substitutes Master John White for Ralegh and omits the rest of the sentence. Ralegh had been beheaded virtually by command of King James in 1618.

6. See Schedules A-C, at the end of the Textual Annotation.

7. On the Virginia and Carolina trees, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 351, 354, 365, and nn.

8. The red mulberry grows wild in this area, but it is said that the Chinese white mulberry is needed for silk culture.

9. Smith is probably referring to the dwarf chestnut, called the chinquapin (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 33, s.v. "chechinquamins"; and Oliver Perry Medsger, Edible Wild Plants [New York, 1967], 108-111).

1. Now called persimmons (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42; and Medsger, Plants, 77-79).

2. Probably the wild black cherry, smaller but more or less the color of the damson plum.

3. Crab apples.

4. "British" was occasionally used for "Breton, from Brittany." Smith had visited Brittany late in 1600 (True Travels, 4), and may have drunk a vin du pays, but the comparison is more likely with muscadet or gros plant brought in from Nantes (see Roger Dion, Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France ... [Paris, 1959], 420, 429, 451).

5. Possibly the southern fox grape (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37; and Medsger, Plants, 57-58).

6. See n. 9, above; and compare Harriot's "Sapúmmener" (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 354, II, 895).

7. Possibly the prickly wild gooseberry (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42-43; and Medsger, Plants, 17-19).

8. Properly "pawcohiccora" (Generall Historie, 26; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40). The hickory tree is named for this drink.

9. "Saxifrage" and "sassafras" were almost inextricably confused before Smith's day. The one was a European herb, known to Pliny, with leaves that were reputed to cure stones in the bladder. The other, discovered (and named) in Florida by the Spaniards, was a small tree, whose root had "power to comfort the liver," as the herbalist John Gerard (1545-1612) put it. The Carolina Algonkian name for sassafras was "winauk" (variously spelled), which may or may not be the same as the name of the Weanock tribe and village on the James River (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 329n, which credits the French with the discovery of the plant and the Spaniards with the discovery of its reputed value in treating syphilis; Medsger, Plants, 205-207, for its true value; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301, for the Indian tribe).

1. Possibly chokecherries (see Medsger, Plants, 49-51; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39).

2. Possibly the large cane grass that forms the Virginia canebrakes (Medsger, Plants, 129). "Bent" is an English name for reedy or rush-like grass. On "mattoume," see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.

3. "Raspises" was the common name for "raspberries" in Smith's day. Similarly, "hurts" were "hurtleberries" (whortleberries), which became "huckleberries" in the American colonies. "Maracocks" were the lemonlike fruit of the passion vine, the name of which was corrupted into "maypop" about 1850, but its origin is uncertain (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36).

4. "Purslane"; not to be confused with parsley.

5. "Tuckahoe," green arrow arum (Medsger, Plants, 196; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44-45).

6. This medicinal root has been identified as milkweed, Asclepias syriaca (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 444-446, II, 900). See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 47. There is a drawing of the young shoots and buds in Lena C. Artz, "Native Plants Used by the North American Indians," Archeological Society of Virginia, Quarterly Bulletin, XXIX (1974-1975), 88.

7. Later spelled "puccoon"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41; and Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30 (Washington, D.C., 1907, 1910), Pt. II, 315. These roots seem to have been used primarily as a balm and secondarily as a cosmetic. Purchas condensed the passage in a marginal note in his Pilgrimage, 640.

8. "Bloodroot," a dye; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.

9. See 12n, above, on "Sasafrage." Pellitory of Spain (pyrethrum), native to Barbary, was used as a medicine and toothache remedy. See Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century (Richmond, Va., 1930), 99-104. Samuel Purchas, in his reprint of this passage, supplies the Latin name of the plant (Parietaria), and adds a marginal note just below calling attention to "certain oxen [bison] found by Captaine Argall" early in 1613 (Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1695, 1765).

1. "Raccoon"; see the True Relation, sig. C1vn; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun."

2. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32. For King James's interest in flying squirrels, see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), II, 288.

3. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39; and Carl G. Hartman, Possums (Austin, Tex., 1952). Georg Friederici has further references in his Amerikan- istisches Wörterbuch ... (Hamburg, 1960), 459-460.

4. "Muskrat" or "musquash" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 38), possibly the same as Harriot's "maquówoc" (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 355- 356, II, 890; also cf. "sacquenúckot," ibid., II, 896).

5. Surely for "Uetchunquoyes," pronounced "wetch-" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 45).

6. Vermin were objectionable or noxious animals in general.

7. Turkeys were domesticated in Mexico before the conquest, brought to Europe by 1530, and known in England by 1541. Thomas Tusser, agricultural writer, poet, and musician (who died in debtor's prison in 1580), testified that they played a part in "Christmas husbandlie fare" in his day (Five Hundreth Pointes of Good Husbandrie ... [London, 1573], sig. H3v). Below, "woosel" is a variant of "ouzel."

8. For Smith's own encounter with a stingray, see the Proceedings, 34; and the Generall Historie, 27-28, 59.

9. "Bret[te]" was the Lincolnshire name for the turbot.

1. "Crayfish"; modern French écrevisse. "Shades" is possibly a unique variant of "shad" (plural).

2. Probably the sea robin; see John C. Pearson, "The Fish and Fisheries of Colonial Virginia," WMQ, 2d Ser., XXII (1942), 215, which contains an ichthyological discussion of Smith's entire list, including the scientific nomenclature for many of the species named.

3. "Toadfish," puffer; below, "brust" is an obsolete form of "burst."

4. I.e., "crumbling"; Lincolnshire and Yorkshire dialect.

5. "Spar"; the meaning of the phrase is, "that knew the ore from the rock in which it is found" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 350n).

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how they use them.

They divide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their winter some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock.6 From September untill the midst of November are the chiefe Feasts and sacrifice. Then have they plenty of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beastes exceeding fat. How they divide the yeare.

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne,7 for the country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then do they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood, they beat up the woodes by the rootes, and in that moulde they plant their corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines of wheate, and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one from another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne midle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard.8 How they prepare the ground.

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for June in October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some 3, seldome any 4, many but one and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being green hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a suger Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as wee gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they cal Assentamens,9 which are the same they cal in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes cal Garnanses,1 but these they much esteeme for dainties. How they plant.

Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of wood with a Polt,2 lappe it in rowles in the leaves of their corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena.3 Their old wheat they first steep a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They use a small basket for their Temmes,4 then pound againe the grout,5 and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receave the flower6 in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme with burning and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes covering them with ashes till they bee baked, and then washing them in faire water they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap.7 The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the branne they boile 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call Ustatahamen.8 But some more thrifty then cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder which they call Pungnough,9 mingling that in their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or broyle it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, til it be as drie as their jerkin beefe1 in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as commonly as the meat. How they use their corne. How they use their fish and flesh.

In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons,2 and a fruit like unto a muske millen, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks.3 These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and continue until September. They plant also Maracocks4 a wild fruit like a lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in Sep- || tember and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children;5 neither doth this long suffice them, for neere 3 parts of the yeare, they only observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, etc. Planted fruits.

6. For the names of the seasons, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41-42, 34, 39, 44. Robert Beverley gave "cohonk" as the Indian name for "winter" (ibid., 42), which may explain Smith's "some call" before "Popanow." On the Indian annual economic cycle in general, see John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137 (Washington, D.C., 1946), 255-265.

7. See pp. 18 and 22, below. Apparently the men helped prepare the ground, but the women did the actual planting (Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 710).

8. Often "hop gardens."

9. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32.

1. Chick-peas, called garbanzos in Spanish. This is a significant reference to Smith's experiences in Turkey, narrated in the True Travels, 24-32, and may be the first appearance of the word "garvances" in English print (not noted in the OED, under "calavance"). The unusual spelling "garnanses" must be a printer's error.

2. Pestle or club.

3. The Virginia equivalent of "succotash," a Narragansett Indian word (see the True Relation, sig. D3vn; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).

4. I.e., "sieve"; Lincolnshire and northern English dialect.

5. Coarse meal, peeled grain; what is meant is "hominy grits." Cf. "grouts and peeces," a few lines below.

6. "Flour," originally the "flower" or finest quality of meal. The modern distinction in spelling did not arise until later.

7. "Pone," or "corn pone"; perhaps a misprint of "apone" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32).

8. "Hominy" is a word derived from this (see the True Travels, 43; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46).

9. Probably a misprint for "pungwough" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42).

1. "Jerked beef" was sliced and dried in the sun; from Spanish from Quechua ccharqui, "dried (flesh)." The Caribbean word for the process was barbacóa, whence "barbecue," which was not known in Virginia until later.

2. "Pumpkins."

3. "Gourds"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 35.

4. See p. 12n, above.

5. See pp. 16 and 22, above.

The commodities in Virginia or that may be had by industrie.

The mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance. Under that latitude or climat, here will live any beasts, as horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, etc. as appeared by them that were carried thether. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sortes, for transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and rivers have much marchandable fish and places fit for Salt coats,6 building of ships, making of iron, etc.7 A proofe cattell will live well.

Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receave many thousands, for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, masts, yards, wainscot, Firres, glasse, and such like, also Swethland8 for iron and copper. France in like manner for Wine, Canvas, and Salt, Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons,9 and Sackes. Italy with Silkes, and Velvets consumes our chiefe commodities. Holand maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those florishing kingdomes for the benefit of our land, whenas within one hundred miles all those are to bee had, either ready provided by nature, or else to bee prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Only of Copper wee may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that || both copper and better minerals are there to be had for their labor. Other Countries have it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, a practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore infidels to the true knowledge of God and his holy Gospell. The commodities.

6. Variant spelling for "salt-cotes," salt houses.

7. Although there were two blacksmiths in Jamestown by 1608, the first machinery for "making" iron was not set up until 1619 (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., and Thurlow Gates Gregory, "The First American Blast Furnace, 1619-1622," VMHB, LXX [1962], 259-296).

8. Sweden.

9. Obsolete spelling of "raisins." "Sacks" were white wines from Spain and the Canaries.

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.1

The land is not populous, for the men be fewe; their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 miles of James Towne there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarse 1500.2 To nourish so many together they have yet no means because they make so smal a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill. 6 or 700 have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered themselves to have surprised Captaine Smyth at Pamaunke, having but 15 to withstand the worst of their furie.3 As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknowne, the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sesquesahamocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white.4 Their haire is generally black, but few have any beards. The men weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they use their women, who with 2 shels will grate away the haire, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are inconstant in everie thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, || timerous, quicke of apprehension and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous,5 all Savage. Generally covetous of copper, beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to anger, and so malitious, that they seldome forget an injury: they seldome steale one from another, least their conjurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reveale their offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to bee suspected of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands. Each houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and most live of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are some time covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter are dressed with the haire, but in sommer without. The better sort use large mantels of deare skins not much differing in fashion from the Irish mantels.6 Some imbrodered with white beads, some with copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakednesse but with grasse, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have seen some use mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought and woven with threeds that nothing could bee discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwaies covered about their midles with a skin and very shamefast7 to be seene bare. They adorne themselves most with copper beads and paintings. Their women some have their legs, hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered8 with diverse workes, as beasts, serpentes, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great holes, whereat they hange chaines bracelets or copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a smal greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke often times familiarly would kisse his lips. Others wear a dead Rat9 tied by the tail. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rat- || tell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape1 of a Rapier but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many have the whole skinne of a hawke or some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to powder mixed with oyle, this they hold in somer to preserve them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behould. The numbers. 700 men were the most were seene together when they thoght to have surprised Captaine Smith. A description of the people The barbers. The constitution. The disposition. The possessions. Their attire. Their ornaments.

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our Arbors of small young springs2 bowed and tyed, and so close covered with mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either winde, raine or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire. Their buildings.

Against the fire they lie on little hurdles3 of Reedes covered with a mat borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other against the fire, some covered with mats, some with skins, and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens which are smal plots of ground. Some 20,4 some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse, some times from 2 to 100 of those houses togither, or but a little separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any waie, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder. Their lodgings. Their gardens.

Men women and children have their severall names according to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easilie delivered of childe, yet doe they || love children verie dearly. To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the rivers and by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after a year or two, no weather will hurt them. How they use their children.

The men bestowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the women be verie painefull and the men often idle. The women and children do the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne,5 beare al kind of burdens and such like. The industry of their women.

Their fire they kindle presently6 by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaves, or anie such like drie thing, that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing weares, and feed on fish, Turkies and squirrels. In May and June they plant their fieldes and live most of Acornes, walnuts, and fish. But to mend their diet, some disperse themselves in small companies and live upon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Torteyses, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June, Julie, and August they feed upon the rootes of Tocknough berries,7 fish and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet, even as the deare and wilde beastes they seeme fat and leane, strong and weak. Powhatan their great king and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times. How they strike fire. Their order of diet.

For fishing and hunting and warres they use much their bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 inches long. These they use to shoot at squirrels on trees. An other sort of arrowes they use made of reeds. These are peeced8 with wood, headed with splinters || of christall or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will joint a Deare or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, etc. To make the noch of his arrow hee hath the tooth of a Bever, set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees, His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer,9 of any splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a hart and these they glew to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the tops of Deares hornes boiled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve in cold water. How they make their bowes and arrowes. Their knives.

For their wars also they use Targets10 that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a sworde of wood at their backs, but oftentimes they use for swords the horne of a Deare put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe.1 Some a long stone sharpned at both ends used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by trucking they have plenty of the same forme of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes. Their Targets and Swords.

Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by bowing2 and scratching away the coles with stons and shels till they have made it in forme of a Trough. Some of them are an elne3 deepe, and 40 or 50 foot in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignes. Insteed of oares, they use paddles and sticks with which they will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women use to spin, the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a kind of grasse they call Pemmenaw,4 of these they make a thred very even and readily. This thred serveth for many uses: As about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hookes are either a bone grated as they nock their arrows in the forme of a crooked pinne or fishook or of the splin- || ter of a bone tied to the clift of a litle stick, and with the ende of the line, they tie on the bate. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack5 use staves like unto Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They have also many artificiall weares in which they get abundance of fish. Their boats. How they spin. Their fishookes.

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deare, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Rootes, and Berries. At their huntings they leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the Tartars6 doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth there which they devoure not. It is a marvel they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 daies journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto Arbours covered with mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those quallities, they get their wives. Forty yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the mark, and 120 is their best at Random.7 At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Having found the Deare, they environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the midst. The Deare being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long within that circle that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to drive them into some narrowe point of land; || when they find that advantage and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds by the blood and straine and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges,8 fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found Captaine Smith in the discoverie of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a Bogmire, where he saw those exercises, and gathered these observations. How they hunt.

One Savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eies, eares, and every part as arteficially counterfeited9 as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking he approacheth the Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deare chance to find fault, or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deare, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get him. One Savage hunting alone.

When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have the advice of their Priests and Conjurers, and their Allies and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priestes determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enimies, namely all their westernely Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Russawmeake,1 unto whome the Mouhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanuggs, and other nations pay tributs.2 Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a || people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Outponcas, the Tegoneaes, the Whonkentyaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungas, and diverse others,3 all confederats with the Monacans though many different in language, and be very barbarous living for most part of wild beasts and fruits: Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Savages report inhabit their most mortall enimies, the Massawomekes4 upon a great salt water, which by all likelyhood is either some part of Cannada some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea.5 These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes. The Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with Captaine Smith and his company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. To which he concluded6 to effect, But the counsell then present emulating7 his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him 40 men to be hazarded in those unknowne regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomeks the discoverers encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco pipes, Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with gumme,8 argueth that they are seated upon some great water. Their consultations. Their enimies. Massawo- mekes. Their offer of subjection.

