THE COMPLETE WORKS OF Captain John Smith

SPONSORED BY The Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation The National Endowment for the Humanities The Newberry Library and The Institute of Early American History and Culture

THE COMPLETE WORKS OF Captain John Smith (1580-1631) in Three Volumes

Edited by Philip L. Barbour VOLUME II

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Published for The Institute of Early American History and Culture Williamsburg, Virginia, by The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill and London,

The Institute of Early American History and Culture is sponsored jointly by The College of William and Mary and The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

Preparation of these volumes was made possible in part by a grant from the Research Materials Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency.

In addition to the major sponsorship of the agencies listed on p. ii, editorial work on these volumes was assisted also by grants from the Jennings Charitable Trust, the Jane and Dan Gray Charitable Foundation, and the Sterling Morton Charitable Trust.

© 1986 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Smith, John, 1580-1631. The complete works of Captain John Smith (1580- 1631) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Virginia -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600- 1775 -- Collected works. 2. New England -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -- Collected works. 3. America -- Discovery and exploration -- English -- Collected works. I. Barbour, Philip L. II. Institute of Early American History and Culture (Williamsburg, Va.) III. Title. F229.S59 1986 975.5' 02 81-10364 ISBN 0-8078-1525-X AACR2

CONTENTS

Abbreviations and Short Titles ix
The Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England ... (1623) [A Broadside Prospectus] 3
Introduction 5
Text 7
Textual Annotation 21
Bibliographical Note 23
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (1624) 25
Introduction 27
Text 33
The First Book 61
The Second Book 100
The Third Book 136
The Fourth Book 231
The Fifth Book 338
The Sixth Book 397
Textual Annotation 479
Bibliographical Note 487

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

Letter to the Societie of Cordwayners 35
Frances, Duchess of Richmond and Lennox 38
Map of Ould Virginia 98-99
Smith/Hole Map of Virginia (tenth state) 134-135
Map of Bermuda and the Summer Isles 336-337
Map of New England (eighth state) 394-395

ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES

ABBREVIATIONS
marg. Marginalia, notes printed in margins of Smith's works.
repr. Reprinted.
sig. Signature, a letter or mark at the bottom of each gathering (folded sheet) in a book. In the absence of printed page numbers, reference is made instead to the signature, the order of the leaf in the gathering, and the side of the leaf. E.g., A1r[ecto] and A1v[erso] for the front and back of the first page in signature A; A2r for the front of the second, etc.
SHORT TITLES
Arber, Smith, Works Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, 2 vols., The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884).
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I or Pt. II Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Pt. I, LXXIX (1971), 280-302; Pt. II, LXXX (1972), 21-51.
Barbour, Jamestown Voyages Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [London, 1969]).
Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop" Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith and the Bishop of Sarum," Huntington Library Quarterly, XXVI (1962-1963), 11-29.
Barbour, Three Worlds Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964).
Bradford, Plymouth Plantation William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1952).
Butler, Bermudaes [Nathaniel Butler], The Historye of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands, ed. General Sir J. Henry Lefroy (Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser., LXV [London, 1882]).
DAB Dictionary of American Biography.
DNB Dictionary of National Biography.
Fotherby, Atheomastix Martin Fotherby, Atheomastix; clearing foure truthes, against atheists and infidels ... (London, 1622).
Hakluyt, Principal Navigations Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, 3 vols. (London, 1598-1600).
Hamor, True Discourse Ralphe Hamor, A True Discourse Of The Present Estate Of Virginia, .. till the 18 of June, 1614 ... (London, 1615).
Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1906-1935).
Lefroy, Memorials Sir J. H. Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515-1685, 2 vols. (London, 1877).
Mourt's Relation Relation Or Journall of the beginning and proceedings of the English Plantation Setled at Plimouth ... (London, 1622) [Extracts from William Bradford's and Edward Winslow's journals, with a preface by G. Mourt].
NEHGR New England Historical and Genealogical Register.
OED Oxford English Dictionary, 13 vols. (Oxford, 1933).
Purchas, Pilgrimes Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or
Purchas His Pilgrimes ..., 4 vols. (London, 1625).
Quinn, Roanoke Voyages David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV [London, 1955]).
Sabin, Dictionary Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, 29 vols. (New York, 1868-1936).
STC A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, comps., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1475-1640, 2 vols. (London, 1926; repr. 1969).
Strachey, Historie William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIII [London, 1953]).
VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography.
Winslow, Good Newes E[dward] W[inslow], Good Newes from New-England ... (London, 1624).
WMQ William and Mary Quarterly.
WORKS BY CAPT. JOHN SMITH
Accidence An Accidence or The Path-way to Experience. Necessary for all Young Sea-men ... (London, 1626).
Advertisements Advertisements For the unexperienced Planters of New England, or any where ... (London, 1631).
Broadside Broadside prospectus of The Generall Historie of Virginia ... (London, 1623).
Description of N.E. A Description of New England: or The Observations, and discoveries, of Captain John Smith ... in the North of America ... (London, 1616).
Generall Historie The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (London, 1624).
"Letter to Bacon" Letter to Sir Francis Bacon (1618).
Map of Va. A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford, 1612).
New Englands Trials (1620) and (1622) New Englands Trials ... (London, 1620, 1622).
Proceedings The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first beginning from England in ... 1606, till this present 1612 ... (Oxford, 1612) [Pt. II of Map of Va.].
Sea Grammar A Sea Grammar ... (London, 1627).
True Relation A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia ... (London, 1608).
True Travels The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captaine John Smith ... (London, 1630).

THE COMPLETE WORKS OF Captain John Smith

VOLUME II

THE GENERALL HISTORY of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England, with the Names of the Adventurers, and Their Adventures ...

1623 [A Broadside Prospectus]

INTRODUCTION

This folio pamphlet of two leaves is listed as a "broadside" in the Catalogue of a Collection of Printed Broadsides in the Possession of The Society of Antiquaries of London, compiled by Robert Lemon (London, 1866). This sole surviving copy, here transcribed and in part reproduced with the society's courteous permission, is in substance a prospectus or circular announcing the forthcoming publication of Smith's Generall Historie and soliciting financial aid to that end. In form it has a row of printer's devices above the title, below which, in smaller type, is a double-column summary of the planned contents of the book, to which Smith's appeal is appended in italics with a space for his autograph. Printed by John Dawson, it was apparently ready for distribution before the end of 1623.

Following the general practice in this edition, the numerous unusual spellings have been left untouched since it cannot be known whether they were accidental or substantive variants; but misprints have been corrected and a few marks of punctuation inserted (see the Textual Notes following the text of the broadside; a full statement of editorial method appears in the front matter to volume I). The broadside as a whole gives evidence of hasty preparation and of little if any proofreading by Smith himself.

The chief importance of the prospectus lies in the evidence it provides that Smith had assembled almost all of his sources for the Historie within a matter of months after Alderman Robert Johnson's petition to King James for an investigation of the affairs of the Virginia Company had started an irreversible move toward a reorganization. That Smith may have seen in this an opportunity to benefit himself is fairly clear, yet his broader interest in the colonization of both Virginia and New England shines through.

The important fact here, then, is that the move toward a reorganization of the company began in April 1623, and that before the year was out Smith had put together a considerable volume designed to back up just such a move. The broadside is thus a valuable link in any study of John Smith as an activist as well as a propagandist and memoirist.

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[The illustration on the preceding page is a somewhat reduced reproduction of the heading of the broadside prospectus of Smith's Generall Historie, published in the following year. The editor is grateful to the Society of Antiquaries of London for its courteous permission to reprint here this portion of Broadside 209 and to prepare and publish a complete transcription of the text.]

THE generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England,1 with the names of the Adventurers, and their adventures. Also a Catalogue of their names who were the first Treasurers heere, and planters and Governours there; and how they have yeerely succeeded, from their first beginning 1584. to this present 1623. with the proceedings of these severall Colonies, and the accidents that befell them in all their journeys and discoveries, with the Mappes and descriptions of those countries, commodities, people, government, customes, and Religion yet knowne, for the generall good of all them who belong to those Plantations and all their posterities.

Discovered,2 observed, or collected by Captaine John Smith sometime Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England.

N.B. Page references to Smith works in the notes refer in all instances to the page numbers of the original editions, which are in boldface numerals in brackets in the margins.

1. The combination "Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England" is found also in the Generall Historie (with "Summer" for "Somer"), although both the engraved and printed title pages (1624 and 1625, respectively) reverse the order of the last two. Below, the title of the broadside refers to "this present 1623," and no event mentioned in it can refer to a date later than Oct. (Capt. Woodhouse was in Bermuda by Oct. 24, 1623; see the Generall Historie, 200n). Yet the book proper was entered for publication as early as July 12, 1624. Smith's financial problem seems to have been quickly solved. The final clause, beginning "for the generall good," was omitted in the engraved title.

2. "Explored."

The Introduction.1
Anno Dom.

THE first voyage to the New world now called America. 1470

The first voyage to that part thereof, now called the West Indies, by Christopher Columbus. 1488

The first voyage to that part, called Florida and Norumbega,2 by John Cabot. 1495

The first voyage of Sir Martin Frobisher, to Meta Incognita. 1576

The adventures of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, upon this coast. 1583

1. This "Introduction," seemingly intended to be a separate chapter, takes up little more than the first page of the Generall Historie. On the basis of the latter, it may be assumed that the year "1470," mentioned below, is a misprint or miscopy of "1170," the legendary date of Madock's voyage. The "1488" date is also an error; Columbus did not discover the West Indies until 1492.

2. See New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B4v.

The Contents of the Hystory.3
The first Booke.

CAPTAINE Amides sent to discover the coast of Florida, by Sir Walter Raleigh and his associates. 1584

Sir Richard Grenvill, sent to that place they discovered, called the country Virginia, and left 108. there for a plantation. Their names; their first entertainement and the Kings treachery, the discovery of the river Moratucke and Chawonoke. Also of the Iles and countrey, and ten salvages slaine, what commodities, victuals, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules they found: The salvages religion and beliefe, how the world was made, how man was made, how they use their gods, and whither they goe after death. The subtilty of their priests, the peoples simplicity; and their desire of salvation. A wonderfull accident, and their strange opinions: how Sir Francis Drake4 brought them all for England againe the same yeere. 1585

A supply sent to them though they were gone, yet 50. men more were left in the countrey, and their accidents. 1586

115. More were sent to supply them, by Master White, the Salvages slew the 50. and White returned. 1587

White sent againe to releeve the 115.5 not finding any of them, returned for England: his observations, and accidents. This is in the height of 35, 36, and 37. 1589

A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Elizabeths Iles, in the height of 39. with his observations, and relations and returne. 1602

The observations, and relations of Captaine Martin Pring upon the same coast, and his returne. 1603

The discovery of Captaine Waymouth in 44. his observations, relations, and returne. 1605

3. Although the "Contents of the Hystory" as given here are occasionally more detailed than the Contents listed on sig. A3r-A4v in the Generall Historie, they are "so similar that it is evident that the manuscript was in shape before this circular was prepared," yet "they are so different as to make it certain that the 'Contents' of the book was drawn up anew from the printed sheets and not adapted from the earlier outline" (L[uther] S. L[ivingston], Captain John Smith's Circular or Prospectus of His Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... With Notes [Cambridge, Mass., 1914]).

4. Sir Francis Drake brought them home in 1586.

5. White did not make the voyage in 1589, but in 1590 (Generall Historie, 15n). Below, "height" was frequently used for degrees of latitude.

The second Booke.

How a new commission was obtained, and the countrey divided into two Colonies, viz. the first and the second.

The discoveries, observations, and relations of Captaine Smith in the degrees 37, 38, and 39. which is the countrey we now call Virginia. The discription of the Chisapeack bay and the 7. navigable rivers, that fall into it, and 39. severall kings that possesse them. Also of the temperature, the mountaines, rockes, soyle, valleys, plaines, woodes, fruits, gums, berries, hearbs, rootes, beasts, birds, fishes and foules. How they divide the yeere, prepare the ground, dresse their meates, and the commodities naturally that are, or may bee had by industry. Their numbers. A description of the people, their constitutions, dispositions, attire, ornaments, buildings, lodgings. How they use their children, strike fire, make their bowes and arrowes, knives, swordes, and targets, boats, spin, and hunt, Their consultations, maner of battell, musicke, entertainment, trade, physicke, chyrurgiry1 and charmes, their gods. Ordinary and extraordinary, burials, temples priests, ornaments, solemnities, conjurations, alters, sacrifice, blacke boyes, and resurrection. A description of their Emperour his attendants, watch, treasure, wives, successours, authority, tenure of lands, and maner of punishment: with the estate and condition of 8. other severall nations adjoyning to them.2 1606

1. An accepted variant spelling of "chirurgy," modern "surgery."

|| The third Booke.

The accidents that happened in those proceedings.

Their orders of government, their accidents in going, their first landing; how the salvages assaulted them, how they settled the governement: The beginning of James towne, how the salvages assaulted it, and slew and hurt 21. of us. The names of the governours and first planters, the occasion of sickenes, plenty unexpected, a project to have abandoned the countrey suppressed. How Captaine Smith forced the Kecoughtans to contrabusion,3 and tooke their god; an other project to abandon the countrey, two English slaine, Smith taken prisoner: Their order of triumph, how he should have beene executed, was preserved, taught them to sow Gunpowder, saved the Colony from being surprised, how they conjured him. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him, and his daughter saved his life, sent him to James towne and releeved him and all the English: an other project to abandon the countrey suppressed. 1607

The arrivall of the first supply by Captaine Nuport,1 their names, a ship forced by ill weather from Virginia to the West Indes: the salvages opinion of our God, Smiths revisitting Powhatan, his entertainement, James towne burnt, a conceited2 gold mine, an needelesse charge, Captaine Nuports returne.

James towne rebuilt, a church, a store house, the salvages plots to murder all the English, Smiths attempt to suppresse their insolencies, a differance of the Counsels opinion, a ship fraught with cedar.

The accidents that happened in the discovery of the Bay, to twelve men in a boate of three tunnes: An extreame extremity by want of fresh water; their boate neere sunke in a gust, their fight with the Kusskarawaokes, how we prevented their ambuscados in the river of Patawomeke, a mine like antimony, rockes of marble, and of divers tinctures of mettals: how to deale with the salvages, Smith neere killed with a sting-ray, a needlesse misery in his absence at James towne, how it was releeved. 1608

The salvages admiration of fire-works, their incounter with the Massawomekes at the head of the Bay, an incounter with the Tockwhoghes, the Sasguesahanocks3 offer subjection to the English, the exceeding love of the salvage Mosco, how the Ropahanocks assaulted them, and were slaine or fled: how they lay in ambuscado so bedecked with boughes as they seemed bushes, and were repulsed, their fight with the Mannahokes, the king of Hassininga's brother shot, taken prisoner, and peace concluded with their five kings. Their relations of their gods and countreys, friends and foes, how they became friends with the Rapahanokckes: A notable treachery of the Nausamonds revenged, their fight both by land and water with the Nausamunds and Chisapeacks, their subjection and conditions of tribute, our returne to James towne.

The second supply brought by Captaine Nuport, their names, a crowne and many presents sent to Powhatan, his scorne, many strange devices to force us all to come for England, a consultation, all the counsell against the president; how he suppressed their factions, and went to Powhatan with foure men, how Pokahontas entertained him with a maske,4 his message to Powhatan, Powhatans answere, his coronation, the discovery of the Monacans, a punishment for swearing: Smith with eighteene forceth the Chickahamanias to contrabution, a good tavern, the abuses of the masters and sailers corrected, Master Scriviners voyage to Werowocomoco, and the accidents that befell him.

Nausamund forced to pay their tribute, Appamatucke discovered, Smiths journey to Pamauncke, the discovery of Chawwonokes, Smiths discourse to Powhatan, his reply and flattery, and his discourse of peace and warre, how the Dutch men acquainted Powhatan, Smith came to surprise him, and advised Powhatan how to betray him: his plot to have murdered Smith, his escape and the kings excuse, Pokahontas discovereth us her fathers treachery, the dutch men deceive Captaine Winne and armes the salvages against us. Smiths discourse to the king of Pamaunke, 700 attempt to surprise us being but sixteene, he incourageth his souldiers, his offer to the king in single combate, the kings dissimulation to betray him, he taketh the king prisoner; their attempts to be revenged corrected, Master Scriviner and nine men drowned, Master Wiffins desperate journey to acquaint it to Smith. Powhatan constraineth his men againe to bee treacherous, which prevented, with presents for peace, they fraughted our ship wherewith we returne to James towne.

Three new forts built, the dutch mens plot to murder Smith, and fier James towne, Smith taketh the king of Paspahegh prisoner, his revenge amongst the rest, the salvages desire peace, Okanings1 his oration, a salvage smothered and recovered, divers salvages slaine in meddling with powder; they all are subjected, and pay contrabution, great extremity occasioned by rats, bread made of dried sturgion, the punishment for loyterers, the proufes of a healthfull countrey, the salvages returne our fugitives, the discovery of the Mangoags, the Dutchmen living with Powhatan attempt new commotions, two men sent to kill them before Powhatan, the occasion of those inconveniences.