Against all these enimies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and children they put not to death but keepe them Captives.9 They have a method in warre and for our plea- || sures they shewd it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.1

Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could devise. They divided themselves into two Companies, neare a 100 in a company. The one company Called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enimies tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles, So as the Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in 2 daies after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for the Conquerers. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Sarjeant, and in the Reare an officer for leuitenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they use only in warres. Upon the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible shouts and screeches, as though so many infernall helhounds could not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrowes they joined together prettily, charging and retiring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their enimies by the haire of the head, and downe he came that was taken. His enimie with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe moone; they unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes on whome they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans retired, with al speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, took that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each || returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the hight of their quallitie and nature, that the strangenes thereof made it seem very delightfull. Their manner of battell.

For their musicke they use a thicke cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder.2 For their warres they have a great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch them togither till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpions shels. Of these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane and Trible. These mingled with their voices sometimes 20 or 30 togither, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight any man. If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance, they spread a mat as the Turkes3 do a carpet for him to sit upon. Upon an other right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe all with a tunable4 voice of showting bid him welcome. After this doe 2. or more of their chiefest men make an oration, testifying their love. Which they do with such vehemency and so great passions, that they sweate till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry or starke mad. Such victuall as they have, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pacones and oile, to be his bedfellow. Their Musicke. Their entertainment.

Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, fowle, fish, flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is their chiefest riches. Their trade.

Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the juice of a root they call wighsacan,5 and water, whereof they powre6 so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent maner; so that in 3 or 4 daies after they scarce || recover their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure wherof they build a stove in the form of a dovehouse7 with mats, so close that a fewe coales therein covered with a pot, will make the pacient sweate extreamely.8 For swellings also they use smal peeces of touchwood,9 in the forme of cloves, which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root wighsa- can they ordinarily heal greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling or make incision their best instruments are some splinted1 stone. Old ulcers or putrified hurtes are seldome seene cured amongst them. They have many professed Phisitions, who with their charmes and Rattels with an infernall rowt2 of words and actions will seeme to sucke their inwarde griefe from their navels3 or their grieved places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceipted, that they beleeved any Plaister would heale any hurt. Their phisicke. Their chirurgery. Their charmes to cure.

1. Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1697, adds "and their customes" to the subhead.

2. As of this writing, the Indian population figures for Smith's day are under review, but no consensus seems to have been reached as yet.

3. This maximum show of fighting men (probably exaggerated by Smith) only confirms Smith's conviction that the land of Virginia was not populous. England's second city, Norwich, then had twice as many inhabitants as Powhatan's entire "empire."

4. Cf. the "Breif discription of the People" sent to London in 1607: "their skynn is tawny not so borne" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 103).

5. Wary and wily; from Latin cautela (not caution-em).

6. Although Smith was said to have been in Ireland (see the Introduction to the True Travels), and Strachey added the Irish word "falinges" in quoting this passage (Historie, 71), there is no firm evidence that either of them ever visited the island. On the Irish mantles, see the index to David Beers Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966).

7. Modest; etymologically independent of "shamefaced."

8. Tattooed.

9. There were no rats before the arrival of the colonists. The reference is possibly to "mussaneeks" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37-38), although muskrats have also been suggested.

1. The "chape" is the metal cap covering the tip of the scabbard of a rapier, dagger, etc. This is most likely the earliest specific mention of the American rattlesnake, as suggested by Professor D. B. Quinn (cf. Mitford M. Mathews, ed., A Dictionary of Americanisms on Historical Principles [Chicago, 1951], s.v. "rattlesnake").

2. Saplings.

3. Smith refers to the rectangular frames lifting the Indian beds slightly from the ground; perhaps the "tussan" listed in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig. *3r, above).

4. The Generall Historie, 31, has "Some 20 acres, some 40." and so on; and in the following line, a new sentence begins, "In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses. ..."

5. Cf. pp. 16 and 18, above.

6. Quickly.

7. "Tocknough" is a misreading or misprint of "Tockuough" or "Tockwough" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44); probably the green arrow arum, the root of which is bulbous. Both the Indian name and the identity of the plant need further study.

8. I.e., "put together to form one piece."

9. "Bracer" is still the name of the wrist guards used by fencers.

10. Light, round shields.

1. Cf. "tomahacks" and "tockahacks" in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig. *3r).

2. Corrected to "burning" in the Generall Historie, 31. A handwritten "burn" could easily be mistaken for "bow."

3. "Ell"; the English ell was 45 in. long.

4. "Pemmenaw" means rather the thread than the grass (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

5. NE of Cape Charles City (see ibid., Pt. I, 285).

6. See the True Travels, 26-31.

7. Shooting "at random" meant with speed, but without careful aim; shooting "level" meant carefully, with direct aim (see the True Relation, sig. C1rn). It is worth noting that the range of ancient composite bows (Roman Empire, c. A.D. 300-400) has been established: "bowmen were quite accurate up to 50 to 60 meters [55 to 66 yards]," with an effective range of "at least 160 to 175 meters [175-191 yards]" (Otto J. Maenchen-Helfen, The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture [Berkeley, Calif., 1973], 227). Obviously, with far less "sophisticated" weapons the Indians did very well indeed.

8. "Egges" seems out of place; perhaps a garbled spelling of "geese."

9. Skillfully, ingeniously imitated.

1. Properly, "Rassaweake" (probably a misprint) (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298, s.v. "Rassawek II"; and the True Relation, sig. C1rn). "Rassaweake" or "Rassawek" almost certainly means "in between, at the fork." It is the Algonkian name for (1) the King's house of the Monacans, and (2) the temporary hunting camp mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C1r.

2. All three tribes are in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 290, 292. The first two were visited by Newport late in 1608 (Generall Historie, 68; enthusiastically described in Strachey, Historie, 106, 131).

3. Also in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 280, 300, 299, 294, 300, 302, 300, and 288, respectively. See the detailed account in the Generall Historie, 63-64, curiously omitted from the corresponding passages in the Proceedings, 40.

4. See the Generall Historie, 61-62; and the brief reference in the Proceedings, 39-40.

5. See the True Relation, sig. B4vn.

6. Resolved.

7. Envying.

8. "Lute" was a sticky clay. Evidently these were the birchbark canoes of farther north, as opposed to the dugouts used in Virginia and North Carolina. The distribution of the two kinds of craft overlapped in southern New England, but there are few references to birchbark canoes south of the Massachusetts Bay area (Bert Salwen, "Indians of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period," in William C. Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, XV, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger [Washington, D.C., 1978], 164). On possible connections between dugouts and Carib canoes, see William C. Sturtevant, "The Significance of Ethnological Similarities between Southeastern North America and the Antilles," Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 64 (New Haven, Conn., 1960), 26-27.

9. See the True Relation, B4rn.

1. Probably the chief tribal village on the river of that name, Mattapanient was not on the Smith/Hole map but did appear on the SmithZúñiga sketch (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 291, s.v. "Mattapanient III"). Henry Spelman's brief description of a battle between the Potomacs and the Massawomecks shows the same sort of fighting (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631. The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], cxiv).

2. Called "pawpecone" by the Powhatans (see the vocabulary, sig. *3r above; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

3. Probably a recollection of Smith's captivity in Turkey (True Travels, 23-32).

4. "Tuneful"; archaic.

5. See p. 13, above. Swanton curiously states that the plant is "of European origin" (Indians of Southeastern United States, 247), but "wighsacan" has been identified with reasonable certainty as milkweed, a native Virginia plant (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 47).

6. Variant of "pour."

7. Dovecote.

8. Cf. the Roman calidarium and the Finnish sauna.

9. Tinder; any easily ignited wood.

1. Split; an obsolete use of "splint."

2. "Rout," loud noise; Scottish and Lincolnshire word.

3. Cf. True Relation, sig. C3r, where "navel [or navle]" has apparently been distorted into "unable."

Of their Religion.

There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to bee so Savage in which the Savages have not a religion, Deare, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that were able to do them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our ordinance, peeces, horses, etc. But their chiefe God they worship is the Divell. Him they call Oke4 and serve him more of feare then love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his image evill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines copper, and beades, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed upon hurdles till they bee verie dry, and so about the most of their jointes and necke they hang bracelets or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, || as they use to weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads and covered with a skin,5 hatchets and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins and so rowle them in mats for their winding sheetes. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. Their God. How they bury their kings.

For their ordinary burials they digge a deep hole in the earth with sharpe stakes and the corpes being lapped in skins and mats with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with black cole6 and oile, doe sit 24 howers in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling as may expresse their great passions. Their ordinary burials.

In every Territory of a werowance is a Temple and a Priest 2 or 3 or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Uttamussack7 at Pamaunke, neare unto which is a house Temple or place of Powhatans. Their Temples.

Upon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, there are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings and Divels and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare 60 foot in length built arbor wise after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the Priestes and kings dare come into them; nor the Savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but that they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads or Pocones into the river, for feare their Oke should be offended and revenged of them.

In this place commonly is8 resident 7 Priests. The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest was9 certain attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen or 16 or || more snake skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of weesels and other vermine skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head, like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crown of feathers, the skins hang round about his head necke and shoulders and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattell, some base, some smaller.1 Their devotion was most in songs which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groane. Their ornaments for their Priests.

It could not bee perceived that they keepe any day as more holy then other; But only in some great distresse of want, feare of enimies, times of triumph and gathering togither their fruits, the whole country of men women and children come togither to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with rattles and shouts togither, 4 or 5 houres. Sometime they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands as if he would keepe time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts. Their times of solemnities.

They have also divers conjurations, one they made when Captaine Smith was their prisoner2 (as they reported) to know if any more of his countrymen would arive there, and what he there intended. The manner of it was thus. First they made a faire fire in a house; about this fire set 7 Priests setting him by them, and about the fire, they made a circle of meale. That done the chiefe Priest attired as is expressed began to shake his rattle, and the rest followed him in his song. At the end of the song, he laid downe 5 or 3 graines of wheat and so continued counting his songs by the graines, till 3 times they incirculed the fire, then they di- || vided the graines by certaine numbers with little stickes, laying downe at the ende of every song a little sticke. In this manner they sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without cease, with such strange stretching of their armes, and violent passions and gestures as might well seeme strange to him they so conjured who but every houre expected his end: not any meat they did eat till late in the evening they had finished this worke, and then they feasted him and themselves with much mirth, but 3 or 4 daies they continued this ceremony. Their conjurations.

They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances,3 but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, other in the woodes and wildernesses. Upon this they offer blood, deare suet, and Tobacco. These they doe when they returne from the warres, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough in the rivers and sea coasts. Their Conjurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whome they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are known to use. Their altars. Sacrifices to the water.

In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of children.4 Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some 10 miles from James Towne and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene 10 and 15 yeares of age they painted white.5 Having brought them forth the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with rattles. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado6 in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed 5 young men || to fetch these children: so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a child each after other by turnes, the guard fearelesly7 beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receaving all, defending the children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes that pay them soundly though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and crie out very passionately, providing mats, skinnes, mosse, and drie wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches, and boughs, with such violence that they rent the body,8 and made wreathes for their heads, or bedecked their haire with the leaves. What else was done with the children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead, where they made a great feast for al the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice,9 answered that the children were not al dead, but that the Oke or Divell did sucke the blood from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the yong men till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to bee so necessarie, that if they should omit it, their Oke or Divel and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which are their other Gods, would let them have no Deare, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides, hee would make a great slaughter amongst them. Their solemne sacrifices of children.

They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyound the mountaines towardes the setting of the sun, and ever remaine there in forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with oile and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shal have beades, hatchets, copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose || shall not live after death. Their resurrection.

To divert them from this blind idolatrie, many used their best indeavours, chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries, who though we could not as yet prevaile withall to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrows and many times did send to the President, at James towne, men with presents, intreating them to pray to his God for raine, for his Gods would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules sacrifice them selves to the Divell, not knowing their Creator.1

4. Oke (Okee, Okeus) was the malevolent, vengeful god of the Powhatan tribe (see Purchas, Pilgrimage [1617 ed.], 954-955, which is summarized in Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World [Boston, 1970], 168-173; and the brief note in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39, where it is suggested that the name and the deity may have been borrowed from the Iroquoian Hurons, despite many arguments to the contrary).

5. The phrase "and covered with a skin" appears to have been repeated here by printer's error (see p. 29); it was deleted in the Generall Historie, 35. Cf. similar accounts in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 425-427; and in Arber, Smith, Works, I, cix-cx. There is a summary in Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 718-729.

6. Charcoal, soot, burnt wood.

7. The site of the principal Pamunkey temple (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301).

8. Corrected to "are" in the Generall Historie, 35.

9. Corrected to "were" (ibid.).

1. "Some base, some treble" (Purchas, Pilgrimage, 639).

2. The rest of this paragraph is transferred in the Generall Historie from p. 36 to p. 48, with minor alterations.

3. Strachey's definition, pokoranse, "a mineral stone" (Historie, 196), helps little in the identification of Smith's word (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).

4. With regard to this paragraph, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Riddle of the Black Boyes," VMHB, LXXXVIII (1980), 148-154. Smith misinterpreted much of what he saw.

5. The marginal note in the Generall Historie, 36, adds: "which they call Blackboyes," an obvious error for "blake-boyes" ("blake" was a northern English dialect word meaning "pale, dead white"). See ibid., 36n.

6. An erroneous English application of Spanish bastonada, "a blow with a cudgel," from bastón, "cudgel."

7. Boldly.

8. Trunk, main stem.

9. The single, though long, sentence -- "The Werowance being demanded ... and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers" -- is expanded in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1702, with suppositions and elaborations that must have been born in Purchas's fertile brain, stimulated by a face-to-face meeting in London with Powhatan's son-in-law, Tomocomo (see Barbour, Pocahontas, 171-173).

1. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as [to] make them understand it; which God grant they may."

Of the manner of the Virginians governement.

Although the countrie people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them such governement, as that their Magistrats for good commanding, and their people for du subjection, and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common wealth is a monarchicall governement, one as Emperour ruleth over many kings or governours.2 Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some countries he hath which have been his ancestors, and came unto him by inheritance, as the countrie called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuke, Pamaunke, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report have beene his severall conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, hee hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30 some 40 yardes long, and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the time. At Werowocomoco, he was seated upon the Northside of the river Pamaunke, some 14 miles from James Towne, where for the most part, hee was resident,3 but he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neigh-|| bourhood, that were able to visit him against his will in 6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself to a place in the deserts at the top of the river Chickahamania betweene Youghtanund and Powhatan. His habitation there is called Orapacks where he ordinarily now resideth. He is of parsonage4 a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne that it seemeth none at al, his age neare 60; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night upon the 4 quarters of his house are 4 Sentinels each standing from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the Corps du guard doth hollowe, unto whome every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand; if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely. A description of Powhatan. His attendance and watch.

A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood hee hath a house in which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beades, which he storeth up against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for ointment, and bowes and arrowes. This house is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only by Priestes. At the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard5 and the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evillfavordly,6 according to their best workmanship. His treasurie.

He hath as many women as he will, whereof when hee lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is wearie of his women, hee bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a woden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them insteed of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. His kingdome des- || cendeth not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister then to the rest and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males. His wives. His successors.

He nor any of his people understand any letters wherby to write or read, only the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. Yet when he listeth his will is a law and must bee obeyed: not only as a king but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour kings whom they cal werowances are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance which we call and conster7 for a king, is a common worde whereby they call all commanders: for they have but fewe words in their language, and but few occasions to use anie officers more then one commander, which commonly they call werowances. They all knowe their severall landes,8 and habitations, and limits, to fish, fowle, or hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance9 Powhatan, unto whome they pay tribute of skinnes, beades, copper, pearle, deare, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration all these people doe obay this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever hee commandeth, and at the least frowne of his browe, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example hee caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great store of burning coles, they rake these coles round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Somtimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beates out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enimie or malefac- || tor, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and with muscle shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth of his joints one after another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen.10 Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. Wee have seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men have beat him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound,1 and yet never cry nor complained. Their authority. The tenor of their lands. His maner of punishments.

In the yeare 1608, hee surprised the people of Payankatank his neare neighbours and subjects.2 The occasion was to us unknowne, but the manner was this. First he sent diverse of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes invironed al their houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoile, 24 men they slewe, the long haire of the one side of their heades with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away.3 They surprised also the women and the children and the Werowance. All these they present4 to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line unto two trees. And thus he made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco, shewing them to the English men that then came unto him at his appointment, they expecting provision, he to betray them, supposed to halfe conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie.

And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthie of note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things,5 especially in company where they can find none to contradict them. Who though they were scarse ever 10 miles from James Town, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that || amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to knowe any thing; nor ever did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall accidents, because they found not English cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and silver and dissolute liberty as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their means to returne for England. For the Country was to them a miserie, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their owne actions there according.

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass to and againe for transportation:6 who to keepe the mystery of the businesse in themselves, though they had neither time nor meanes to knowe much of themselves; yet al mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more, then al the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded upon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the mony, time,7 and meanes have still miscaried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which stil to maintain their vaineglory and estimation, from time to time they have used such diligence as made them passe for truthes, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart.

There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verbal || and idle contemplatours, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James Towne, and those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our transporters to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England to get their passes. Thus from the clamors and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia, and our ingenious verbalists8 were no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of 30 of the best only preserved in Christianitie by their industrie the idle livers of neare 200 of the rest: who living neer 10 months of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst furie of the Savages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but 7 or 8 men, yet subjected the Savages to our desired obedience, and receaved contribution from 35 of their kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assalt them, in which order they continued true and faithful, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did govern there, untill I left the Country: since, how they have revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeeded from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have bin more diligent in such observations.9


2. In the face of this and other passages in the same spirit, it is interesting to remember that many authorities continue to refer to "the Powhatan Confederacy."

3. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "when I was delivered him prisoner."

4. "Personage"; personal appearance.

5. The "Dragon" was surely a wolf, and the "Leopard" a lynx.

6. Often written as one word; "made to look ugly."

7. Variant of "construe," in the sense of "explain" here.

8. In the marginal note opposite, "tenor" was an archaic, if not obsolete, variant of "tenure."

9. The Generall Historie, 38, has: "Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine." The meaning is that the people have no rights or property other than from the great werowance, Powhatan.

10. Purchas attributed the account of Cassen's "execution" to William White, a laborer who had lived with the Indians apparently at that time: "William White reporteth ... that ... being stripped naked and bound to two stakes, with his backe against a great fire: then did they rippe him and burne his bowels, and dried his flesh to the bones, which they kept above ground in a by-roome" (Pilgrimage [1614 ed.], 767). Cassen is briefly referred to in the Proceedings, 13, and the Generall Historie, 46.

1. "Swoon"; a variant spelling.

2. Strachey repeats the story of Payankatank (Historie, 44-45) and later adds an account of a similar attack on the Chesapeake tribe (ibid., 104-105).

3. The first report of "scalping" by the Virginia Indians; the verb seems to be first recorded in 1676 (OED).

4. The Generall Historie, 38, uses the past tense, "presented."

5. Cf. New Englands Trials (1622), sig. D1v.

6. The reference is probably to Captain Newport.

7. The word is omitted from the Generall Historie, 39.

8. "One who deals in, or directs his attention to, words only, apart from reality or meaning" (OED); possibly the first appearance of the word in print.

9. The Generall Historie, 39, adds: "John Smith writ this with his owne hand"; and omits "FINIS."



* The Map of Virginia was not entered in the Stationers' Register.

Schedule A. Limits of Exploration 1607-1609 as Indicated by Maltese Crosses on the Smith/Hole Map

The lists should be read clockwise, beginning with a point just south of Cape Henry in the Atlantic Ocean to a point north of Cape Charles. (Hole's scale is 20 leagues to 1° latitude, with 1 league equal to 3 nautical miles. To facilitate comparison with modern road and geographical maps, all leagues have been converted into statute miles.)

No. Location on S/H Map Approximate Modern Location
1. 5 leagues (17 mi.) S of Cape Henry 11 mi. S of Virginia Beach
2. Chesapeack village Near Lynnhaven
3. Nandsamund village Near Reids Ferry, Nansemond R.
4. Chawons (vague) Chowan R., N.C. (vague)
5. 6 leagues (21 mi.) SSW of Jamestown Source of Grays Creek; distance exaggerated
6. 5.5 leagues (19 mi.) SSW of Paspahegh Source of Chippokes Creek; distance exaggerated
7. Mangoags (vague) Between Meherrin and Roanoke rivers, N.C.
8. 2 leagues (7 mi.) S of Appamatuck village At falls of Appomattox R., Petersburg
9. 4 leagues (14 mi.) WSW of Powhatan village Westhampton (Richmond)
10. 6 leagues (21 mi.) NW of Powhatan village North Anna R. (above Beaverdam?)
11. 2 leagues (7 mi.) NW of Cattachiptico 2-4 mi. above Manquin
12. Source of Mattapanient R. Mattaponi R., c. 5 mi. above Aylett
13, 14. Two crosses, one opposite, one just below, Mahaskahod At Rappahannock R. falls, Fredericksburg
15. Source of Quiyough R. Source of Aquia Creek (?)
16. 7.5 leagues (26 mi.) above Nacotchtank Yellow Falls above Washington, D.C. (?)
17. Source of Bolus R. Patapsco R., 15 mi. W of Baltimore city hall, Md.
18. 2.5 leagues (8.6 mi.) from Willoughbyes R. mouth Bush R., near Abingdon, Md. (?)
19. Smyths fales, 7.5 leagues (26 mi.) from Sasquesahanough R. mouth Above Conowingo Dam, 10 mi. from Susquehanna R. mouth
20. 3.5 leagues (12 mi.) above head of Bay A few miles above North East, Cecil Co., Md.
21. Peregryns Mount Possibly near Newark, Del.
22. Source of Tockwogh R. Source of Sassafras R., Del.
23. 2.5 leagues (8.6 mi.) ENE of Kuskarawaok Nanticoke R., ENE of Seaford, Del.
24. Source of Wighco[comoco] R. Pocomoke R., near (above?) Snow Hill, Worcester Co., Md.
25. 6.5 leagues (22 mi.) NNE of Cape Charles Near Nachipongo R., Hog Island Bay

Schedule B. Indian Villages and River Names

The place and river names on the schedule below are listed in the same fashion as on the map, with the following exceptions: (1) English place and river names, along with the details of the changes made in the various states, are not listed below; and (2) peripheral nations or tribes, conspicuously shown on the map, but barely known to Smith, are not listed here, but rather on Schedule C. The spellings on this schedule follow those on the map. On this schedule the "Kings howses" are marked "KH."

Reading up, Powhatan [James] River, right bank.

Reading down, Powhatan [James] River, left bank.

Reading up, Chickahamania [Chickahominy] River, right bank. (The nation had no werowances, and no kings' houses.)

Reading down, Chickahamania [Chickahominy] River, left bank.

Reading down, Powhatan [James] River, left bank.

Reading up, Pamaunk [York] River, right bank.

Reading up, Youghtanund [Pamunkey] River, right bank.

Reading down, Youghtanund [Pamunkey] River, left bank.

Reading up, Mattapanient [Mattaponi] River, right bank.

Reading down, Mattapanient [Mattaponi] River, left bank.

Reading down, Pamaunk [York] River, left bank.

Payankatank [Piankatank] River.

Reading up, Toppahanock [Rappahannock] River, right bank.

Reading down, Toppahanock [Rappahannock] River, left bank.

Chesapeack Bay

Reading up, Patawomeck [Potomac] River, right bank.

Reading down, Patawomeck [Potomac] River, left bank.

Reading up, Pawtuxunt [Patuxent] River, right bank.

Reading down, Pawtuxunt [Patuxent] River, left bank.

Northwest of Chesapeake Bay.

Reading up, Sasqusahanough [Susquehanna] River, right bank.

Reading down, Sasqusahanough [Susquehanna] River, left bank.

North and Northeast of Chesapeake Bay.

The Eastern Shore, North to South.

If the 28 English place-names are added to the foregoing 166, the total is close to the estimate of "about two hundred place-names" in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 247.

Schedule C. Nations or Tribes Peripheral to Powhatan's Domain
Specialized Bibliography Pertinent to the Smith/Hole Map
THE PROCEEDINGS of the English Colonie in Virginia, [1606-1612] ...



The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

[1r].2 Semer] semer
[1r].17 subject] subjest
[1r].23 secure] sesure
*2r.15 consider] cousider (inverted "n")
*3v.28 Nusswashtassapooeksku] Nussswashtassapooeksku
*4r.15 hungrie, what] ~ ? ~
*4r.18 Orapaks] orapaks
*4r.20 Werowocomoco] werowocomoco
*4r.28 ningh] niugh (inverted "n")
2.5 Bermudas] Barmadas
2.31 off from] offrom
3.3 Southeast] South east (endof-line hyphen missing)
3.18 colour] coulor
3.20 and lemnia] ad ~ (from Generall Historie, 22)
4.5 according] accor- (end of line, the printer dropped the last syllable)
4.18 river: First] ~ . ~
4.29 families, of] ~ ^ Of
5.15 or their] of ~
5.32-6.1 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
6.6 lower, on] ~ ; ~
6.7 Arrohatock] Irrohatock
6.15 myles). At] ~) ^ ~
6.21 Nantaughtacund] Nautaughtacund
6.32-7.1 into] in to (end-of-line hyphen missing)
7.2 last] least
7.4 streame. On] ~ ^ ~
7.11-12 springs. The] ~ , ~
8.4-5 3, the] ~. The
8.5-6 labour. Yet] ~ , yet
11.5 silke, and] ~ , & and
12.3-4 Chechinquamens] Chechniquamens
12.17 and Saxafras] and ~
12.20-21 Ocoughtanamins] Ocoughtanamnis
13.13 th'other] thother (from Generall Historie, 27)
13.20 and as red] aud ~ ~ (inverted "n")
14.8 suckleth] sucketh
14.21 Cat. Their] ~ , their
14.32 sorts, as] ~ ^ ~
14.32 called them,] ~ ~.
15.3 Partridges] Patrridges
15.22 Refiners, for] ~ . ~
15.26 what] that (from Generall Historie, 28)
16.13 more] mote
16.15 moulde] moulds
17.8 grout] great (see line 15, below)
19.2 minerals] munerals
19.15 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
19.18 unknowne, the] ~. The
20.3 copper] coppeer
21.21 th'other] thother (from Generall Historie, 31)
22.2 wash them] them wash (in some copies)
22.6 woman-like] woman like (end-of-line hyphen missing)
22.15 fishing weares] ~ , ~
23.28 uses: As] ~ . ~
23.31 nock their] ~ , ~ (in some copies)
24.20 unto] unro
25.4-5 Partridges] Pattridges
26.9 Cannada] Commada (from Generall Historie, 33)
26.25 exceeded] exceedeed
26.31 Captives. They] ~ , ~
27.24 to beat] ro ~
27.28 cunningly] cunninngly
29.6 smal] swal
30.4 winding] wineding (from Generall Historie, 35)
30.18 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
30.20 woods, there] ~. There (from Generall Historie, 35)
30.26 copper, white] ~ ^ ~
31.22 conjurations, one] ~ ^ ~ (from Generall Historie, 36)
34.7 he did] de ~
34.25 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
34.25 Youghtanund] Youghtanud (a tilde may be missing)
34.30 Werowocomoco] Werowcomoco
34.31 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
36.12 at their] as ~ (from Generall Historie, 38)
36.18 Werowance] Werowances (from Generall Historie, 38)
37.23 English] Emglish
38.24 time] tinne

Hyphenation Record

The following list has been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. It records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

2.5 South-East] ~
2.12 Southside] South-side
3.3 Southeast] South-east
10.15 overgrowne] over-growne
22.19 strawberries] straw-berries
32.17 outcries] out-cries


The Proceedings is an often uneven, unclear compilation of accounts of what happened to the settlers of the first permanent English colony on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Deficient in many respects though it be, it provides the only surviving comprehensive narrative of the undertaking during the period from late 1606 to mid-1610.

There are, however, several piecemeal accounts that are more detailed for this or that aspect of the story: the transatlantic voyage, the first explorations, the weeks immediately following the foundation of Jamestown, the period after the first deadly epidemic, and the "interregnum" from the close of Smith's administration to the rebirth of the colony under Lord De La Warr. These are the principal additional authorities:

There are of course other, less full, accounts scattered far and wide in England and the United States. From these, many details can be culled, especially for specific dates and personal names. But in none of these sources is anything to be found, so far as the editor's experience is concerned, which would negate or contradict any substantial statement in the Proceedings, such trivialities as dates or numbers excepted. Percy, for example, though he comes close to calling Smith a liar, goes Smith's Generall Historie one better by painting a more harrowing picture of the "starving time" in Jamestown than any passage there or in the Proceedings. Then, with magnificent artlessness, he states that while hundreds were dying of starvation in Jamestown, he, the acting governor, waited until mid-May 1610 to sail forty miles down the river to Old Point Comfort to find the colonists there "in good case [well off]" and "so well stored [supplied] thatt the Crabb fishes wherewith they had fedd their hogges would have bene a greate relefe unto us and saved many of our Lyves."6

Percy's pride was evidently hurt by Smith's greater interest in himself (naturally) than in Percy, whom Smith does slight. (The questions arise, how much did Percy do for the colony? and was Percy merely standing up for the blue bloods, one of whom was Wingfield?) But it is unfortunate for historians that Percy did not trouble to specify Smith's alleged "falseties and malicyous detractyons," which Percy mentioned to his brother, the earl of Northumberland, in a letter that served as a preface to his "Relacyon."7

In a sense, this is beside the point, because Percy's resentment was stirred by the Generall Historie, not by the Proceedings. But personal disparagement of this sort tends to spread into unexpected areas. While we can understand the social causes of the scorn a Percy or a Wingfield felt for a yeoman's son,8 the animosity of Henry Adams, the Boston "Brahmin," and Alexander Brown of Nelson County, Virginia, toward John Smith of Lincolnshire is hardly defensible. Percy was petulant over lack of recognition of his importance. Brown merely despised Smith and all his works -- including books in which Smith took little part.

To summarize the Proceedings, then, the participation of two or three (or more) writers can be established, at the risk of some error. We do not know, for example, if William Symonds saw to it that the proper names were inserted in the right places; indeed, the Generall Historie indicates that several were left out. Furthermore, the style of writing by and large is so loose that it is all but impossible to put a finger on any given passage and say, "this is so-and-so's work." Yet, if the names published in the Proceedings can be accepted as generally correct, the following observations may be sound.

The list of names of original settlers (pp. 6-8) was probably compiled by Thomas Studley, since he was responsible for the distribution of the colony's stores. But why the story of Smith's capture was reduced to less than a skeleton is a mystery that perhaps can be blamed on Symonds or one of his fellow divines. Other details, such as the attempts to abandon the colony, are attested in other records.

Chapters 1 and 2, which are credited in the Proceedings entirely to Studley, seem more likely to have been the work of John Smith, perhaps aided by others (see the Generall Historie, 50). Chapters 3 and 4 could well have been written primarily by Anas Todkill. Studley's name may persist as a coauthor only because the division into chapters was carelessly made.