The alteration of the government, with a headles supply of five hundred, their mutinies, the salvages offer to fight against them, their planting Nausamund their bad usage of the salvages, Powhatans chiefe seat,2 bought for Copper, the salvages revenge their wrongs upon the mutiners, as King James his foes, the planting Nonesutch; Smith appeaseth the salvages, the salvages bring him their contrabution, hee is neere blowne to death with Gunpowder, the causes why hee left the countrey, his returne for England, the salvages revolt. 1609

2. The phrase "8. other severall nations adjoyning to them" is omitted in the Generall Historie, both in the Contents and in the text. Judging by the engraved map of Virginia (1612), these eight nations were: Chawons and Mangoags (of modern North Carolina), Monacans and Mannahoacks (of western Virginia), Sasquesahanough[s] and Atquanachukes (of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey), and Tockwoghs and Kuskarawaoks (of the Delmarva Peninsula). The list excludes the Massawomecks, who lived to the northwest and were not "adjoyning." (Note that the spelling of Indian names is that of the map cited.)

3. "Contrabusion" (repeated below with -tion) is a mistake or misprint for "contribution." Omitted in the Generall Historie, the source of the error cannot be known.

1. Newport's name is often thus misspelled.

2. "Imaginary" -- but hoped for.

3. The -g- seems to be a misreading of Smith's manuscript, as do the spellings "Ropahanocks," "Rapahanokckes," and "Nausamund" (for Nansamunds) in the next few lines.

4. "Masque."

1. "Ocanindge" in the Proceedings, 83.

2. Powhatan village was the original seat from which Powhatan, the "Emperor," took his name; it was not his chief seat in 1607-1609.

The fourth Booke.

The planting point comfort, them at Nonesutch, and Nausamund slaine, and forced to James towne: Captaine Ratliffe with thirty slaine, the fruits of improvidence, the arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates, Powhatan kils the dutch men, James towne abandoned, the arrivall of the Lord Laware, Sir George Somers sent to the Bermudas, Gates for England, Argall to Patawomeke, they builde two fortes, the returne of the Lord Laware and Captaine Argal: their relation in England. 1610

The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, divers mutinies suppressed, the second arrivall of Gates, they build Henerico3 and the Bermuda, the second arrivall of Argall, how he tooke Pokahontas prisoner, Dales voyage to Pamauncke, the mariage of Pokahontas to master Rolfe. 1611 1612

The Chickahamanias desire friendship, Articles of peace, Captaine Argals voyage to Porte royall, Master Hamors message to Powhatan, his answere, Dales relation of the estate of the colony, a Spanish ships attempt and successe. 1613 1614

The contents of the declaration and managing of the lottery. 1615

The returne of Sir Thomas Dale, Captaine Yerley1 Deputy, the Chickahaminias rebell, he suppresseth them, a relation to Queene Anne concerning Pokahontas, how the Queene entertained her, her death and godly end. 1616 1617

Haile stones eight inches about, the death of the Lord la Ware, eight English murdered by the salvages, Powhatans death. 1618

Warraskoyacke planted, a Parlament in virginia: Captaine Wards journey to Monahiggan, the arrivall of a dutch man of warre, feare of the salvages treachery, the erecting of foure Corporations, Master Dormors2 journey from new England to Virginia, an inventory of the shipping, men and provision sent this yeere. 1619

A desperate sea fight, betwixt two Spanish men of || warre, and Captaine Chester going to Virginia, the names of all their adventureres, their summes payed to Sir Thomas Smith. 1620

The Earle of Southhampton chosen treasurer, Master Stockams relation from thence of their true estate, the arrivall of Sir Frances Wyate, Master Gockings3 plantation, a note of the shipping, men and provision sent this yeere, the travels of master John Pory, gifts given, pattents granted, etc. 1621

Twenty five only sent to build barkes and boates, their confident security, Jacke of the feather murders Morgan, his two men kils Jacke, Opechankanough dissembled his revenge, the massacre, memorandumes, his Majesties gift, London sets out one hundred persons, the conclusion, how the Spanyards raise their wealth in the West Indes. 1622

The chiefe men slaine in the massacre, and the numbers with them, a strange adventure by Captaine Chroshair,4 a desperate escape of Waters and his wife, Captaine Smiths offer to the company to suppresse the salvages, all their plantations redused to five or sixe, how they proceeded, and surprised, Nausamund, Pamauncke, and Patawomecke.

The losse of Captaine Spilman and his company at Patawomecke, that the salvages are not so terrible as our men are carelesse, their present estate, how the king hath pleased to take it into his consideration: A note of such provisions, as either private families or single persons need use, how many ships are gone, and now a preparing to supply them, the cause of all those disasters, why there comes nothing thence but tobacco, the cause of the massacre, what charge would have settled the governement, the remedy and charge, the defects of the governement, how to rectifie it. 1623

3. A rare but not unique spelling of Henrico.

1. Usually, Yeardley; many variant spellings.

2. Smith seems to prefer the spelling "Dirmer."

3. Preferably, Gookin.

4. A misprint of a variant spelling of Crashaw.

The fift Booke.

The generall History of the Summer Iles.

Henry May the first English man was ever in them, how he was cast away and got for England. 1593

How Sir George Summers was cast upon those Iles, how he lived nine moneths in them, with one hundred and fifty, built two ships, left two men behind him, and arrived in virginia. 1609

His returne to the Bermudas, how he changed their names, his death and Epitath, those Iles patronized and sold to one hundred and twenty. 1610 1611

How three men left there lived, and found amber-greece1 worth nine thousand pound: their first plantation. Advice from England, of the Spanyards, how two Spanish ships attempted to enter, and were repulsed. 1612

The beginning of rats, a strange comming, and vanishing of ravens. 1613

A man drawne into the Sea by a fish and drowned. 1614

A wonderfull accident of Hilyard and his consorts. 1615

Only planting and good husbandry. 1616

Fishing for Whale, the countrey neere devoured with rats, their strange and sudden confusion, seven men came in a boat for England. 1617

Henry Longs desperate escape, the devision of the Iles into tribes, and the tribes into shares, the names of the adventureres, and their shares in every tribe; the description of the Ilands, the ayre, fishes, woodes, birds, fruits, beasts, springes and caves. 1618

The building a Church, two ships in distresse releeved, twenty eight Negroes preserved, the losse of the Warwicke. 1619

Supplies of sixe ships and three pinasses. 1620

Two ships and a pinas more with two hundred and fifty persons, the strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. 1621

The arrivall of master Barnard for governour, his death. 1622

A ship split in the road with Gunpowder, and foureteene slaine, the present estate of the Collony, Captaine Wodhouse sent for governour. 1623

1. "Ambergris." Elsewhere in Smith, "Amber Greece."

The sixt Booke.

The generall history of new England.

How this cost, hath beene coasted, planted, and abandoned as a barren, fearefull, rocky and miserable desart.

Captaine Smiths first voyage, how hee described the coast, what trade, peace and wars he had with the salvages, made his voyage in sixe moneths, and returned with the value of one thousand five hundred pounds. 1614

How he drew the Londoners and the West country to apprehend it, and what contention since there hath beene for it;

How he gat our most gratious Prince Charles to call it new England, and name the most remarkeable places: a table of the old names and the new, observations for ignorant directers, his relations of fifteene of their petty kings, countries, rivers, harbours, Iles, mountaines, Landmarkes, woodes, fruits, beasts, fishes, foules, with their benefits both by sea and land; and why most proper and commodious for England.

His second voyage, his ship neere foundred in the sea, how he reimbarked himselfe, encountred the English pirats, fought with the French pirats, and was betrayed by foure French men of warre, how they released him, his men ran from him with ship and all that he had, how he lived with the French, what fights they had, what rich prises they tooke, the French mens ingratitude, thirteene saile cast away, the Generall drowned, 100000. pounds lost,1 how hee escaped, and proceeded against the French men in France, returned for England, and punished them that ran from him. 1615

His third adventure for new England, and soliciting the nobility, cities, companies, and gentry to understand it: the successe of all the ships thither imployed every yeere, you shall find in the history. 1616

A plantation, the building new Plymoth, their first fight with the salvages, strange things in olde sepulchres, their conditions of peace, their journey to Pakanoky,2 and Nawsit, and proceedings. Their supplies, thirteene saile sent to fish, and returne. 1620

The planters ship taken by a French man, a relation of their estate at new Plymoth, the difference between the Narrobigganses3 and the Massasoyts, our revenge of them for wronging our salvage Squantom and his friends and confederats. 1621

Thirty seven ships went this yeere to fish, made great voyages, a relation of the plantations, proceedings, the Paragon twice neere wrackt upon our coast, sent to supply them. 1622

The ordinary dangers in going to virginia, or new England, considerations, 42. ships that hath made a greater returne then ever, (and I thinke not that so many would goe if they found no profit) a relation of the benefit of fishing, with the charge, hazard, and gaine to bee expected, and how to builde a fleete of good ships to make a little navy Royall, with necessarie observations, and proportions of the charge of shipping, for fishing or plantation. 1623

|| These observations are all I have for the expences of a thousand pound, and the losse of eighteene yeeres of time, besides all the travels, dangers, miseries and incumbrances4 for my countries good, I have endured gratis: and had I not discovered and lived in the most of these parts, I could not possibly have collected the substantiall trueth from such an infinite number of variable Relations, that would make a volume of at least a thousand sheetes: and this is composed in lesse then eighty sheets, besides the three Maps, which will stand me neere in an hundred pounds, which summe I cannot disbursse: nor shall the Stationers have the coppy for nothing.5 Therfore I humbly entreat your Honour, either to adventure, or give me what you please towards the impression, and I will be both accountable, and thankfull; not doubting but that the Story will give you satisfaction, and stirre up a double new life in the Adventurers, when they shall see plainely the causes of all those defailements,1 and how they may be amended.

And so I humbly rest.

1. Probably a misprint for 10,000. The text reads "thirtie thousand Rialls of eight" (Generall Historie, 225).

2. Preferably, "Pakanokick" (ibid., 208, 235).

3. One of nearly 80 variant spellings of Narragansett (tribe, bay, etc.).

4. "Annoyances."

5. As pointed out in Livingston's notes to Capt. John Smith's Circular ([5]), there are 63 sheets in the Generall Historie, "not including the engraved title-page nor the four maps," and "an hundred pounds" is more likely Smith's estimate of the cost of printing the entire edition. Besides, he wanted "something in payment for his manuscript." Livingston is correct in pointing out here that Edward Arber misunderstood the situation (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 274); £100 would have been an absurd fee for three maps.

1. "Failures" -- to be made good.

TEXTUAL ANNOTATION AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE TO

The Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England ... [A Broadside Prospectus]

TEXTUAL ANNOTATION

The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

Page.Line
A1r.108 extraordinary] extradordinary
A1r.117 severall] severerall
A1v.73 Hassininga's] Hassiningais (perhaps in error for Hassininga's; see Generall Historie, sig. A3v)
A1v.92 factions] factious (inverted "n")
A1v.107 Pamauncke] Pamavucke
A1v.113 surprise] surprised
A1v.120 Pamaunke] Pamavuke
A1v.184 England.]~ ^
A1v.190 Pamauncke] Pamavucke
A2r.19 Opechankanough] Opechaukanough (inverted "n")
A2r.33-34 Pamauncke] Pamavucke
A2r.91 tribe;]~ ^
A2r.136-137 Landmarkes] Landmarkas
A2r.143 encountred] encouutred (inverted "n")
A2r.151 French] Freneh

Hyphenation Record

The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol after the bracket indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the boldface number) in this edition.

Page.Line
A1v.133 wherewith] where-with
A2r.69 amber-greece]~
A2r.107 foureteene] foure-teene

The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text. In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the boldface number) in this edition.

Page.Line
A1v.61 fire-works

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Editions
THE GENERALL HISTORIE of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ...

1624

INTRODUCTION

The genesis of the Generall Historie can be conjectured with a fair degree of plausibility. Baffled in his attempts to return to Virginia, Smith had taken up the pen and produced the two parts of the Map of Virginia in 1612. Two years later he made a successful voyage to New England, then largely unexplored, only to run out of luck on a second voyage in 1615. Back in England by December, he published his Description of New England on June 18, 1616 (for details, see the Introduction to that work in Vol. I), while still grasping in vain for a sword or a tiller. Again thwarted, he appears to have begun in earnest to promote English colonies in America sometime during 1617.

The following year, inspired by the appointment of Sir Francis Bacon as lord chancellor on January 4, 1618, Smith drafted a pamphlet, "New Englands Trials." Shortly after Bacon was created Baron Verulam in July, he sent a manuscript copy of it to him, with a personal note containing a vague appeal for backing -- a matter of another New England voyage, with "wealth and honor" for King James and employment for John Smith (see Vol. I). Although Smith's prospects seemed bright, for Bacon had been an adventurer in the Virginia Company since 1609 and a patentee of the Newfoundland Company as of April 27, 1610, New Englands Trials appeared in print in 1620 without reference to the lord chancellor.

Meanwhile, a young gentleman named William Strachey had emerged from gentlemanly obscurity in Saffron Walden (15 miles S of Cambridge) to become a friend of Ben Jonson, John Donne, and other members of the "Mermaid Club," which met in Bread Street. In time, with added family influence, Strachey was appointed secretary to King James's first ambassador to Sultan Ahmet I in Constantinople. Nevertheless, despite a promising future, Strachey got involved in diplomatic and personal squabbles and was back in London, penniless, within two years. Looking about for some way to repair his fortunes, he learned of a secretarial post in the infant colony at Jamestown, possibly through John Donne, who had an eye on it for himself.1 Donne remained in London, but Strachey sailed from Plymouth with Sir Thomas Gates on June 2, 1609, as a minor shareholder and personal adventurer. Wrecked on the Bermuda reefs, Strachey helped build the pinnaces that took the castaways to Virginia, and there in 1610 he was appointed to the post Donne had wanted. John Smith had left Jamestown eight months before.

Some sort of difficulty arose once more, and Strachey was back in London late in 1611, working on a treatise of broad scope, "The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia" (the spelling varies in the surviving copies). With its title obviously drawn from Richard Willes's The History of Travayle in the West and East Indies (London, 1577), this never-finished manuscript was heavily indebted to Richard Hakluyt, John Brereton, James Rosier, James Davies, and John Smith, among others. Strachey presented one copy to Henry Percy, ninth earl of Northumberland, not later than November 6, 1612, apparently at the suggestion of the earl's brother George. Shortly thereafter he gave another copy to Sir Allen Apsley, then victualler to the navy. And in 1618 he sent or delivered a slightly revised, third copy to Bacon, with a veiled appeal similar to Smith's. The lord chancellor paid no attention.

There the subject of an account or history of Virginia rested until early 1621, when King James abolished the state lotteries that had been supporting the colony in Virginia. After surveying the bleak prospects, a modest but active member of the Virginia Company, Master John Smyth of Nibley in Gloucestershire, persuaded by "some of his fellowes of the Generallity," presented a motion at the meeting held April 12, 1621, "to have a faire and perspicuous history, compiled" of Virginia.1 But nothing happened. Captain John Smith presented a petition for some sort of indemnity for services rendered in Virginia. This was heard on May 2, and referred to committee. A few weeks later, on June 21, it was noted in the registers of the parish church of St. Giles, Camberwell, that William Strachey was buried. In the rebuilt church of 1844 there is no trace of where.

Meanwhile, we may be sure that Captain John Smith had heard about Master John Smyth's proposal for a history of Virginia, quite possibly through the Reverend Samuel Purchas, whose closeness to the Virginia Company has been as tacitly accepted as it is unattested. By August 1621, Purchas's publisher, Henry Fetherstone, was already at work on parts of the Pilgrimes,2 and before long Smith would be supplying Purchas with information about his travels and the wars in the Levant. In return, we may soundly surmise, Purchas helped Smith in such ways as supplying him with "The Generall Historie of Virginia"3 as a title for the book proposed at the meeting of the Virginia Company. In addition, it is not unlikely that Purchas also made known to Smith the Atheomastix of Martin Fotherby, bishop of Sarum, on which Smith drew for many an appropriate quotation, and John Minsheu's polyglot Guide into Tongues, which had been published by subscription and may have given Smith the idea of circulating a broadside, or prospectus, to finance his Generall Historie.1 Moreover, the elaborately engraved title page of Purchas's Pilgrimes, originally dated 1624, may have given Smith the notion to follow suit. In short, in the editor's opinion, Purchas's influence on Smith at this time was both opportune and felicitous.