That Walter Russell and Anas Todkill produced the material for Chapter 5 would not be surprising. Both of them went on the expedition therein described. By the same token, the combination of Nathaniel Powell and Anas Todkill is entirely logical for Chapter 6. It might even be suggested that Powell, not Studley, worked with Todkill on Chapters 3 and 4.

Chapters 7 to 9, including various lists of names, are ascribed to Richard Wiffin and William Phettiplace, as well as to Todkill. Here it is important to remember that both Wiffin and Phettiplace (along with the latter's brother Michael) collaborated in producing a lengthy bit of doggerel in commendation of Smith's Description of New England. That they were devoted followers of Smith is thus unquestioned, and this devotion is reflected in William Phettiplace's joining Richard Pots (the acknowledged compiler of the Proceedings) in preparing the rest of the book, barring a few paragraphs of unsigned post-Smithian narrative.

Such is the makeup of the Proceedings. Regardless of its many defects, it is an effective revelation of the tragicomic, melodramatic yet apathetic, and intensely human trials that beset the "invaders" of America.9

Printing History

In theory, this work was subjected to the editorial scrutiny of William Symonds (see the Biographical Directory). As has been pointed out in the Introduction to the Map of Virginia, the Proceedings forms the second part of that work and was printed after the Smith/Hole map and that part of the accompanying text called "A Description of the Countrey." During the printing of the "Description," Symonds was presumably at work pulling together the at times incoherent narratives that Richard Pots had gathered, surely with the aid of Capt. John Smith. That the Proceedings was in fact regarded as a separate work is clearly indicated in Samuel Purchas's Pil- grimage (1614), in which he refers to Richard Pots, Thomas Studley, and the rest as the authors of the account of Bartholomew Gosnold's colonizing activities in the Chesapeake Bay area as distinguished from Smith's communications, which he notes have been "since printed at Oxford."1 There is no hint that the Pots/Studley book was already in print at the time Purchas wrote, merely that Smith's book was.

By way of further differentiation between the two books, it may be pointed out that the type used in the Proceedings is "English" (14-point), while that of the Map of Virginia is "pica" (12-point),2 requiring, of course, different cases of type, frames, and so on.

In any event, it is important that such readers as may study Smith's works from the historical, ethnographical, or other specialized point of view carefully consider the Proceedings before going on to read the Generall Historie, particularly Book III. This book is considerably expanded from the Proceed- ings and contains material not found there, but many footnotes that appear in this volume are not repeated in Volume II of this edition, to avoid excessive repetition. Indeed, such readers should exercise great care in comparing the two texts with an eye to building a complete text.

To the end of keeping Smith's period before the reader -- the life-style and the philosophical yet narrow attitudes -- the marginal notes of Purchas's reprinted version of the Proceedings have been quoted in full in their original places. Also, the editor has perhaps erred to the point of redundancy in "translating" common seventeenth-century words. The authors of the Pro- ceedings, including Smith, lived in the age of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Ben Jonson, and they wrote in their language, though they did not have their command of that language. The editor's aim has been to dispel as many patches of Elizabethan and Jacobean fog (including wisps of dialect) as practicable.

With regard to the question of the extent to which Smith himself contributed to the accounts included in the Proceedings, there are details that he must have supplied here and there. There are other details that he could not have provided, though he may well have added personal touches. In fact, it seems especially probable that he had a considerable hand in the preparation of Chapters 1 and 2, as we have already observed. As noted on p. 15n, Studley is said to have died on August 28, 1607,3 and a fortnight later Smith was appointed to take over some duties that must have been Studley's (p. 11). As a result, Smith could have acquired such papers and notes as Studley had, if any, and incorporated them with his own.

1. See Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), IV, 1685-1690 (repr. in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 129-146).

2. MS in State Papers, Colonial, C.O. 1/1, fols. 46r-52r, Public Record Office, London (printed in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 80-98).

3. MS 250, Lambeth Palace Library (London), fols. 382-396 (printed in Barbour, James- town Voyages, 1, 213-234).

4. Printed in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1734-1758 (repr. in Louis B. Wright, ed., A Voyage to Virginia in 1609, Two Narratives: Strachey's "True Reportory" and Jourdain's Discovery of the Bermudas, Jamestown Documents [Charlottesville, Va., 1964]).

5. MS 106, Elkins Collection, Free Library of Philadelphia (printed in Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine, III [1922], 259-282).

6. George Percy, "Trewe Relacyon," Tyler's Qtly., III (1922), 268, with some errors in copying.

7. See Philip L. Barbour, "The Honorable George Percy, Premier Chronicler of the First Virginia Voyage," Early American Literature, VI (1971), 12-13.

8. See Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy ... (Oxford, 1621; 2d ed., "By Democritus Junior," 1624), II, on "Baseness of Birth."

9. Cf. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1975).

1. Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1614), 756- 757, 760.

2. At the editor's request, David Woodward of the Newberry Library, Chicago, confirmed this point.

3. See Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1690; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144.

Note on the Authors Who Collaborated in the Proceedings

If Smith's True Relation suffered from poor editing and printers' carelessness, here the problem is a simple lack of elementary organization. On the title page of Part I (the Map of Virginia proper), the writings of eight authors are mentioned as sources for Part II (the Proceedings), but the title page of that part names nine. Then, the heading of Chapter 1 contains only six names, although Chapters 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, and 12 are signed by a total of seven. In addition, in the reprint of the Proceedings in the Generall Historie, Book III, the authorship varies from the original, with names of a few other contributors added. It therefore seems wise to summarize these details here. Since it is not the editor's intent to establish any of the putative authors as an author in fact, John Smith's contributions have been ignored in the following table.

Name Map of Va. Proceedings Gen. Hist.
Abbay, Thomas *2r A1r, A2v
Abbot, Jeffrey title page 83
Bagnall, Anthony 66
Fenton, Robert 50
Harington, Edward4 50
Hope, Thomas A1r
Momford, Thomas 59
Phettiplace, William5 title page A1r, 78, 104 83
Pots, Richard6 title page A1r, 104 94
Powell, Nathaniel title page A1r, 41 66
Russell, Dr. Walter title page A1r , 36 59
Studley, Thomas7 title page A1r, 15, 25 50
Tankard, William 94
Todkill, Anas title page A1r, 25, 36, 41, 78 59, 66, 83
Wiffin, Richard title page A1r , 78 83
Symonds, William, ed. title page A1r, 110 41

4. Died Aug. 24, 1607.

5. "G. P." in the Generall Historie, 94, is very likely an error for "W. P."

6. Pots probably assembled the material (see below, sig. A2r).

7. Died Aug. 28, 1607.


Virginia since their first beginning from England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, till this present 1612, with all their accidents that befell them in their Journies and Discoveries.

Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations of the Bordering neighbours, and how they became subject to the English.

Unfoldinge ven the fundamentall causes from whence have sprang so many miseries to the undertakers, and scandels to the businesses taken faithfully as they were written out of the writings of Thomas Studley the first provant maister, Anas Todkill, Walter Russell Doctor of Phisicke, Nathaniel Powell, William Phettyplace, Richard Wiggin, Thomas Abbay, Tho: Hope, Rich: Polts and the labours of divers other diligent observers, that were residents in Virginia.

And perused and conformed by diverse now resident in England that were actors in this busines.

By W.S.

At OXFORD, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1613.


[Although the Proceedings constitutes the second part of the Map of Virginia, it was published as an independent volume, with its own title page (which makes no reference to the Map of Virginia) and its own address "To the Reader." Only at the very end does W[illiam] S[ymonds]'s envoi refer to Capt. John Smith's active intervention in its preparation. Expanded to form Bk. III of Smith's Generall Historie in 1624, the Proceedings was then reprinted, with many cuts, in Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes, as chap. IV of bk. IX of pt. II, with an abridged version of the original title page and, after the list of authors, due credit to Smith: "and since enlarged out of the Writings of Captain John Smith, principall Agent and Patient in these Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning of the Plantation 1606. till Anno 1610. somewhat abridged." Purchas (Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes [London, 1625], IV, 1705) adds a marginal note pertinent to the name of Richard Pot[s]: "I have many written Treatises lying by me, written by Captaine Smith and others, some there, some here after [their] returne: but because these have alreadie seene the light, and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires, I was loth to wearie the Reader with others of this time."

For comments on the writers, see the editor's Introduction, above. "W. S." refers to the Reverend William Symonds, M.A., later created D.D.; see the Biographical Directory. "Rich: Polts" is Richard Pots.

The editor is grateful to The Newberry Library, Chicago, for permission to reproduce this title page.]



Long hath the world longed, but to be truely satisfied what Virginia is, with the truth of those proceedings, from whence hath flowne so manie reports of worth, and yet few good effects of the charge,1 which hath caused suspition in many well willers that desire yet but to be truely satisfied therein. If any can resolve this doubt it is those that have lived residents in the land: not salers, or passengers, nor such mercinary contemplators, that only bedeck themselves with others plumes. This discourse is not from such, neither am I the author, for they are many, whose particular discourses are signed by their names. This solid treatise, first was compiled by Richard Pots,2 since passing the hands of many to peruse, chancing into my hands, (for that I know them honest men, and can partly well witnesse their relations true) I could do no lesse in charity to the world then reveale; nor in conscience, but approve. By the advise of many grave and understanding gentlemen, that have pressed it, to the presse, it was thought fit to publish it, rather in its owne rude phrase then other waies. For that nothing can so purge that famous action from the infamous scandal some ignorantly have conceited, as the plaine simple and naked truth. For defect whereof the businesse is still suspected, the truth unknowne,3 and the best deservers discouraged, and neglected, some by false reports, others by conjecture, and such power hath flattry to ingender of those, hatred and affection, that one is sufficient to beguile more, then 500 can || keepe from being deceived.

But this discourse is no Judge of mens manners, nor catalogue of their former courses; only a reporter of their actions in Virginia, not to disgrace any, accuse any, excuse any, nor flatter any; for which cause there is no wrong done but this, shortnesse in complaining, and so sparing in commending as only the reader may perceive the truth for his paines, and the action purged of foule slander; it can detract from none that intendeth there to adventure their fortunes; and to speake truly of the first planters, that brake the yce and beate the path, howsoever many difficulties obscured their indevours, he were worse then the worst of Ingrates, that would not spare them memory that have buried themselves in those forrain regions. From whose first adventures may spring more good blessings then are yet conceived. So I rest thine, that will read, peruse, and understand me. If you finde false orthography or broken English, they are small faultes in souldiers, that not being able to write learnedly, onlie strive to speake truely, and be understood without an Interpreter.

T. Abbay.4

1. Returns on the investment.

2. Richard Pots had arrived on Jan. 2, 1608, and was apparently clerk of the council when Smith left in Oct. 1609 (Generall Historie, 94).

3. On Dec. 14, 1610, Richard Martin, secretary to the Virginia Company council in London, wrote to his friend William Strachey, secretary of the colony in Jamestown, asking for the truth (S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621 [Charlottesville, Va., 1965], 123, 125).

4. Thomas Abbay arrived with the second supply, late in 1608; his family name was known in Hertfordshire.

THE PROCEEDINGS of the English Colony in Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of Thomas Studly1 Cape-marchant, Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniel Powell, William Phetiplace, and Richard Pot, with the laboures of other discreet observers, during their residences.
Chapter 1.

IT might wel be thought, a countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a people so tractable, would long ere this have beene quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers, and the eternizing of the memorie of those that affected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement;2 this following Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent3 readers, how the businesse hath beene carried, where no doubt they will easily understand and answer to their question, howe it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold,4 the first mover of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Master Edward Maria Wingfield, Captaine John Smith,5 and diverse others who depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, || Gentrie, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here, and to governe, and to execute there; to effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that time, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20.6 The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport,7 a Marriner well practised for the westerne parts of America. But their orders for governement were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they arived in Virginia.8 The first mover of the action. Orders for government.

On the 19 of December, 1606.9 we set saile, but by unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which time, Master Hunt1 our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from his habitation (the time we were in the downes) and notwithstanding the stormie weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists,2 of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.

Wee watred3 at the Canaries,4 wee traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selvs amongst these west-India Iles;5 in Gwardalupa6 we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Ile called Monica,7 we tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare 2 hogsheads full of birds in 3 or 4 houres. In Mevis,8 Mona, and the Virgin Iles, we spent some time, where with a lothsome beast like a Crocadil, called a Gwayn,9 Tortoses, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had three daies passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine Ratcliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extream storme to hul all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where anchoring, Master Wingfield, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others, recreating themselves on shore, were assalted by 5 Salvages, who hurt 2 of the English very dangerously.1 That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfeild, Christopher Newport, John Smith, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to bee the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Jurie, || but determined by the major part of the Councell in which the Precedent2 had 2 voices. Untill the 13 of May they sought a place to plant in,3 then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfeild was chosen Precident, and an oration made, whie Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest. Monica an unfrequented Ile full of birds. Their first landing. Matters of government.

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord4 to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, etc. The Salvages often visited us kindly. The Precidents overweening jealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, with Smith, and 20 others, were sent to discover the head of the river: by divers smal habitations they passed, in 6 daies they arrived at a towne called Powhatan, consisting of some 12 houses pleasantly seated on a hill; before it 3 fertil Iles, about it many of their cornefields. The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rockes and Iles, there is not passage for a smal boate, this they call the Falles.5 The people in al parts kindly intreated them, til being returned within 20 miles of James towne, they gave just cause of jealousie,6 but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for at the fort, where they arived the next day, || they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot7 from the ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst them that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in drie fats.8 The discovery of the Falles and Powhatan. The Fort assalted by the Salvages.

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the ordinance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and Ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toile wee had, with so smal a power to guard our workmen adaies, watch al night, resist our enimies and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corne, etc. I referre to the readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe9 (envying his repute) who fained he intended to usurpe the governement, murder the Councell, and make himselfe king, that his confederats were dispearsed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it, for this he was committed. 13 weekes he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they pretended out of their commisserations,1 to referre him to the Councell in England to receave a || check,2 rather then by particulating his designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrowe his reputation; but he much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie. Hee wisely prevented their pollicies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so wel he demeaned himselfe in this busines, as all the company did see his innocencie, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many untruthes were alleaged against him; but being so apparently disproved begat a generall hatred in the harts of the company against such unjust commanders; many were the mischiefes that daily sprong from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good doctrine and exhortation of our preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell;3 the next day all receaved the Communion, the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607. Captaine Newports returne for England.

The names of them that were the first planters, were these following.

with diverse others to the number of 105.

1. On Studley, see p. 15n, below.

2. Failure.

3. Unbiased, impartial.

4. Bartholomew Gosnold, seven or eight years Smith's senior, has been considered the prime mover of the Jamestown colony (see Philip L. Barbour, "Bartholomew Gosnold, Prime Mover of the Jamestown Colony," in Warner F. Gookin and Philip L. Barbour, Bartholomew Gosnold, Discoverer and Planter, New England -- 1602, Virginia -- 1607 [Hamden, Conn., 1963], 191-218; and the Biographical Directory).

5. Smith placed his own name first in the Generall Historie, 41.

6. According to Purchas, the ships were the Susan Constant (the flagship, with 71 men aboard), the Godspeed (commanded by Gosnold, with 52 men), and the Discovery (with 21), for a total of 144 men (Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1705). It has since been learned that the Susan Constant was rated at 120 tons (Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 55).

7. See the Biographical Directory.

8. This practice of secrecy, undoubtedly designed to protect the authority of the ship captain during the voyage, was to give rise to chaos in 1609 when the flagship, carrying the governor, his staff, and his orders, was wrecked on Bermuda, leaving Jamestown without any authorized leadership (see pp. 93-94, below).

9. George Percy wrote, "On Saturday[,] the twentieth of December ... the fleet fell from London" (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).

1. For Robert Hunt, M.A., see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 60-64; and the Biographical Directory.

2. "Atheist" seems to be merely a broad term of opprobrium here.