But events that were to affect the Generall Historie were racing on. Although factionalism had been endemic in the general body of the Virginia Company from the outset and reorganization had been unavoidable, it was not until Sir Edwin Sandys replaced Sir Thomas Smythe as treasurer in 1619 that a true internal war rumbled into being. Sir Thomas was too powerful to be brushed entirely out of the undertaking he had sponsored, but Sir Edwin, more of a statesman than a practical businessman, was so unpopular with King James that he had to be replaced in short order, by the earl of Southampton. Nevertheless, he continued to "manage" the company's affairs, with disastrous results, until the Indian massacre of 1622 showed the administration's failure more pointedly than the sum total of its errors of judgment up to that time. Thus when the Virginia winter of 1622-1623 proved even more deadly to the colonists than the Indian attack, an appeal to the king for a thorough investigation of the company's affairs was inevitable. This was presented early in April 1623 by Alderman Robert Johnson, representing Sir Thomas Smythe and the earl of Warwick. (Warwick's primary interest was in the Bermuda Company, closely affiliated with that of Virginia.)

The king's reaction was prompt. On April 17 a royal commission was named, and on May 9, 1623, the Privy Council issued its official approval. Following this, the Court of King's Bench decreed the Virginia Company dissolved on May 24, 1624. With its privileges now assumed by the king, the company held its last court on June 7.

Although there is highly questionable internal evidence that most of Book I was written by September 23, 1622, it is evident that John Smith whipped his Generall Historie into shape during the period of receivership (May 9, 1623-May 24, 1624). This involved finding two engravers, John Barra and Robert Vaughan; a publisher, Michael Sparkes; a surveyor from Bermuda, Richard Norwood; and through Sparkes two printers, John Dawson and John Haviland. Then, with documents and letters coming in almost until the presses were stopped, Smith assembled his material and prepared and published his broadside, or prospectus. Sometime before February 16, 1624, he obtained the financial support of Frances, duchess of Richmond and Lennox (the duke died on that date), and on July 12 the volume was entered for publication.

The Generall Historie is not well organized. Smith himself admitted that he had "writ too much of some [persons or actions], too little of others." But Smith was essentially a man of action, not an accomplished armchair editor like Hakluyt, or a compiler like Purchas. He was careless with figures, prone to exaggeration, and too self-centered to regard events objectively, yet patently sincere, and passionately dedicated to "his" colonies, Virginia and New England. In fact, the book came into being almost in spite of John Smith. Small wonder that he predicted that it would be "wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaves." Nevertheless, he typically prayed his "accusers [anybody who did not agree with him] to change cases and places" with him; then "it may be they would judge more charitably of [his] imperfections."1

Summary of the Six Books

As noted in the Contents, the Generall Historie is divided into six books. Since it is a compilation, almost an anthology, of writings of all kinds dealing with early Virginia, Bermuda, and New England, it lacks consistency of style; and due to Smith's own shortcomings it also lacks both literary and historical balance. Reasonable chronological sequences of narrative alternate with mere lists of names; vivid descriptions of events collide with irrelevant sidelights on Greek or Roman heroes; and all too frequently Smith's highly subjective asides obscure the meaning of the source he has drawn upon. In short, it is not the consistent account we of today might have wished for, yet it remains the one contemporary record of the beginnings of permanent English colonization. Regardless of scattered sources found elsewhere, the Generall Historie is still indispensable.

Book I consists of extracts from the writings of "ancient authors" dealing with the discovery, exploration, and history of what has been called British America. Here, in twenty folio pages, Smith drew largely on Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations,2 bringing the account down to 1605 with the aid of Purchas's Pilgrimes, then in the press, and itself largely derived from Hakluyt's still unprinted collections.

Book II is little more than a reprint of Smith's Map of Virginia (see Vol. I). The occasional digressions in the Generall Historie are indicated in appropriate notes.

Book III is again a reprint, this time of the Proceedings (Vol. I). But here Smith made extensive alterations, mostly in the form of additions. Among these additions is the "Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and Councell of Virginia,"1 which, whatever its original wording, would have been so ill-timed in 1612, when the colony was just recovering from near extinction, that even Smith would probably have doubted the wisdom of printing it. (After the 1622 "massacre" many of Smith's accusations were hurled at the administration by others.) The famous Pocahontas episode is probably another example of Smith's politic suppression in 1612 of a hair-raising tale of the rescue of an Englishman from a frightful death. (In 1612 the company was redoubling its efforts to persuade people to emigrate; in 1624 the Pocahontas who "saved" Smith had become a legend of sorts.) And there are other, less notable, episodes related at some length in the Generall Historie that were more or less ignored before. To attempt to get at the truth of all these details is perhaps idle. But whether this added material had been held back or cut from the Proceedings, or truly engrafted in the Generall Historie to influence English policy with regard to Virginia and her Indians (and the company's with regard to Smith), the result for the reader is a far clearer picture of the colony's problems than is afforded in the Proceedings.

Note that up to the end of Book III, Smith's manuscript was printed by John Dawson; but to hasten the work, the rest, starting with sig. P, had been given to John Haviland. Since Dawson ran out of copy in sig. N, Smith told him to use five commendatory verses from his Description of New England to fill up space, and sheet O was left blank. Hence there is no sig. O, and no pagination from 97 to 104. For the details, see Sabin, Dictionary, XX, 233-234.

Book IV, the longest of the six, is also the most disorganized and least readable. Yet the reason is not far to seek. Smith was attempting to put together a history of Virginia during a period when he was not there (although he wanted to be), when his colonial impulse was divided between Virginia and New England, and when the Virginia Company itself was disintegrating. Thus, although he got off to a fairly good start, he soon began to flounder in a sea of reports and rumors, and came up with only himself as a lifesaver, both for Virginia and the text he was trying to compose. Jumbled as it is, Book IV is held together almost entirely by Smith's self-appreciation. Nevertheless, the first third of it contains some material not available elsewhere, as does the last third. What is between is largely hodgepodge. Is it possible that Smith neglected Book IV while supervising the publication of the first three books by the first printer? Or did the events of the receivership and dissolution of the Virginia Company move too fast for Smith? Certainly, he had planned Book IV reasonably soundly. But whatever the cause, the end product is disappointing.

Book V is the only section of the Generall Historie devoted to a region never visited by Smith, Bermuda. He was thus obliged to use what sources were available to him, and these he put together admirably well. Chiefly, he drew on "The Historye of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands," written by a former governor, Nathaniel Butler, and on Richard Norwood's "Insularum de la Bermuda Detectio," both in manuscript.1 Butler's account was first printed by the Hakluyt Society in 1882 and incorrectly attributed to Smith by the editor, Sir John Henry Lefroy. Norwood's account did not appear in print until 1918, in Champlin Burrage's John Pory's Lost Description of Plymouth. (Had these two manuscripts not survived, Smith would have been our sole source for the material they contain.) Beyond these, Smith drew from Silvester Jourdain's Plaine Description of the Barmudas, published in 1613, in addition to small bits from elsewhere.2

For Book VI Smith drew primarily from his own works again: the Description of New England and New Englands Trials (1622 ed.). The principal alteration is in his account of his capture by French "pirates," but there are other, minor, changes, and a few other sources were drawn on. All in all, Book VI betrays considerable use of scissors and paste, yet provides an understandable account of what happened in New England until early 1624.3

1. See Norman Egbert McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain (Philadelphia, 1939), 1, 284.

1. Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London (Washington, D.C., 1906-1935), I, 451-452.

2. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625). Hereafter cited as Pilgrimes.

3. The probable source was Richard Knolles's The Generall Historie of the Turkes ... (London, 1603), the third edition of which was published posthumously in 1621.

1. Martin Fotherby, Atheomastix; clearing foure truthes, against atheists ... (London, 1622); John Minsheu, The Guide into Tongues ... (London, 1617).

1. See the Generall Historie, 168, below. For additional information, see Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company: The Failure of a Colonial Experiment (New York, 1932); S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621 (Charlottesville, Va., 1965); and Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records.

2. Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-1600).

1. See the Generall Historie, 70-72, below.

1. Nathaniel Butler, The Historye of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands, ed. J. Henry Lefroy, Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser., LXV (London, 1882).

2. Silvester Jourdain, A Plaine Description of the Barmudas ... (London, 1613).

3. For an overall survey of the Generall Historie, see Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971).

THE GENERALL HISTORIE

OF Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles: with the names fo the Adventurers, Planters, and Governours from their first beginning Ano: 1584 to this present 1624.

WITH THE PROCEDINGS OF THOSE SEVERALL COLONIES and the Accidents that befell them in all their Journyies and Discoveries.

Also the Maps and Descriptions of all those Countryes, the Commodities, people Government, Customes, and Religion yet knowne.

DIVIDED INTO SIXE BOOKES. By Captaine JOHN SMITH Sometymes Governour in those Countryes & Admirall of New England.

LONDON Printed by I.D. and I.H. for Michael Sparkes. 1624.

z000000006_046_1

[Engraver, John Barrà (so signed here; see Jan Barra, in the Biographical Directory). It can hardly be accidental that Barra did a full-length engraving of Ludovick Stuart, duke of Richmond and Lennox, also in 1624. It is not known whether the title page led to the portrait, or vice versa.

The upper third of the page, partially enclosing the title, is an imaginative map of the Atlantic coast from modern North Carolina to the Castine Peninsula, Maine, on which are superimposed medallion portraits of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and Prince Charles. The map makes little attempt to be realistic cartographically, but three inscriptions attest to a broad plan: "Ould Virginia" at the left, "Virginia Now Planted" at the top center, and "New England" at the right. The whole design, in fact, points to some such basic source as the manuscript map of 1611 generally known as the "Velasco Map" preserved in the Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid), Spain (see W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America [New York, 1972], 264 and map 326). C[ape] Fear and "Hatorask" both appear on the southern extremity of this map, with C[ape] Henry and "C[ape] Charels" (Charles) just above. Where there is no real detail from that point on the Velasco map to C[ape] James (Cape Cod) and C[ape] Anne, Barra has apparently taken advantage of later explorations and fancifully added "B[ay] la Ware" and "Renolds I[sle]." (Samuel Argall anchored in and named the former in 1610; the latter may represent Long Island, first explored by the Dutch soon after.) The place-names with which Barra decorated his drawing probably pay honor to John Reynolds of the Goldsmiths' Company (a friend of Smith's) and the duke or duchess of Richmond and Lennox, while repeating four names from the map of New England: C[ape] Elizabeth, "Willowbys Il[e]s," "Pembroks B[ay]," and "Fines Il[e]s." Just beyond the right margin of Barra's engraving lay the Mount Desert Island of the Velasco map, so named by Samuel de Champlain in 1604.

As to the three medallions, it may be suggested that they were derived as follows: Queen Elizabeth, very likely from Crispin van de Passe's engraving, in reverse, after Isaac Oliver's drawing (see Arthur M. Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 3 vols. [Cambridge, 1952-1964], I, 282-283, plates 141-143); James I, from Francis Delaram's engraving (ibid., II, 225, plate 128a); and Prince Charles, possibly inspired by a prototype of the 1625 anonymous engraving of the betrothal of Charles and Henrietta Maria designed for George Marcelline's Epithalamium Gallo-Britannicum (ibid., II, 64-65, plate 34). The editor is indebted to Mrs. Margery Corbett, co-editor with Michael Norton of Vol. III of Hind's Engraving, for queries and suggestions throwing light on Barra's likely sources.

The title is set in a rectangular frame with Smith's two coats-of-arms: on the right, the device granted him by Zsigmond Báthory; on the left, an unrecorded impalement combining three garbs with three fleurs-de-lys, possibly for a Smith family of Lincolnshire or Gloucestershire. On either side are the arms of Virginia (left) and New England (right), with Bermuda at the bottom (center). Of these, the first mentioned appears "never to have been the subject of a grant of arms"; the second "also seem[s] to be a creation of someone other than the King of Arms," since "these arms do not appear to be on record"; while the third "are those of the Bermudas Company, ... [which] became the basis of the arms for the colony of Bermuda" (letter to the editor, May 5, 1972, from Dr. Conrad Swan, York Herald of Arms, College of Arms, London). An early reproduction of the Virginia arms has the following subtitle and comment: "The Company of Merchants, called Merchants of Virginia, Bermudas, or Summer-Hands, for (as I heare) all these additions are given them. I know not the time of their incorporating, neither by whom their Armes, Supporters, and Crest were granted, and therefore am compelled to leave them abruptly" (John Stow, The Survey of London, enlarged ed. [London, 1633], 620; see also Peter Walne, "A Cote for Virginia," Virginia Cavalcade, IX [Summer, 1959], 5-10).

Because of the reissues of the Generall Historie in 1625, 1626, 1627, 1631, and 1632, certain successive alterations were made in the plate for the title page, resulting in "states" of the engravings, as will be noted in Smith's various illustrative maps as well. These appear only from 1626 on, since the 1625 issue kept the original page but added a printed title page with the date 1625. Six such states are recognized:

The two states of the 1632 title page, pointing to two issues for that year, were first noticed after the publication of the STC in 1926 (see Joseph Sabin et al., Bibliotheca Americana: A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from its Discovery to the Present Time, XX [New York, 1927], 227, 244-245).

The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this title bpage.]

z000000006_048_1

[This inscription in Smith's handwriting is the sole surviving example of thirty or so letters he inscribed in the copies of the Generall Historie that he presented to the various London livery companies. His inscription to the Cordwainers is located at the front of the volume, facing the engraved title page. According to Sabin's Dictionary, XX, 237, the Cordwainers' copy "afterwards came into the possession of Robert Stayner Holford, Esq., of Dorchester House, London, passing later to his son Sir George Lindsay Holford, and is mentioned in Seymour de Ricci's 'Book Collector's Guide,' 1921." For the past half century this copy has belonged to the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, Calif., to which the editor is indebted for permission to reproduce it.]

TO THE WORSHIPFULL the Master Wardens and Societie of the Cordwayners of the Cittie of London.

Worthie Gentlemen

Not only in regard of your Courtisie and Love, Butt also of the Continuall use I have had of your Labours, and the hope you may make some use of mine, I salute yow with this Cronologicall discourse, whereof yow may understand with what infinite Difficulties and Dangers these Plantations first began, with ther yearlie proceedings, and the plaine description and Condition of those Countries; How many of your Companie have bin Adventurers, whose Names are omitted or not nominated1 in the Alphabett I know not, therefore I intreate yow better to informe me, that I may hereafter imprint yow amongst the Rest, Butt of this I am sure for want of Shooes among the Oyster Bankes wee tore our hatts and Clothes and those being worne, wee tied Barkes of trees about our Feete to keepe them from being Cutt by the shelles amongst which wee must goe or starve, yett how many thousand of Shooes hath bin transported to these plantations, how many soldiers Marriners and Saylers have bin and are likely to be encreased thereby, what vent2 your Commodities have had and still have, and how many Shipps and men of all Faculties have bin and are yearlie imployed I leave to your owne Judgments, and yett by reason of ill manadging, the Returnes have neither answered the generall Expectation, nor my desire; the Causes thereof yow may reade at Large in this Booke for your better Satisfaction, and I pray yow take it not in ill part that I present the same to yow in this manuscript Epistle soe late, for both it and I my self have bin soe overtired by attendances that3 this work of mine doth seeme to be Superannuated before it's Birth, notwithstanding Lett me intreat yow to give it Lodging in your Hall freelie to be perused for ever, in memorie of your Noblenesse towards mee, and my Love to God, my Countrie, your Societie, and those Plantations, Ever resting

Your's to use John Smith

z000000006_051_1

[The engraver of this likeness of Frances Howard was Willem van de Passe, son of Crispin, of Zeeland, and a younger brother of Simon. (See the Biographical Directory.)

The print of this engraving in the Cordwainers' copy of the Generall Historie, now in the Huntington Library, is apparently the only surviving example of the portrait bound in the original sewing and printed on paper the full size of the book (Sabin, Dictionary, 236-237). It is perhaps worth hazarding a surmise, on the basis of this single example, that Smith donated hand-inscribed copies to the other livery companies, and that these copies also contained van de Passe's portrait of the duchess bound in.

As noted in the lower margin, Frances was the daughter of Thomas, Lord Howard of Bindon, who in turn was the son of Thomas Howard, third duke of Norfolk, and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Stafford, third duke of Buckingham. The repeated royal connections along with Henry VIII's matrimonial adventures, shown in the genealogical table below, explain in some measure the odd mental makeup of John Smith's benefactress. And to these must be superposed Frances's three marriages. First married to a wealthy, though far from royal, vintner named Henry Pranell. she was soon a young, beautiful, and wealthy widow. Within a year she married Edward Seymour, earl of Hertford, whose aunt, Jane Seymour, was the mother of King Edward VI. The earl had befriended John Smith in 1612 (see the dedication prefixed to the Map of Virginia), and it is possible that Smith was presented to Frances then. In any case, the earl died April 6, 1621, aged eighty-one, and Frances, by then possessed of an income worthy of an oriental potentate, tarried not in remarrying. Still only in her early forties, Frances married Ludovick Stuart, nearest male relative of King James himself. Ludovick was already duke of Lennox, in Scotland, and when the king determined to raise his favorite, George Villiers, to the dignity of duke of Buckingham, an English title, it seemed improper for him to take precedence over a Stuart. Consequently, Ludovick was created duke of Richmond a matter of minutes before the ducal title was conferred on Buckingham. In this way, and due to her vanity mixed with frivolity, Frances came to be known as the "Double Duchess." It need only be added that when Ludovick died on February 16, 1624, Frances wasted little time in seeking the crown through marriage to King James. Failing this, she lived on, childless, in solitary royal splendor until she was placed in the tomb next to her third husband in Westminster Abbey late in 1639.