3. A not uncommon spelling of "watered."

4. In 1629 Smith wrote that he had been in the Canaries, apparently in 1604 (True Travels, 39). These ships watered there early in 1607. And on sailing from the Canaries, Smith was restrained as a prisoner (p. 5, below), perhaps for making some "impertinent" suggestion based on his previous experience. Anyone who disagreed with self-important gentlemen was "mutinous." See Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 112-115, for suggestions as to what may have happened.

5. According to Percy, the fleet reached the West Indies on Mar. 23 and "disimboged" out of them on Apr. 10 (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685-1686; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129-133).

6. Guadeloupe.

7. Islote del Monito, Puerto Rico.

8. Nevis; "Mevis" was a frequent misreading of the Spanish name, Nieves.

9. Iguana.

1. The two Englishmen were Capt. Gabriel Archer and Matthew Morton, a sailor who later became a ship captain (see the True Relation, sig. A3r; and the True Travels, 49).

2. "Precedent" and "precident," below, were variant spellings of "president."

3. A spot called Archer's Hope at the mouth of modern College Creek just below Jamestown Island was considered a better site by Bartholomew Gosnold and others (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., "Archer's Hope and the Glebe," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXV [1957], 467-484; and Percy's "Observations," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1688). Obviously, Gabriel Archer spotted the place; and the name "hope" was still applied to a small bay or river mouth (Old English h-o-p related to modern Icelandic hóp, "broad bay at the mouth of a river" [Jan de Vries, Altnordisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Leiden, 1958), 248]).

4. Clapboards were short, split oak staves used for cooperage and wainscoting. Virginia, it was hoped, would replace the Baltic as a major source.

5. A handy and well-illustrated article on the region is Robert L. Scribner, "Belle Isle," Virginia Cavalcade, V (Winter, 1955), 8-14.

6. Anxiety, apprehension.

7. A "crosse barre shot" was a round shot with "a long spike of Iron cast with it as if it did goe thorow the middest of it" (Sea Grammar, 67). Purchas states in a marginal note here, "I have also M[aster] Wingfields notes of these affaires: but would not trouble the Reader here with things more then troublesome there" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1706). These notes are presumably the same as or similar to the documents now in Lambeth Palace Library (London) and printed in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 213-234.

8. In this instance, "drie fats" refers to casks for stacking guns.

9. "Chiefe" was used elliptically for "the chief people." See p. 3n, above.

1. I.e., they pretended their plan was in Smith's interest.

2. Reprimand.

3. While Master Hunt undoubtedly had something to do with Smith's admission to the council, he is not specifically mentioned in the "Relatyon," attributed to Gabriel Archer, which was sent to England with Newport on June 22; and Smith's chronology is inaccurate. Smith was sworn one of the council on Wed., June 10, 1607; the following Sun., June 14, two Indians came up, unarmed, and stated that four of the neighboring chiefs would help promote peace with five unfriendly chiefs (naming them); the colonists received the communion a week later, on Sun., June 21; and Newport sailed on Mon., June 22 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 97-98; and Percy's "Discourse," ibid., 143).

4. One Anthony Gosnold was Bartholomew's younger brother, not yet 30, who was drowned in the James River early in 1609; the other, listed 24 lines below, was the son of Bartholomew's first cousin Robert Gosnold IV and was about 19 in 1607. He remained in Virginia until 1621.

5. The identity of John and George Martin is uncertain, though one of them, if not both, must have been the son(s) of Capt. John Martin. Percy reports the death of John Martin on Aug. 18, 1607, and this may be the son who starved during Wingfield's presidency (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144, 220, 231). But John Martin was still a shareholder in the Virginia Company in 1620. A solution to the problem is still to be found.

6. "Surgeon."

7. In the original, "John Capper" was set on the same line with "Anas Todkill," for the convenience of the printer.

Chapter 2. What happened till the first supply.

BEING thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within tenne daies scarse ten amongst us coulde either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed us.8 And thereat none need mervaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships staied, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of bisket which the sailers would pilfer to sell, give or exchange with us, for mony, saxefras, furres, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house nor place of relief but the common kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennes, we might have bin canonized for Saints; But our President would never have bin admitted, for ingrossing to his privat, Otemeale, sacke, oile, aquavitæ,9 beefe, egs, or what not; but the kettel, that indeede he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pinte of wheat and as much barly boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weeks in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings castles in aire.10 With this lodging and diet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting pallisadoes,11 so strained and brui- || sed us, and our continuall labour in the extremity of the heate had so weakned us, as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native country, or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped lived upon Sturgion, and sea-Crabs, 50. in this time we buried. The rest seeing the Presidents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnas by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliffe in his place. Gosnoll being dead, Kendall deposed,1 Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserved and relieved, but now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages; when God the patron of all good indeavours in that desperate extreamity so changed the harts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision as no man wanted.2 The occasion of sicknesse. The sailers abuses. A bad Precident. Plentie unexpected.

And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councel to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such il conceipts; first the fault of our going was our owne, what coulde bee thought fitting or necessary wee had, but what wee should finde, what we should want, where we shoulde be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two monthes, with victuall to live, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we weare at sea 5. monthes3 where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunity of the time, and season to plant.

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but nothing so difficult as to establish a common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward4 as neither do well themselves nor suffer others; but to proceed.

The new President, and Martin, being little beloved, of weake judgement in dangers, and lesse industry in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to captaine Smith: who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his own share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the shallop to search the country for trade. The want of the language,5 knowledge to mannage his boat with out sailers, the want of a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement. Being but 6 or 7 in company he went down the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a starved man, yet he so dealt with them, that the next day they loaded his boat with corne, and in his returne he discovered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks. In the meane time those at the fort so glutted the Salvages with their commodities as they became not regarded. The building of James Towne. The beginning of trade abroad.

Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth, (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinas to bee provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journies and discovered the people of Chickahamine. Yet what he carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in disgrace, seeing al things at randome in the absence of Smith, The companies dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small love to Martins never-mending sicknes, strengthened themselves with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinas, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it till with store of fauken and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the river, which action cost the life of captaine Kendall.6 These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President and captaine Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith.7 The Spanyard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, which finding so plentiful in the river of Chickahamine where hundreds of Salvages in divers places stood with baskets expecting his com- || ming.8 And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists9 desired to goe for England. But our comædies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamine river, and taxed by the Councell, to bee too slowe in so worthie an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder1 he made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot,2 commanding none should goe ashore till his returne, himselfe with 2 English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Casson, and much failed not to have cut of the boat3 and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, 20 myles in the desert,4 had his 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 2 of them hee slew, stil defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid, (whome hee bound to his arme and used as his buckler,) till at last slipping into a bogmire they tooke him prisoner: when this newes came to the fort much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting || what ensued. A month those Barbarians kept him prisoner,5 many strange triumphes and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not only diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his owne liberty, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the Fort, once more staied the Pinnas her flight for England, which til his returne, could not set saile, so extreame was the weather, and so great the frost.6 The discoverie of Chickahamine. Another project to abandon the Country. The 3 projects to abandon the fort.

His relation of the plentie he had seene, especially at Werowocomoco, where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was unknowne) so revived againe their dead spirits as all mens feare was abandoned. Powhatan having sent with this Captaine divers of his men loaded with provision, he had conditioned, and so appointed his trustie messengers to bring but 2 or 3 of our great ordenances, but the messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them discharged, ran away amazed7 with feare, till meanes was used with guifts to assure them our loves. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indeavour, and the good successe of the businesse, and being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction, yet you see by what strange meanes God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiencie of them admitted in commission, that errour could not be prevented by their electors, there being no other choice, and all were strangers to each others education, quallities, or disposition;8 and if any deeme it a shame to our nation, to have any mention made of these e- || normities, let them peruse the histories of the Spanish discoveries and plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, discords, and dissentions, have accompanied them and crossed their attempts, which being knowne to be particular mens offences, doth take away the generall scorne and contempt, mallice,9 and ignorance might else produce, to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolution deserve a worthie respect. Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith to have concluded with any of their severall projects to have abandoned the Countrie with some 10 or 12 of them we cal the better sort, to have left Master Hunt our preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthie, and industrious gentleman, with some 30 or 40 others his countrie men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and all manner of mischiefes and inconveniences, or starved himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging, or but adventuring abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition, to preserve the action, and save all their lives, I leave to the censure of others to consider. A true proofe of Gods love to the action. Of two evils the lesser was chosen.

Thomas Studley.10

8. The ascription of the autumn (1607) "sickness" to anopheles or aëdes mosquitoes has been invalidated by sounder medical diagnosis, but the precise cause remains uncertain. Unsanitary conditions and bad water unquestionably contributed to the virulence of the epidemic. Typhoid fever, dysentery, and beri-beri have been suggested as scientific causes; the inability of the colonists to dress suitably for the climate has been advanced as a contributory social source. In the absence of a definitive investigation, three studies can be mentioned: Wyndham B. Blanton, "Epidemics, Real and Imaginary, and Other Factors Influencing Seventeenth Century Virginia's Population," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, XXXI (1957), 454-462; Gordon W. Jones, "The First Epidemic in English America," VMHB, LXXI (1963), 3-10; and Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H. Rutman, "Of Agues and Fevers: Malaria in the Early Chesapeake," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXXIII (1976), 31-60 (the Rutmans note that "malaria was not notorious as a 'killer' disease" [p. 50]).

9. A general name for spirits distilled from grapes or grain.

10. Daydreams, castles in Spain.

11. "Palisade"; fence made of stakes. The word was imported from Spanish long before the French equivalent took over.

1. Percy informs us that Bartholomew Gosnold died on Aug. 22, 1607, after which Kendall "was committed about hainous matters which was proved against him" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). Late in Nov., Kendall was finally brought to trial, but no English account states just when or just why. For a confused report, see that of the Irish sailor Francis Magnel, which somehow reached Spain nearly three years later: "they have executed in that James-fort of theirs a Catholic English Captain called Captain Tindol [Kendall], because they knew that he wanted to come to Spain to reveal to His Majesty what goes on in that land" (ibid., 156; see also the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Kendall, Capt. George").

2. The fact of the matter was that the Indians had plenty of food to use for trade as soon as their corn and beans ripened. The English, being unacquainted with corn "on the cob" or "in the ear," attributed the Indians' haste to bring it "ere it was half ripe" to the hand of God (see the True Relation, sig. B1r).

3. Accurately, four months and a few days.

4. Shortsighted, contrary.

5. A "shallop" was a small boat that could be "cut down for stowage aboard ship" and "reassembled on the shore" (William A. Baker, "Notes on a Shallop," American Neptune, XVII [1957], 105-113). The period referred to was probably early Oct. Smith apparently had little command of the Powhatan language before mid-1608. The list of hindrances that follows is not really surprising.

6. "Fauken" was a variant spelling of "falcon," a kind of light cannon (see the Sea Grammar, 70). For Kendall, see p. 10n.

7. The sentence "The President ... by Smith" is out of sequence, and apparently was inserted as an afterthought.

8. The end of this sentence is missing. Smith had treated his Chickahominy voyages at much greater length in the True Relation, sig. B2r -B3v, and the author of this passage in the Proceedings (surely not Studley, since he was dead by then) seems to have relied on some other version of the story.

9. Cranks in fancy clothes.

1. "Asunder."

2. This was at Apocant.

3. "Almost cut off the boat."

4. A deserted, uninhabited place.

5. According to Wingfield, who is unreliable, Smith "went up the Ryver of the Chechohomynaies" on Dec. 10, and Powhatan "sent him home to owr Towne" on Jan. 8, 1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226-227), which would be 29 days. We know, however, that Captain Newport arrived on Jan. 2, when Smith had already returned (ibid., 159). Smith's "a month" may therefore be approximately accurate, and Wingfield's first date as mistaken as the second.

6. See the True Relation, sigs. B3r-C3v, for a fuller account; and the Generall Historie, 49, for the Pocahontas episode. The lack of sequential coherence between these concluding passages in chap. 2 (attributed to Studley) and the beginning of chap. 3 (seemingly derived from Studley and Todkill) points to different authorship, as well as inadequate editing by Symonds.

7. Terror stricken.

8. This is a keen summation of the basic trouble in the colony.

9. Arber suggests this should read: "contempt, that mallice ..." (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 99).

10. Studley could not have written all of this section, since he died on Aug. 28, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). The Generall Historie, 50, significantly, adds the names of Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington (both of them otherwise unidentified), and especially Smith himself ("J. S.") for at least the last paragraph.

Chapter 3. The arrivall of the first supply1 with their proceedings and returne.

ALL this time our cares were not so much to abandon the Countrie, but the Treasurer and Councell in England were as diligent and carefull to supplie us. Two tall2 ships they sent us, with neere 100 men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessarie, both for them and us. The one commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Nelson, an honest man and an expert marriner, but such was the leewardnesse3 of his ship, that (though he were within sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrarie windes, was forced so farre to sea, as the West Indies4 was the next land for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Captaine Newport got in, and arived at James towne, not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith, to whome the Salvages every other day brought such plentie of bread, fish, turkies, squirrels, deare, and other wild beasts, part they gave him as presents from the king; the rest, hee as their market clarke set the price how they should sell.5 The Phenix from Cape Henry forced to the west Indies.

So he had inchanted those poore soules (being their prisoner) in demonstrating unto them the roundnesse of the world, the course of the moone and starres, the cause of the day and night the largenes of the seas the quallities of our ships, shot and powder, The devision of the world, with the diversity of people, their complexions, customes and conditions. All which hee fained to be under the command of Captaine Newport, whom he tearmed to them his father; of whose arri- || val, it chanced he so directly prophecied,6 as they esteemed him an oracle; by these fictions he not only saved his owne life, and obtained his liberty, but had them at that command, he might command them what he listed. That God that created al these things; they knew he adored for his God, whom they would also tearme in their discourses, the God of captaine Smith. The President and Councel so much envied his estimation amongst the Salvages (though wee all in generall equally participated with him of the good therof) that they wrought it into their understandings, by their great bounty in giving 4. times more for their commodities then he appointed, that their greatnesse and authority, as much exceeded his, as their bounty, and liberality; Now the arrivall of this first supply, so overjoyed us, that we could not devise too much to please the mariners. We gave them liberty to truck or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time, it followed, that could not be had for a pound of copper, which before was sold for an ounce. Thus ambition, and sufferance, cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatnes, (wherewith Smith had possessed7 Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinas to go and visit him; so that this Salvage also desired to see him. A great bruit there was to set him forwarde: when he went he was accompanied, with captaine Smith, and Master Scrivener a very wise understanding gentleman newly arrived, and admitted of the Councell, and 30. or 40. chosen men for their guarde. Arriving at Werowocomo Newports conceipt of this great Salvage, bred || many doubts, and suspitions of treacheries; which Smith, to make appeare was needlesse, with 20. men well appointed, undertooke to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen there names were.

Nathaniell Powell. John Taverner.
Robert Beheathland. William Dier.8
William Phettiplace. Thomas Coe.
Richard Wyffin. Thomas Hope.
Anthony Gosnoll. Anas Todkell.

with 10. others whose names I have forgotten. These being kindly received a shore, with 2. or 300. Salvages were conducted to their towne; Powhatan strained himselfe to the uttermost of his greatnes to entertain us, with great shouts of Joy, orations of protestations, and the most plenty of victuall hee could provide to feast us. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbroydred (after their rude manner) with pearle and white beades, his attire a faire Robe of skins as large as an Irish mantle,9 at his head and feet a handsome young woman; on each side his house sate 20. of his concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about their necks.10 Before those sate his chiefest men in like order in his arbor-like house. With many pretty discourses to renue their olde acquaintaunce; the great kinge and our captaine spent the time till the ebbe left our Barge a- || ground, then renuing their feasts and mirth we quartred that night with Powhatan: the next day Newport came a shore, and received as much content as those people could give him, a boy named Thomas Savage1 was then given unto Powhatan who Newport called his son, for whom Powhatan gave him Namontacke2 his trusty servant, and one of a shrewd subtill capacity. 3. or 4. daies were spent in feasting dancing and trading, wherin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, yet discreetly (in his Salvage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts considering his education;3 as scorning to trade as his subjects did, he bespake Newport in this manner.4 How Captaine Smith got his liberty. Their opinion of our God. Smiths revisiting Powhatan. Powhatans first entertainement of our men. The exchange of a Christian for a Salvage.