The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this engraving.]

z000000006_052_1

GENEALOGY OF FRANCES HOWARD

* Elizabeth Stafford was the daughter of Edward, duke of Buckingham, descended from Edward III through both John of Gaunt and Thomas, duke of Gloucester.

1. "Named."

2. "Sale."

3. The word "wee" has been crossed out after "that."

TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS and Most Noble Princesse, the Lady Francis, Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox.

May it please your Grace,

This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subject, so much more for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergoe, and most of all for that great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments.1 But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by hearsay, but have beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to have a propertie in them: and therefore have beene bold to challenge them to come under the reach of my owne rough Pen.2 That, which hath beene indured and passed through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording? He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Julius Cæesar,3 whose atchievments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the Barbarous,4 yet well may trem- || ble in handling a Pen among so many Judicious:5 especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.

Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst themselves, have offred me rescue and protection in my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I have felt reliefe from that sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda,6 when I was a slave to the Turkes, did all she could to secure7 me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities.8 In the utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas,1 the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully assisted me.2

And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from your Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which have no helpe but the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent Name: which will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Majestie, the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia:3 your sweet Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall recorde to posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the highly blessed of God.

Your Graces faithfull and devoted servant,

John Smith.

1. "Trappings."

2. Cf. Shakespeare's Henry V, Epilogue, I: "with rough and all unable pen."

3. An idea possibly suggested by Edward Worseley (see commendatory verses, sig. A2r, below).

4. "Uncivilized."

5. "Discreet"; Shakespeare contrasted "the unskilfull" with "the judicious" (Hamlet, III, ii, 22).

6. Probably better "Trabigzanda" (Description of N.E., inserted leaf at front; and see Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith [Boston, 1964], 58).

7. "Guard, protect."

8. Smith's first mention of this episode (see the True Travels, sig. A4r, and p. 32).

1. First mentioned in the True Relation, sig. E3v. Smith's description of Pocahontas was used verbatim by Ben Jonson, in The Staple of Newes, Pennyboy Canter speaking, just before the end of Act II.

2. For the entire incident, see the Description of N.E., 50-58 (repeated below, 223-226, with the first mention of Mme. Chanoyes on p. 225).

3. Elizabeth, eldest daughter of James I, married Frederick V, elector palatine of the Rhine, who had accepted the royal crown of Bohemia in Aug. 1619 but had been ousted by Emperor Ferdinand in Nov. 1620. Through her daughter Sophia, Elizabeth was the ancestress of George III and, of course, Queen Victoria.

A PREFACE of foure Poynts.

This plaine History humbly sheweth the truth; that our most royall King James hath place and opportunitie to inlarge his ancient Dominions without wronging any; (which is a condition most agreeable to his most just and pious resolutions:) and the Prince his Highness may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining Provinces addeth to the Kings Crown: but the reducing Heathen people to civilitie and true Religion, bringeth honour to the King of Heaven. If his Princely wisedome and powerfull hand, renowned through the world for admirable government, please but to set these new Estates into order; their composure will be singular:1 the counsell of divers is confused; the generall Stocke is consumed; nothing but the touch of the Kings sacred hand can erect a Monarchy. I.

Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen,2 it is your Honors that have imployed great paines and large expence in laying the foundation of this State, wherein much hath beene buried under ground, yet some thing hath sprung up, and given you a taste of your adventures. Let no difficulties alter your noble intentions. The action is an honour to your Country: and the issue may well reimburse you your summes expended. Our practices have hitherto beene but assayes, and are still to be amended. Let your bountie supply the necessities of weake beginnings, and your excellent judgements rectifie the proceedings; the returne cannot choose in the end but bring you good Commodities, and good contentments, by your advancing shipping and fishing so usefull unto our Nation.3 II.

Yee valiant and generous spirits, personall possessors of these new-found Territories, banish from among you Cowardise, covetousnes, jealousies, and idlenes, enemies to the raising your honours and fortunes; vertue, industry, and amitie, will make you good and great, and your merits live to ensuing Ages. You that in contempt of necessities, hazard your lives and estates, imploying your studies and labours in these faire endevours, live and prosper as I desire my soule should prosper. III.

For my selfe let emulation and envie cease, I ever intended my actions should be upright: now my care hath beene that my Relations should give every man they concerne, their due.1 But had I not discovered and lived in the most of those parts, I could not possibly have collected the substantiall truth from such a number of variable2 Relations, that would have made a Volume at least of a thousand sheets.3 Though the beginning may seeme harsh in regard of the Antiquities, brevitie, and names;4 a pleasanter Discourse ensues. The stile of a Souldier is not eloquent, but honest and justifiable; so I desire all my friends and well-wishers to excuse and accept it, and if any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New England5 to light, though long since brought in obscuritie, he is againe to be found a true servant to all good designes.

So I ever rest yours to command,

John Smith

1. This may be interpreted to mean that the affairs of the colonies will be "composed (or settled)" under a single head and that only the king can correct the confusion resulting from the discord in the Virginia Council and the dissipation of the company's resources.

2. Smith was apparently addressing whatever governing body Virginia and Bermuda might have in the uncertain days of 1623-1624, be it the commission or a new group similar to the old council.

3. A hint that fishing and commerce would be more certain sources of profit than visionary searches for mineral wealth.

1. George Percy was one who thought that Smith failed here (see the Biographical Directory; and Philip L. Barbour, "The Honorable George Percy, Premier Chronicler of the First Virginia Voyage," Early American Literature, VI [1971], 7-17).

2. "Differing, diverse."

3. Unquestionably an exaggeration.

4. Smith dismissed the early attempts at colonization much too briefly (cf. the unfinished Liber secundus of William Strachey's The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund, Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIII [London, 1953], 137-173).

5. It was Smith who suggested the name.

A GENTLEMAN desirous to be unknowne, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia, his love to the Author, the Company, and History.

\ STay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;
Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts,
Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.

\ From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle,
Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill:
He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle,
And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will.

\ Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer;1
Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer;
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Frobisher;
Gilberts brave Humphrey, Neptunes devourer;

\ Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discoverer;
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brave coaster:
Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner;
Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.

\ Though these be gone, and left behinde a name,
Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece
To after Ages, and eternall Fame,
That we may have the golden Jasons fleece.

\ He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation,
And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory;
Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation,
Regaining honour to this worthy Story.

\ By him the Infidels had due correction,
He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie:
He made the Indians bow unto subjection,
And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty.

\ The Colonies pin'd, starv'd, staring, bones so feeble,
By his brave projects, proved strong againe:
The Souldiers' 'lowance he did seeke to treble,
And made the Salvage in uncouth place remaine.

\ He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state,
And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore:
Regarding not the Salvage love nor hate:
Themselves grew well, the Indians wondrous poore.

\ This there he did and now is home return'd,
To shew us all that never thither goe:
That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd,
Because the Action goeth on so slow.

\ Wise, Rich,
grave, prize
Brave, Benefactors,
Replant, want, continue still good Actors.
finde,
and bring
kinde, eyes
Be to blind;
By Gods great might, give Indians light.
Bloud,
to
money,
doe
Spend that good,
That may give Indians heav'nly food.
no lesse,
you
God
still
And shall blesse;
Both you and yours the Lands possesse.
S. M.1 See here behold as in a Glasse, All that is, or is and was. T. T.2 1624.

1. "True Bearer of Christ to the Indies"; the succeeding lines are more poetical than historical.

1. "S.M." has not been satisfactorily identified.

2. "T.T." may well have been Thomas Thorpe, bookseller and publisher of Shakespeare's Sonnets (see the Biographical Directory).

SAMUEL PURCHAS1 of his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Virginia.

\ LOe here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded,
True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged
For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed,
(Soile-chang'd,* Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged,
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:
Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour
'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;
Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammar,
Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t'Arts; to Scholar, Souldier hammer:

\ Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well
Hath taught Smith scoure my rustie out-worne Muse,
And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell,
That things unlearned long by want of use,
Shee fresh areeds3 me read, without abuse
By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made
By greater lies she saith; seales Faith excuse
a T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade
After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide.4

\ The Fryer of Linneb5 frights her with his black Art;
Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madocc planted.
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart,
Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted
So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;
This got the named, last, least of Three; the Other
New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted
In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover
Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over.

\ Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole,
Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it,
Gave't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole)
Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it.
Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it:
Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation
James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it:
Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation,
Frees, feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.