Captain Newport it is not agreeable with my greatnes in this pedling manner to trade for trifles, and I esteeme you a great werowans. Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither, what I like I will take, and in recompence give you that I thinke fitting their value. Powhatans speech.

Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told us his intent was but to cheat us; yet captaine Newport thinking to out brave this Salvage in ostentation of greatnes, and so to bewitch him with his bounty, as to have what he listed, but so it chanced Powhatan having his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, as I thinke it better cheape in Spaine, for we had not 4. bushels for that we expected 20. hogsheads. This bred some unkindnes betweene our two captaines,5 Newport seeking to please the humor of the unsatiable Salvage; Smith to cause the Salvage to please him, but smothering his distast (to avoide the || Salvages suspition) glaunced6 in the eies of Powhatan many Trifles who fixed his humour upon a few blew beads; A long time he importunatly desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beads he brought over7 my king for 2 or 300 bushels of corne, yet parted good friends. The like entertainement we found of Opechanchynough king of Pamaunke whom also he in like manner fitted, (at the like rates) with blew beads: and so we returned to the fort. Where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidently fired the quarters, and so the Towne, which being but thatched with reeds the fire was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 10. or 12 yardes distant) with their armes, bedding, apparell, and much private provision. Good Master Hunt our preacher lost all his library, and al that he had (but the cloathes on his backe,) yet none ever see him repine at his losse.8 This hapned in the winter, in that extreame frost, 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane only of Oatemeale, meale, and corne, yet the ship staying there 14. weeks9 when shee might as well have been gone in 14. daies, spent the beefe, porke, oile, aquavitæ, fish, butter, and cheese, beere and such like; as was provided to be landed us. When they departed, what their discretion could spare us, to make a feast or two with bisket, pork, beefe, fish, and oile, to relish our mouths, of each somwhat they left us, yet I must confess those that had either mony, spare clothes, credit to give bils of payment, gold rings, furres, or any such commodities were ever welcome to this removing taverne, such || was our patience to obay such vile commanders, and buy our owne provision at 15 times the valew, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine,10 but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casualties occasioned the losse, but the vessell and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving that. For all this plentie our ordinarie was but meale and water, so that this great charge little relieved our wants, whereby with the extreamity of the bitter cold aire more then halfe of us died, and tooke our deathes, in that piercing winter I cannot deny, but both Skrivener and Smith did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the President went the major part, that their hornes were too short. But the worst mischiefe was, our gilded refiners with their golden promises,1 made all men their slaves in hope of recompence; there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, load gold, such a brute2 of gold, as one mad fellow desired to bee buried in the sandes, least they should by their art make gold of his bones. Little need there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, their wages run on, our victuall consume, 14 weekes, that the Marriners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can say, the raine washed neare to nothing in 14 daies. Were it that Captaine Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trials, nor golden consultations I knowe not; but I heard him question with Captaine Martin3 and tell him, except he would shew || him a more substantiall triall, hee was not inamored with their durtie skill, breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessarie businesse neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much gilded durt; till then wee never accounted Captaine Newport a refiner; who being fit to set saile for England, and wee not having any use of Parliaments, plaies,4 petitions, admirals, recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, nor Justices of peace,5 sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer with him for England to seeke some place of better imploiment. Difference of opinions. James towne burnt. A ship idly loitring 14 weeks. The effect of meere verbalists. A needles charge. A returne to England.

1. I.e., "additional body of persons (as well as supplies)."

2. "Tall" was frequently applied to ships that were high in proportion to their width.

3. "The ship's tendency to pull to the lee."

4. A good example of the difficulties of navigation in Smith's day. "The West Indies" possibly refers to the neighborhood of Spain's Hispaniola.

5. Cf. the Generall Historie, 50-51.

6. According to the True Relation, sig. C1v -C2r, when Smith was first brought before Powhatan he had elaborated on the importance of Captain Newport, his "father," and Powhatan had promised his release within four days. Two days after this Powhatan had appeared before him, apparently garbed as high priest, and announced that "presently he should goe to James towne" (Generall Historie, 49). But because of delaying tactics by the Indians, Smith did not reach Jamestown for another two days. Newport arrived the evening of the day of Smith's return (Wingfield, "Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 227). Hence, in a roundabout way, Smith had prophesied Newport's appearance. Ergo, he was an "oracle."

7. I.e., "instilled in." Smith's plan to impress Powhatan with Newport's importance was surely sound, but Newport abused it.

8. For the subsequent behavior of this colonist, see pp. 87, 99, 102, below; and the Generall Historie, 86.

9. Cf. the True Relation, sig. C1v, which omits the reference to Irish mantles; and the Map of Va., 20n, which does not mention Powhatan. The added reference here brings up the question of an alleged visit by Smith to Ireland that is discussed in the Introduction to the True Travels.

10. Regarding the chains of white beads, the specific idea of "wampum" as a medium of exchange in New England (cf. Roger Williams, A Key Into the Language of America, ed. John J. Teunissen and Evelyn J. Hinz [Detroit, Mich., 1973], 210) seems not to have been harbored in the minds of the Powhatan Indians (see Frank G. Speck, "The Functions of Wampum among the Eastern Algonkian," American Anthropological Association, Memoirs, VI, No. 1 [Lancaster, Pa., 1919]).

1. On Thomas Savage, see Martha Bennett Stiles, "Hostage to the Indians," Virginia Cavalcade, XII (Summer, 1962), 5-11; and the Biographical Directory.

2. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Namontack."

3. Rearing; the word "education" began to be used in the present-day sense some years after Smith died.

4. The speeches presented by Smith, be they Indian or English, should be taken as faithful only in spirit -- and within the bounds of Anglo-Indian mutual comprehension. The handwritten notations found in one copy of Smith's True Relation maintain: "This Author I fy[nde] in many errors ... [due] to h[is?] not well understa[n]dinge the language" (sig. C3rn), an assertion that is corroborated in a minor way by his apparent misunderstanding of several Indian words in his word list (e.g., see Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. II, VMHB, LXXX [1972], 42-43). The significant factor is the obvious oratorical gift of Powhatan and his subordinates (cf. Edna C. Sorber, "The Noble Eloquent Savage," Ethnohistory, XIX [1972], 227-236), to which Smith attempted to respond in the language of Shakespeare in his prime.

5. This occasion signaled the beginning of the tension between Smith and Newport.

6. In present-day English, "flashed."

7. Prevailed upon.

8. The passage "Where this new supply ... repine at his losse" is out of sequence, chronologically. The fire had occurred on Jan. 7, 1608 (see the True Relation, sig. C3v and n. 150). Newport, Smith, et al. did not return from Werowocomoco until Mar. 9 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 228).

9. Smith's chronology is accurate. Newport stayed 14 weeks and one day.

10. Arber, Smith, Works, 104, suggests: "yet must we not repine. ..."

1. Some of the colonists had thought they had found gold in the mud and sand of the north shore of the James River. While some historians, including the editor, have thought of pyrite or marcasite for this "fool's gold," it would seem more likely to have been flakes of mica, which "may be quite persistent in sediments and may develop a yellow to silver-colored sheen that is sometimes mistaken for gold" (D. C. Le Van, Geologist, Division of Mineral Resources of the Department of Conservation and Economic Development, Commonwealth of Virginia, Charlottesville, in a letter to the editor, dated Sept. 16, 1975).

2. "Bruit," clamor.

3. This points to Todkill as the author. Todkill had been in Martin's employ (see p. 25, below).

4. Tricks, underhand proceedings.

5. With this list of legal offices and institutions Smith apparently intended to disparage Archer's inappropriate activities.

Chapter 4. The arivall of the Ph'oe'nix, her returne, and other accidents.

THE authoritie nowe consisting in refining,6 Captaine Martin and the still sickly President, the sale of the stores commodities maintained their estates as inheritable revenews. The spring approching, and the ship departed, Master Skrivener and Captaine Smith divided betwixt them, the rebuilding our towne, the repairing our pallisadoes, the cutting downe trees, preparing our fields, planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover7 our store-house; al men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arived with his lost Ph'oe'nix (lost I say, for that al men deemed him lost) landing safely his men; so well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the Indian8 Iles to feed his company || that his victuall (to that was left us before9) was sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had nothing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a marriner) caused us admire him, wee would not have wished so much as he did for us. Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, the President (yet notwithstanding1 with his dignitie to leave the fort) gave order to Captaine Smith and Master Skrivneer to discover and search the commodities of Monacans countrie beyound the Falles, 60 able men was allotted their number, the which within 6 daies exercise, Smith had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whome they should encounter. Yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposite was Captaine Martin2 to every thing, but only to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present dispatch; then either with durt, or the reports of an uncertaine discoverie. Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned. The repairing of James towne. 60 appointed to discover Monacan.

Powhatan to expresse his love to Newport, when he departed, presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to returne him 20 Swords, which immediatly were sent him.3 Now after his departure hee presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obaied in sending him weapons, he caused his people with 20. devises to obtain them, at last by ambuscadoes at our very ports they would take them per force, surprise us at work, or any way, which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was no rule, the command from England was so straight not || to offend them as our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then peace breakers: this charitable humor prevailed, till well it chaunced they medled with captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gave them such an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Ile, some he so terrified with whipping, beating and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of his forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our ports to force Smith to redeliver 7. Salvages which for their villanies he detained prisoners, but to try their furies, in lesse then halfe an houre he so hampered their insolencies, that they brought the 2. prisoners desiring peace without any farther composition4 for their prisoners, who being threatned and examined their intents and plotters of their villanies confessed they were directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine him our owne weapons to cut our own throats, with the manner how, where, and when, which wee plainely found most true and apparant, yet he sent his messengers and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas5 to excuse him, of the injuries done by his subjects, desiring their liberties, with the assuraunce of his love. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction hee thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he fained to save their lives and graunt them liberty. The patient councel, that nothing would move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled with captaine Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and || obedience, as his very name wold sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and captaine Smith shee was quickly reladed; Master Scrivener was neither Idle nor slow to follow all things at the fort; the ship falling to6 the Cedar Ile, captaine Martin having made shift to be sicke neare a yeare, and now, neither pepper, suger, cloves, mace, nor nutmegs, ginger nor sweet meates in the country (to injoy the credit of his supposed art) at his earnest request, was most willingly admitted to returne for England, yet having beene there but a yeare, and not past halfe a year since the ague left him (that he might say somewhat he had seene) hee went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere 7. miles from James towne, but lest the dew should distemper him, was ever forced to returne before night,7 Thus much I thought fit to expresse, he expresly commanding me to record his journies, I being his man, and he sometimes my master. An ill example to sell swords to Salvages. Powhatans trecherie. The governours weaknesse. Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolencies. Powhatans excuses. A ship fraught with Cedar. The adventures of Captaine Martin.

Thomas Studly. Anas Todkill.8

Their names that were landed in this supply:

And divers others to the number of 120.6

6. Omitted in the Generall Historie version (p. 53), this may have reference to Martin's "gold fever."

7. Put a new roof on.

8. West Indian.

9. "Added to what we had left over."

1. A printer's error lurks somewhere in "notwithstanding"; perhaps read, "it not standing with his dignitie."

2. The True Relation, sig. E2r, tells a different story: Captain Martin was willing to go himself, "yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward" -- whatever specifically was meant by that. (A few lines below, in the same passage, Smith mentions "certain matters which for some cause I keepe private.")

3. The account that follows differs somewhat in detail from that in the True Relation, sig. E2r-E3r.

4. Terms.

5. This happened sometime between Apr. 20 and June 2, 1608. Pocahontas would hardly have been 13 yet, perhaps not even 12.

6. Usually a ship "falls down to" in the sense of "falls downstream to [with the tide]."

7. Part of the passage on Martin was omitted in the Generall Historie, 54.

8. Todkill was evidently the author of the foregoing; see the Biographical Directory.

9. Causey's first name was Nathaniel; cf. the Generall Historie, 55, and elsewhere.

10. Variant spelling of "jeweller."

1. William Spence is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55.

2. Francis Perkins was a gentleman (see ibid.); the second Francis was his son (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 160).

3. Bentley is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55, perhaps mistakenly.

4. Probably the same person as the Richard Milmer in the Generall Historie, 55.

5. Of these four "unclassified" colonists, only Richard Fetherstone appears to have been a gentleman; the other three were laborers.

6. The names of only 60% of the colonists are listed here.

Chapter 5. The accidents that happened in the Discoverie of the bay.

THE prodigality of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store that Smith and Scrivener had a while tyed both Martin7 and him to the rules of proportion, but now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed Master Scriveners discretion as our store, our time, our strength and labours was idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of June 1608. Smith left the fort to performe his discoverie; with this company.

These being in an open barge of two tunnes burthen leaving the Phenix at Cape-Henry1 we crossed the bay to the Easterne shore and fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles. The first people we saw were 2 grimme and stout Salvages upon Cape-Charles with long poles like Javelings, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would, but after many circumstances,2 they in time seemed very kinde, and directed us to Acawmacke the habitation of the Werowans where we were kindly intreated;3 this king was the comliest proper civill Salvage wee incountred: his country is a pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hee tolde us of a straunge accident lately happened him, and it was. Two dead children by the extreame passions of their parents, or some dreaming visions, phantasie, or affection moved them againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eies of the beholders such pleasant delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vital spirits.4 This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which, (being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one escaped.5 They spake the language of Powhatan wherein they made such descriptions of the bay, Iles, and rivers that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing || along the coast, searching every inlet, and bay fit for harbours and habitations seeing many Iles in the midst of the bay, we bore up for them, but ere wee could attaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, raine, thunder, and lightning happened, that with great daunger we escaped the unmercifull raging of that ocean-like water. The next day searching those inhabitable6 Iles (which we called Russels Iles) to provide fresh water, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next Easterne channell, which brought us to the river Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great furie, seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs, daunces, and much mirth, became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water, wee could fill but 3,7 and that such puddle8 that never til then, wee ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many places but ere the end of two daies wee would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Iles, falling with a high land upon the maine wee found a great pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot, that we supposed it some bath: that place we called Point Ployer.9 Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Iles, the wind and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and raine, that our fore-mast blew overbord and such mightie waves overwrought us in that smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from sinking by freeing out the water, 2 daies we were inforced to inhabit these uninhabited Iles, which (for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo.10 Repairing our fore saile with || our shirts, we set saile for the maine1 and fel with a faire river on the East called Kuskarawaocke, by it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake that much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes,2 in search of whome wee returned by Limbo, but finding this easterne shore shallow broken Iles, and the maine for most part without fresh water, we passed by the straights of Limbo for the weasterne shore. So broad is the bay here, that we could scarse perceive the great high Cliffes on the other side;3 by them wee ancored that night, and called them Richards Cliffes. 30 leagues we sailed more Northwards, not finding any inhabitants, yet the coast well watred, the mountaines very barren, the vallies very fertil, but the woods extreame thicke, full of Woolves, Beares, Deare, and other wild beasts. The first inlet we found, wee called Bolus, for that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke:4 when we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast home; but having lien not above 12 daies in this smal Barge, oft tired at their oares, their bread spoiled with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could digest it) did with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner. Cape Charles. Acawmacke. A strange mortalitie of Salvages. An extreame gust. Russels Iles. Wighco- comoco. An extreame want of fresh water. The barge neere sunk in a gust. The first notice of the Massawomecks. Bolus river.

Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable historie of Sir Ralfe Lane,5 how his company importuned him to proceed in the discoverie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their returnes; what a shame would it be for you || (that have beene so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne with a months provision scarce able to say where we have bin, nor yet heard of that wee were sent to seeke; you cannot say but I have shared with you of the worst is past;6 and for what is to come of lodging, diet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe; as for your feares, that I will lose my selfe in these unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust, abandon those childish feares, for worse then is past cannot happen, and there is as much danger to returne, as to proceed forward. Regaine therefore your old spirits; for return I wil not, (if God assist me) til I have seene the Massawomekes, found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water you conceit to be endlesse. Smiths speech to his souldiers.

3 or 4 daies wee expected7 wind and weather, whose adverse extreamities added such discouragements to our discontents as 3 or 4 fel extreame sicke, whose pittiful complaints caused us to returne, leaving the bay some 10 miles broad at 9 or 10 fadome water.

The 16 of June we fel with the river of Patawomeck: feare being gon, and our men recovered, wee were all contented to take some paines to knowe the name of this 9 mile broad river,8 we could see no inhabitants for 30 myles saile; then we were conducted by 2 Salvages up a little bayed creeke toward Onawmament where all the woods were laid with Ambuscadoes to the number of 3 or 400 Salvages, but so strangely painted, grimed, and disguised, showting, yelling, and crying, as we rather supposed them so many divels. They made many bravadoes, but to appease || their furie, our Captaine prepared with a seeming willingnesse (as they) to encounter them, the grazing of the bullets upon the river, with the ecco of the woods so amazed them, as down went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) James Watkins was sent 6 myles up the woods to their kings habitation: wee were kindly used by these Salvages, of whome wee understood, they were commaunded to betray us, by Powhatans direction, and hee so directed from the discontents of James towne. The like incounters we found at Patawomeck, Cecocawone and divers other places, but at Moyaones, Nacothtant and Taux,1 the people did their best to content us. The cause of this discovery, was to search a glistering mettal, the Salvages told us they had from Patawomeck, (the which Newport assured that he had tryed to hold halfe silver) also to search what furres, metals, rivers, Rockes, nations, woods, fishings, fruits, victuals and other commodities the land afforded, and whether the bay were endlesse, or how farre it extended. The mine we found 9 or 10 myles up in the country from the river, but it proved of no value: Some Otters, Beavers, Martins, Luswarts,2 and sables we found, and in diverse places that abundance of fish lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan, but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with. Neither better fish more plenty or variety had any of us ever seene, in any place swimming in the water, then in the bay of Chesapeack, but they are not to be caught with frying-pans.3 To expresse al our || quarrels, treacheries and incounters amongst those Salvages, I should be too tedious; but in briefe at al times we so incountred them and curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents to purchase peace, yet wee lost not a man, at our first meeting our captaine ever observed this order to demaunde their bowes and arrowes swords mantles or furres, with some childe for hostage, wherby he could quickly perceive when they intended any villany. Having finished this discovery (though our victuall was neare spent) he intended to have seene his imprisonment-acquaintances upon the river of Toppahannock.4 But our boate (by reason of the ebbe) chansing to ground upon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the sands, our captaine sporting himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner, by this devise, we tooke more in an houre then we all could eat; but it chanced, the captaine taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer taile, whereon is a most poysoned sting of 2. or 3. inches long, which shee strooke an inch and halfe into the wrist of his arme the which in 4. houres had so extreamly swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body, as we al with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his grave in an Ile hard by (as himselfe appointed) which then wee called Stingeray Ile after the name of the fish.5 Yet by the helpe of a precious oile Doctour Russell applyed, ere night his tormenting paine was so wel asswaged that he eate the fish to his supper, which || gave no lesse joy and content to us, then ease to himselfe. Having neither Surgeon nor surgerie but that preservative oile, we presently set saile for James Towne; passing the mouth of Pyankatanck, and Pamaunke rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The simple Salvages, seeing our captaine hurt, and another bloudy (which came by breaking his shin) our number of bowes, arrowes, swords, targets, mantles and furs; would needs imagine we had bin at warres, (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but impaciently they importuned us to know with whom wee fought. Finding their aptnes to beleeve, we failed not (as a great secret) to tel them any thing that might affright them, what spoile wee had got and made of the Masawomeckes. This rumor went faster up the river then our barge; that arrived at Weraskoyack the 20. of Julie, where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises we made the fort jealous of a Spanish frigot; where we all safely arrived the 21. of July. There wee found the last supply, al sicke, the rest, some lame, some bruised, al unable to do any thing, but complain of the pride and unreasonable needlesse cruelty of their sillie President,6 that had riotously consumed the store, and to fulfill his follies about building him an unnecessarie pallace in the woods had brought them all to that miserie; That had not we arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge. But the good newes of our discovery, and the good hope we had (by the Salvages relation) our Bay had stretched to the South-sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that captaine Smith would take || upon him the government; their request being effected, hee Substituted Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidencie, equally distributing those private provisions the other had ingrossed; appointing more honest officers to assist Scrivener, (who then lay extreamelie tormented with a callenture) and in regard of the weaknes of the company, and heat of the yeare they being unable to worke; he left them to live at ease, but imbarked himselfe to finish his discovery. The discovery of Patawomeck. Ambuscados of Salvages. A treacherous project. Antimony An abundant plentie of fish. How to deale with the Salvages. A Stingray very hurtfull. The Salvages affrighted with their owne suspition. A needlesse miserie. The company left to live at ease.

Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill.

7. The mention of Martin here seems to have been in error; see the Generall Historie, 55.

8. Doctors of "physicke," or physicians, "were men who had some university training, at least a B.A. degree, had read the classic authors in medicine, such as Hippocrates, Aristotle, and Galen, and were trained to treat disease empirically" (John H. Raach, A Directory of English Country Physicians, 1603-1643 [London, 1962], 11). Since surviving records are far from complete, the editor has been unable to identify Walter Russell, despite the help of the Royal College of Physicians. A William Russell was practicing c. 1624 (ibid., 79).

9. Fetherstone died within a few months; see p. 40, below.

1. On this occasion Smith delivered to Capt. Francis Nelson his famous letter, which was soon to be published as the True Relation.

2. Much ado.

3. Treated.

4. The curious phrasing seems to have been William Symonds's. Smith tried to improve on it in the Generall Historie, 56, without much success. See the Textual Annotation.

5. The editor has not chanced on any sound explanation of this phenomenon. Note that it occurred before the first known landing of the Jamestown settlers on Cape Charles.

6. "Inhabitable" means "not habitable," hence "uninhabited" (OED).

7. Sc., "barricoes" or "kegs" (see the Generall Historie, 56).

8. Foul or dirty water such as is found in puddles.

9. The Generall Historie, 56, gives an incomplete explanation of the name; Amaury II Goyon (or Gouyon), comte de Plouër, had befriended Smith during the winter of 1600/1601 in Brittany (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 21, 202).

10. Here probably "Hell," "Hades." Note in the Smith/Hole map of Virginia the angry fish in the bay, off Limbo.

1. The mainland, the Eastern Shore.

2. Smith seems to have been inspired to seek out the Massawomekes by Ralph Lane's account of his encounters with hostile tribes in North Carolina (Generall Historie, 6-9).

3. If the identification of the Kuskarawaocke with the modern Nanticoke River is correct, Chesapeake Bay would be about 25 km. (or better than 15 mi.) wide at its mouth. The cliffs are a bit farther to the N. They were named for Smith's mother (see the True Travels, 1). As for the 30 leagues (90 mi., or 145 km.), from Cove Point, just to the S of the cliffs in question, to the mouth of the Patapsco River (see n. 4, below) is about 20 leagues (60 mi., or 96 km.) by modern channels and direct sailing, and only 16 leagues according to the Smith/Hole map.

4. See the Map of Va., 3n and 7. The Bolus must have been the Patapsco River, since the alternatives suggested by some writers do not allow for the 25 mi. (40 km.) or so of waterway shown on the Smith/Hole map.

5. See n. 2, above.

6. The Generall Historie, 57, has "in the worst which is past."

7. Waited for a change in.

8. From Smith Point, NW across the mouth of the Potomac, to Point Lookout is over 10 mi., and from Smith Point to Nomini Bay (Onawmanient was somewhere there) is nearly 30 mi. Smith's rough estimates, however, were probably made at some point a few miles upstream; hence they are somewhat exaggerated, as probably also is the number of Indians waiting in ambush.

1. The Moyaones and Nacotchtank tribes are shown on the Smith/Hole map, the former at Anacostia, Maryland, the latter a few miles below, at the mouth of Piscataway Creek, Maryland. They were not subject to Powhatan. The Taux clearly lived in the same neighborhood, and their name seems to survive in Doag's Neck, on or near Piscataway Creek (see Hamill Thomas Kenny, The Origin and Meaning of the Indian Place Names of Maryland [Baltimore, 1961], 150). All three were evidently subdivisions of the Conoy tribe, and this was "probably intermediate between the Nanticoke and the Powhatan Indians" (John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 145 [Washington, D.C., 1952], 57).

2. Lynx.

3. Note that Jonas Profit, fisher, and Richard Keale, fishmonger, formed part of Smith's company (p. 29, above).

4. See the True Relation, sig. C1r.

5. Cf. the Map of Va., 15, with the spelling "stingraies." Here the word should probably read "Stingray." Samuel Purchas has a pertinent marginal note on the subject: "A Stingray very hurtfull, one in Foulenes [presumably Foulness Island, E of Southend] was so swolne with the sting of a Ray thorow his thicke fishermans-boots, that he therof died. An. 1613. and was so swolne that they could not bring his coffin out of the dore but brake the wall (as they told me) for that purpose" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1714). For an expanded version of Smith's accident, see the Generall Historie, 59, 63, where Bagnall is erroneously credited with the cure.

6. Ratcliffe.

Chapter 6. What happened the second voyage to discover the Bay.

THE 20.7 of July Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with 12. men their names were

The winde beeing contrary caused our stay 2. or 3. || daies at Kecoughtan the werowans feasting us with much mirth, his people were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeckes. In the evening we firing 2. or 3. rackets, so terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing impossible wee attempted, and desired to assist us. The first night we ancored at Stingeray Ile, the nexte day crossed Patawomecks river, and hasted for the river Bolus, wee went not much farther before wee might perceive the Bay to devide in 2. heads, and arriving there we founde it devided in 4, all which we searched so far as we could saile them; 2. of them wee found uninhabited, but in crossing the bay to the other, wee incountered 7. or 8. Canowes-full of Massawomecks.9 We seeing them prepare to assault us, left our oares and made way with our saile to incounter them, yet were we but five (with our captaine) could stand; for within 2. daies after wee left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death, (untill they were seasoned to the country) having shut them under our tarpawling, we put their hats upon stickes by the barge side to make us seeme many, and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shoare, and there stayed, staring at the sailing of our barge, till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could drawe them to come unto us, at last they sent 2 of their company unarmed in a Canowe, the rest all followed to second them if need required; These 2. being but each presented with a bell, brought aborde all their fellowes, presenting the captain with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, || clubs, targets, and beare-skins; wee understood them nothing at all but by signes, whereby they signified unto us they had been at warres with the Tockwoghs the which they confirmed by shewing their green wounds; but the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete, but after that we never saw them. The Salvages admire fire-workes. The head of the Bay. An incounter with the Massawomecks.

Entring the River of Tockwogh the Salvages all armed in a fleete of Boates round invironed us; it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan who perswaded the rest to a friendly parly: but when they see us furnished with the Massawomeckes weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan to have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like mounts, brested about with Barks very formally,1 their men, women, and children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, furres, and what they had kindly entertained us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loves. An incounter with the Tockwoghs.

Many hatchets, knives, and peeces of yron, and brasse, we see, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanockes2 a mighty people, and mortall enimies with the Massawomeckes; the Sasquesahanocks, inhabit upon the chiefe spring of these 4.3 two daies journey higher then our Barge could passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter to take with him an other interpreter to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come to visit us, for their language are different: 3. or 4. daies we expected their returne then 60. of these giantlike-people came downe with presents of venison, Tobacco || pipes, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrows. 5 of their Werowances came boldly abord us, to crosse the bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men and Canowes, the winde being so violent that they durst not passe. Hatchets from Sasquesahanock.

Our order was, dayly to have prayer, with a psalm, at which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondered: our prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived their businesse; then they began in most passionate manner to hold up their hands to the sunne4 with a most feareful song, then imbracing the Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner, though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded til their song was finished, which don with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice began an oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted beares skin they covered our Captaine, then one ready with a chaine of white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together, all these with many other toyes, they laid at his feet, stroking their ceremonious handes about his necke for his creation to be their governour, promising their aids, victuals, or what they had to bee his, if he would stay with them to defend and revenge them of the Massawomecks; But wee left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing for our departure, yet wee promised the next yeare againe to visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made us of Atquanahucke,5 Massawomecke, and other people, signifying they inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to have their hatchets, and such like tooles by trade, || these knowe no more of the territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them. The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English. Cannida.

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt, these people we found very tractable, and more civill then any. Wee promised them, as also the Patawomecks, the next yeare to revenge them of the Massawomecks. Our purposes were crossed in the discoverie of the river of Toppahannock, for wee had much wrangling with that peevish nation; but at last they became as tractable as the rest. It is an excellent, pleasant, well inhabited, fertill, and a goodly navigable river, toward the head thereof; it pleased God to take one of our sicke (called Master Fetherstone) where in Fetherstons bay we buried him in the night with a volly of shot; the rest (notwithstanding their ill diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a barge in so many dangers, never resting, but alwaies tossed to and againe) al well recovered their healthes; then we discovered the river of Payankatank, and set saile for James Towne; but in crossing the bay in a faire calme, such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with thunder and raine, as wee were halfe imployed in freeing out water, never thinking to escape drowning. Yet running before the winde, at last we made land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that black darknes to preserve us by that light to find Point Comfort, and arived safe at James Towne, the 7 of September, 1608.6 where wee found Master Skrivener and diverse others well recovered, many dead, some sicke. The late President prisoner for || muteny, by the honest diligence of Master Skrivener the harvest gathered, but the stores, provision, much spoiled with raine. Thus was that yeare (when nothing wanted) consumed and spent and nothing done; (such was the government of Captain Ratliffe) but only this discoverie, wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number passed in that small barge, with such watrie diet in these great waters and barbarous Countries (til then to any Christian utterly unknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure7 of the courteous and experienced reader, then I would be tedious, or partiall, being a partie; Pawtuxunt River. Toppahanock River. Fetherstone buried. Payankatanke discovered. Their proceedings at James Towne.

By Nathaniell Powell, and Anas Todkill.

7. Read: "The 24 of July" (Generall Historie, 59). They did not return to Jamestown until July 21, as stated on p. 35, above.

8. Bagnall was a chirurgeon, or surgeon (Generall Historie, 60). "The chirurgeons did strictly 'cutting' and as a result learned their trade by an apprenticeship to an older chirurgeon" (Raach, Directory of Physicians, 10-11; and p. 28n, above).

9. Apparently the English learned that the Indians were Massawomekes after they crossed the bay to the Tockwough River (see p. 38, below). This tribe spoke an Iroquoian language.

1. This early 17th-century military jargon means, "they conducted us to their town, which had a palisade around it covered with barks of trees, with wooden scaffolds like defensive earthworks, those also protected by barks, according to the principles of military science."

2. The "Sasquesahanocks" were also an Iroquoian-speaking people, whose nearest important post was in Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania. Communication must have been uncertain, since Smith needed a Tockwough interpreter who spoke Powhatan and another interpreter to make sense in Tockwough of what the Susquehannas said. On the other hand, Smith had faced a similar problem in the Ottoman Empire (see the True Travels, 24n; and Introduction to Fragment J, in Vol. III).

3. They were situated at the head of the chief spring of the four leading into the bay.

4. There are hints of sun worship among the Iroquois, and possibly also the Tockwough (see the brief mention in John R. Swanton, "Sun Worship in the Southeast," American Anthropologist, N.S., XXX [1928], 212-213).

5. According to the Smith/Hole map, the Atquanachukes lived to the NE of the head of Chesapeake Bay. They were shown as living in central to central-eastern New Jersey on Dutch maps, beginning with Adriaen Block's manuscript map of 1614 (see W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America [New York, 1972], 264-265).

6. This is the first mention of (Old) Point Comfort in Smith's works, although it had been named (probably by Gabriel Archer, who had a penchant for such names) on Apr. 28, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 135; modern New Point Comfort is about 25 km. [over 15 mi.] to the N, at the mouth of Mobjack Bay). Although there is an interesting study in "Tales of Old Fort Monroe," No. 10 (Fort Monroe Casemate Museum, Fort Monroe, Va., 1962), the fact that Point Comfort was an island in 1607 seems to have been stated only by the Irish sailor Francis Magnel (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 151). It is perhaps worth noting here that in his reprint of the Proceedings, Samuel Purchas omitted all the material added to this passage in the Generall Historie, 64-65, explaining, "For feare of tediousnesse I have left out the most" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1716).

7. Judgment, expressed opinion, estimation.

Chapter 7. The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith, the arrivall and returne of the second supply: and what happened.

THE 10. of September 1608. by the election of the Councel, and request of the company Captaine Smith received the letters patents, and tooke upon him the place of President, which till then by no meanes he would accept though hee were often importuned thereunto. Now the building of Ratcliffes pallas staide as a thing needlesse; The church was repaired, the storehouse recovered;8 buildings prepared for the supply we expected. The fort reduced to the forme of this figure,9 the order of watch renued, the squadrons (each setting of the watch) trained. The || whole company every Satturday exercised in a fielde prepared for that purpose; the boates trimmed for trade which in their Journey encountred the second supply,10 that brought them back to discover the country of Monacan. How, or why, Captaine Newport obtained such a private commission as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certainty of the south sea or one of the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley I know not,1 nor why he brought such a 5 pieced barge, not to beare us to that south sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines: which how farre they extend is yet unknowne. As for the coronation of Powhatan2 and his presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had bin much better well spared, then so ill spent. For we had his favour much better, onlie for a poore peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as much as nothing at all; as for the hiring of the Poles and Dutch to make pitch and tarre, glasse milles,3 and sope-ashes, was most necessarie and well. But to send them and seaventy more without victuall to worke, was not so well considered; yet this could not have hurt us, had they bin 200. (though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves.) For we had the Salvages in that Decorum, (their harvest beeing newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuall sufficient had we bin 500. Now was there no way to make us miserable but to neglect that time to make our provision, whilst it was to be had; the which was done to perfourme this strange discovery, but more strange coronation; to loose that time, spend that vi- || ctuall we had, tire and starve our men, having no means to carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, but their owne backs. How or by whom they were invented I know not; But Captaine Newport we only accounted the author, who to effect these projects had so gilded all our hopes, with great promises, that both company and Councel concluded4 his resolution. I confesse we little understood then our estates, to conclude his conclusion, against al the inconveniences the foreseeing President alleadged. There was added to the councell one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne two ancient souldiers and valiant gentlemen, but ignorant of the busines (being newly arrived). Ratcliffe was also permitted to have his voice, and Master Scrivener desirous to see strange countries, so that although Smith was President, yet the Councell had the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed; as for cleering Smiths objections, how pitch, and tarre, wanscot, clapbord, glasse, and sope ashes, could be provided to relade the ship; or provision got to live withal, when none was in the Country and that which we had, spent before the ships departed; The answer was, Captaine Newport undertook to fraught the Pinnace with corne, in going and returning in his discoverie, and to refraught her againe from Werawocomoco; also promising a great proportion of victuall from his ship, inferring that Smiths propositions were only devises to hinder his journey, to effect it himselfe; and that the crueltie Smith had used to the Salvages, in his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designes;5 For which, al workes were left; and 120 chosen men were appointed for his guard, || and Smith, to make cleere these seeming suspicions, that the Salvages were not so desperat, as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing he was to further them to effect their projects, (because the coronation would consume much time) undertooke their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to James Towne to receive his presents. Accompanied only with Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuell Collier; with these 4 hee went over land, against Werawocomoco, there passed the river of Pamaunke in the Salvages Canowes, Powhatan being 30 myles of, who, presently was sent for, in the meane time his women entertained Smith in this manner. QUERE, 8. Powhatans scorne when his curtesie was most deserved. No way but one to overthrowe the busines. Captaine Smith with 4 goeth to Powhatan.

In a faire plaine field they made a fire, before which he sitting uppon a mat; suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hideous noise and shriking, that they betooke them to their armes, supposing Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them;6 but the beholders which were many, men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter, being presently presented with this anticke, 30 young women came naked out of the woods (only covered behind and before with a few greene leaves) their bodies al painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie colour, but every one different; their leader had a faire paire of stagges hornes on her head, and an otter skinne at her girdle, another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, and bow and arrowes in her hand, the next in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-stick, all hornd alike, the rest every one with their severall devises. These feindes with most hellish || cries, and shouts rushing from amongst the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing, and dauncing with excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and then solemnely againe to sing, and daunce. Having spent neere an houre, in this maskarado; as they entered; in like manner departed; having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnely invited Smith to their lodging, but no sooner was hee within the house, but all these Nimphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, and pressing, and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, love you not mee? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit in baskets, fish, and flesh in wooden platters, beans and pease there wanted not (for 20 hogges) nor any Salvage daintie their invention could devise; some attending, others singing and dancing about them; this mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands (instead of torches) they conducted him to his lodging. The womens entertainement at Werawocomoco.

The next day came Powhatan; Smith delivered his message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack,7 desiring him come to his Father Newport to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans, whereunto the subtile Salvage thus replied. Captain Smiths message.

If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this my land, 8 daies I will stay to receave them. Your father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort, neither will I bite at such a baite: as for the Monacans, I can revenge my owne injuries, and as for Atquanuchuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it.8 || But for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the relations you have had from my people are false. Powhatans answer.

Wherupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those regions; many other discourses they had (yet both desirous to give each other content in Complementall courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this answer.

Upon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, which is neare 100 miles;9 with 50 of the best shot, himselfe went by land which is but 12 miles, where he met with our 3 barges to transport him over. All things being fit for the day of his coronation, the presents were brought, his bason, ewer, bed and furniture set up, his scarlet cloake and apparel (with much adoe) put on him (being perswaded by Namontacke they would doe him no hurt.) But a fowle trouble there was to make him kneele to receave his crowne, he neither knowing the majestie, nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, indured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tired them all. At last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and Newport put the Crowne on his head. When by the warning of a pistoll, the boates were prepared with such a volly of shot, that the king start1 up in a horrible feare, till he see all was well, then remembring himselfe, to congratulate2 their kindnesse, he gave his old shoes and his mantle to Captain Newport. But perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, hee laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men, or guids, more then Namontack, and so (after some complementall3 kindnesse || on both sides) in requitall of his presents, he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares, that might contain some 7 or 8 bushels, and as much more we bought ready dressed in the towne, wherewith we returned to the fort. Powhatans Coronation.

The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first gentlewoman, and woman servant that arrived in our Colony; Captaine Newport with al the Councell, and 120 chosen men, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the fort with 80. (such as they were) to relade the shippe. Arriving at the falles, we4 marched by land some forty myles in 2 daies and a halfe, and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes wee discovered of the Monacans, the people neither using us well nor ill, yet for our securitie wee tooke one of their pettie Werowances, and lead him bound, to conduct us the way. And in our returne searched many places wee supposed mynes, about which we spent some time in refining, having one William Callicut a refiner, fitted for that purpose. From that crust of earth wee digged hee perswaded us to beleeve he extracted some smal quantitie of silver (and not unlikely better stuffe might bee had for the digging) with this poore trial being contented to leave this faire, fertill, well watred countrie. Comming to the Falles, the Salvages fained there were diverse ships come into the Bay to kill them at James Towne. Trade they would not, and find their corn we could not, for they had hid it in the woods, and being thus deluded we arrived at James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tired with toile, famine, and dis- || content, to have only but discovered our gilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certaineties, as the President foretold us. The discovery of Monacan.

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed many as were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, tarre and sope ashes, leaving them, (with the fort) to the Councels oversight. But 30 of us he conducted 5. myles from the fort to learn to make clapbord, cut downe trees, and ly in woods; amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriell Beadell, and John Russell the only two gallants of this last supply, and both proper gentlemen: strange were these pleasures to their conditions, yet lodging eating, drinking, working, or playing they doing but as the President, all these things were carried so pleasantly, as within a weeke they became Masters, making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell, but the axes so oft blistered there tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had a lowd oath to drowne the eccho; for remedy of which sin the President devised howe to have everie mans oathes numbred, and at night, for every oath to have a can of water powred downe his sleeve, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarse heare an oath in a weeke. A punishment for swearing.

By this, let no man think that the President, or these gentlemen spent their times as common wood-hackers at felling of trees, or such like other labours, or that they were pressed to any thing as hirelings or common slaves, for what they did (being but once a little inured) it seemed, and they conceited it only as a pleasure and a recreation.5 Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary || Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must bee prest to it by compulsion. Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the woodes, seeing the time consumed, and no provision gotten, (and the ship lay Idle, and would do nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell, to send Master Persey after him with the next barge that arrived at the fort; 2. barges, he had himselfe, and 20. men, but arriving at Chickahamina, that dogged nation was too wel acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolencie as they could expresse. The President perceiving it was Powhatans policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for their corne, as to revenge his imprisonment,6 and the death of his men murdered by them, and so landing his men, and ready to charge them, they immediatly fled; but then they sent their imbassadours, with corne, fish, fowl, or what they had to make their peace, (their corne being that year bad) they complained extreamly of their owne wants, yet fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of corne, and in like manner Master Persies, that not long after us arrived; they having done the best they could to content us, within 4. or 5. daies we returned to James Towne. One gentleman better then 20 lubbers. The Chickahamines forced to contribution.

Though this much contented the company (that then feared nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to starve, then his paines should prove so much more effectuall then || theirs; some projects there was, not only to have deposed him but to have kept him out of the fort, for that being President, he would leave his place, and the fort without their consents; but their hornes were so much too short to effect it,7 as they themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe. A bad reward for well doing.

All this time our old taverne made as much of all them that had either mony or ware as could bee desired; and by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane Souldiers, Sailers, and Salvages,) as there was ten-times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were necessary. Neither was it a small pollicy in the mariners, to report in England wee had such plenty and bring us so many men without victuall, when they had so many private factors in the fort, that within 6. or 7. weekes after the ships returne,8 of 2. or 300. hatchets, chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes scarce 20 could be found, and for pike-heads, knives, shot, powder, or any thing (they could steale from their fellowes) was vendible; They knew as well (and as secretly) how to convay them to trade with the Salvages, for furres, baskets, mussaneekes,9 young beastes or such like commodities, as exchange them with the sailers, for butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavitæ, beere, bisket, and oatmeale; and then faine, all was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia afford10 no furs for the store, yet one mariner in one voyage hath got so many, as hee hath confessed to have solde in England for 301. A good taverne in Virginia. A bad trade of masters and sailers.

Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia, || that have notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay, but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath bin in Virginia (that hath observed any thing) which knowes not this to be true, and yet the scorne, and shame was the poore souldiers, gentlemen and carelesse governours, who were all thus bought and solde, the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false excuses, informations, and directions, by this let all the world Judge, how this businesse coulde prosper, being thus abused by such pilfering occasions.

8. This work had been begun before Nelson arrived, in Apr., but apparently little was done during Smith's 14 weeks of exploration.

9. As mentioned in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 410n, "quere, 8" is evidently one of several printer's queries, here not deleted: "Where is the figure?" Purchas noted that "The figure is left out" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717), and the Generall Historie makes amends by stating that it was in "a five-square forme" (p. 66). Archaeological evidence can prove nothing, for the undoubted site has been washed into the James River, but it seems to be generally agreed that the fort was triangular, and not pentagonal (see John L. Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia National Park Service, Archeological Research Series, No. 4 [Washington, D.C., 1958], 11-17).

10. Alexander Brown estimated that Smith was president for 19 days before Newport arrived with the second supply (The First Republic in America: An Account of the Origin of This Nation [Boston, 1898], 69).

1. Here Smith's protests against company policy begin in earnest.

2. Purchas's marginal comments here bear quoting: "Civility is not the way to win Savages, nor magnificence and bounty to reclaime Barbarians. Children are pleased with toyes and awed with rods; and this course of toies and feares hath always best prospered with wilde Indians either to doe them, or to make them good to us or themselves. This vanity of ours made Powhatan overvalue himselfe, his Corne, etc." (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717).

3. See J. C. Harrington's illuminating monograph, Glassmaking at Jamestown: America's First Industry (Richmond, Va., 1952), and J. Paul Hudson's well-illustrated Glassmaking at Jamestown: One of the First Industries in America, Jamestown Foundation (Jamestown, Va., n.d.). See also Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 411n, which mentions the production of pitch, tar, and soap ashes as a colonial objective since 1584; only the glassmills were a new idea. For the Poles and Dutch, see p. 53, below.

4. A rare use of "conclude" in the sense of "decided (in favor of)."

5. Newport was not the type not to retaliate.

6. The Generall Historie, 67, inserts here: "But presently [quickly, immediately] Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended. ..." The entertainment, which is described below, was not without parallel in North Carolina years later, when 30-odd women and girls danced for John Lawson (John Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, ed. Hugh Talmage Lefler [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1967], 44-45).

7. Newport had taken Namontack to England in Apr. (see p. 19, above) and had just brought him back.

8. Smith, misunderstanding what he heard, had thought it was near the head of the Chickahominy River, where he was captured (see p. 39n, above; and the True Relation, sig. C2r).

9. Purchas begins a long marginal notation at this point (Pilgrimes, IV, 1718). It is worth reproducing as illustrative of pious thinking in England in 1625: "So much was done to buy repentance with more cost then worship. If we seeke Savages we loose them, if wee force them to seeke us, wee shal finde these shadowes of men close at our feet. I have read more stories of them then perhaps any man, and finde that a cruell mercy in awing Savages to feare us is better then that mercifull cruelty, which by too much kindenes hath made us feare them, or else by too much confidence to loose our selves. [This was written after the massacre. Ed.] Smith and Newport may by their examples teach the just course to be taken with such: the one breeding awe and dread, without Spanish or Panike terror, the other disgraced in seeking to grace with offices of humanity, those which are gracelesse. Neither doth it become us to use Savages with savagenesse, nor yet with too humaine usage, but in a middle path (medio tutissimus ibis) to goe and doe so that they may admire and feare us, as those whom God, Religion, Civility, and Art, have made so farre superior; yet to abuse them (unprovoked) as hostile slaves, or as meere beasts, with cruell and beastly severity, whom nature hath equally made men. This breedes desperate depopulations, as in the Spanish Indies hath been seene; that gentlenesse and unequall equity makes them proud and treacherous, as wofull experience hath taught in the late massacre. Our temperance and justice should be qualified with prudence and fortitude. Neither must wee make them beasts, nor yet