* Cælum non animum mutant2a These are said a thousand yeares agoe to have beene in the North parts of America.b He is said to discover the Pole 1360.c Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170.d America named of Americus Vesputius, which discovered les then Colon or Sir Sebastian Cabot, and the Continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a yeare after Cabot had don it. He was set forth by Henry 7 and after by Henry 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Edward 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir Hugh Willoughby, and discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South.

1. This involved composition is rather typical of Purchas.

2. The complete line is caelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt, "they who scud across the sea change their climate, not their mind" (Horace, Epistles, I, xi, 27).

3. "Counsels, tells (me to)."

4. "Worse deception." "Wares" is a variant spelling; "braid[e]" is long obsolete in this sense.

5. Nicholas of [King's] Lynn; see p. I, below, for notes on the others mentioned here, except for Robert Thorne and Hugh Eliot (fl. 1480-1510), who, sailing with Cabot, are claimed to have been the English discoverers of America.

THOMAS MACARNESSE1 to his worthy friend and Countryman, Captaine John Smith.

\ WHo loves to live at home, yet looke abroad,
And know both passen and unpassen2 road,
The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore,
The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store:
Read but this little3 Booke, and then confesse,
The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse.

\ He writ it with great labour, for thy good,
Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;
It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme
Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine.
That thou mightst read and know and safely see,
What he by practice, thou by Theoree.

\ Commend him for his loyall loving heart,
Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.

1. Macarnesse has not been identified satisfactorily.

2. "Passed and unpassed"; the sole instances of these erroneous forms recorded in the OED.

3. Perhaps a term of endearment here.

TO HIS FRIEND Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.

\ I Know not how Desert more great can rise,
Then out of Danger t' ane for good mens Good;
Nor who doth better winne th' Olympian prize,
Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud;
Private respects have private expectation,
Publicke designes, should publish reputation.

\ This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard
With strange discoverie of GODS strangest Creatures,
Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd,
And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures,
Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde
Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.

\ But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores
For estimation; all goes now by wealth,
Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores
That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth
Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest
In many places; monies well come best.

\ But those who well discerne, esteeme not so:
Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out
Thy Iron thus; though I but little know
To what t'hast seene; yet I in this am stout:
My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents,
That makes mee see thy greater presidents.
Jo: Done.1

1. John Done, an obscure author and translator, fl. 1624-1633; not to be confused with John Donne, the famous poet and divine. See the Biographical Directory.

TO MY WORTHY friend Captaine John Smith.

\ How great a part of knowledge had wee lost,
Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,
Had not thy carefull diligence and cost
Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile!
Like Cæsar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,
These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne.
Edw: Worseley.1

1. Not yet identified, although Sir Bowyer and Sir Richard Worsley are known patentees of lands in Virginia. Both men were of the Isle of Wight and are said to have been friends of Capt. Robert Gosnold during his stay there. Robert was a first cousin of Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold, explorer of New England and vice-admiral of the original Jamestown fleet. All of this seems to point to some connection between the writer of the verses and the two knights.

TO HIS MUCH respected Friend Captaine John Smith.

\ ENvie avant.2 For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience,
Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,
Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence
Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like
Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle
Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle:
Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true,
Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew.
Ro: Norton.3

2. "Be off!"

3. Robert Norton, gunner, engineer, and author. Smith returned the compliment in 1628 (see Fragment L, Vol. III).

TO HIS LOVING friend Captaine John Smith.

\ WHere actions speake the praises of a man,
There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be,
Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne;4
For such with vertue seldome doe agree.

\ When I looke backe on all thy labours past,
Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind
By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)
Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind.

\ I doe admire thy still undanted spirit;
unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good.
This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit;
For it th'hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.

1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most unkinde,
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Doth prove, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde.

Edw: Ingham.1

4. "Judge by unfair or ignorant standards."

1. Still unidentified, but the only friend to contribute two commendations to Smith's works.

TO MY DEARE friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith.

\ MOre then enough I cannot thee commend:
Whose both abilities and Love doe tend
So to advance the good of that Estate,
By English charge, and Planters propagate
Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first
Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst.
And often that effected but with ten
That after thee, and now, three hundred men
|| Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake
At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake.
Which well appeares; considering the while
Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile
Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue)
In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue
Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,
Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee.
Nor yet perceive I any got betweene
Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene
In prayse; or profit much; if counted just;
Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust.
Some few particulars perhaps have sped;
But wherein hath the publicke prospered?
Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne,
Then by thy Labours and Relations showne
First, best? And shall wee love Thee now the lesse?
Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse
Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom,
Such past good hath, such future good may come.

David Wiffin.2

2. See the Biographical Directory.

NOBLE CAPTAINE Smith, my worthy Friend

\ NOt like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie
Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie
(For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide;
But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride:
Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth)
The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth.
The last whereof (America) best showes
Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes,
(Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three,
In as great Deeds as great varietie)
For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two*
Of Her large Members; Now Ours, to our view.
Thereby endearing us to thy desart,
That doubly dost them to our hands impart;
There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each
Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.
And so become, in after Times t' ensue,
A President for others, So to doe. *Virginia now inhabited, and New-England.
William Grent.1

1. See the Biographical Directory.

TO HIS WORTHILY affected Friend, Captaine John Smith.

\ AMongst so many that by learned skill,
Have given just prayse to thee, and to thy Booke,
Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will,
Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke,
And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest:
Use thy discretion, I have done my best.
Ανώνυμoς.2

2. "Anonymous"; Arber misread this as αγώγνμòς(Smith, Works, 288). In some copies of the Generall Historie there is a grave accent on the last syllable, and both nu's look like gamma's, but Arber's word does not exist in Greek.

The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books
The first Booke.

THE first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of Carthage, and how it was offred King Henry 7. by Christopher Cullumbus, that undertooke it for the Spanyards. 1492. 1170 1488 1492

How John Cabot was imployed by King Henry the 7. and found the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the North. And how Captaine Amidas was sent to discover the coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and his associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called Virginia by Queene Elizabeth. Page 1-4. 1497 1576 1583 1584

Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok and Moratoc. The trechery of their King, who with eight more were slaine, and they all returned to England againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. pag. 5-9. 1585

The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities, victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the world, and man; the immortalitie of the soule; the subtiltie of their Priests; the peoples simplicitie, and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. pag. 9-12.

Sir Richard Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them, left fiftie. Their successe. page 13. 1586

Master White sent to relieve them, found they were all slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed. 1587

Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his Observations and Accidents. pag. 14-16. 1589

A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Elizabeths Isles; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 17. 18. 1602

The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same Coast. 1603

The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 18-20. 1605

A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the Salvages.1

1. This appears to be a notice to the binder to insert the map of Ould Virginia after p. 20.

The second Booke.
Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine Smith.

THE Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of Chisapeack Bay, and seaven navigable Rivers that fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants, and diversitie of Language. pag. 21-25. 1606

Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes, berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their ground, plant their corne, and use it, and other victuall. pag. 25-29.

What commodities may be had by industry. The description of the people, their numbers, constitutions, dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens, their usage of children, striking of fire, making their Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats: how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, and their order of hunting. Consultations and order in Warres. pag. 29-33.

Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, Conjurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and resurrection. pag. 34-36.

The manner of their government, their Emperor; his attendants, watch, treasury, wives, successors and authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of punishment, with some words of their Language Englished. pag. 37- 40.

And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted.1

1. This is probably a mere notice to the binder to insert the (Smith/Hole) map of Virginia after p. 40.

The third Booke.
Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.2

THEIR orders of government, Accidents in going, first landing and governement setled. pag. 41. 42. 1606

The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their names were left,3 occasion of sicknes, plenty unexpected, the building of James Towne, the beginning of Trade, two projects to abandon the Country. pag. 43-46. 1607

Their first attempts upon the Salvages. Captaine Smith taken prisoner; their order || of Triumph, and how he should have beene executed, was preserved, saved James towne from being surprised, how they Conjured him. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to James Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey suppressed. pag. 47-49.

Their first Supply and Accidents. The Salvages opinion of our God. Captaine Smith revisits Powhatan; James Towne burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needlesse charge; Captaine Newports returne for England. pag 50-53.

James Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The Salvages plot to murther all the English; their insolencies suppressed. Different opinions among the Councell. p. 53. 1608

Their names landed in this Supply. p. 54.

The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony. pag. 55-58.

How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in the discovery. A needlesse misery at James towne redressed. pag. 58-59.

The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their Incounter with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the Sasquesahanoughs offer subjection to the English. The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. Their fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken prisoner; his relation of those mountaines; peace concluded with all those Nations. pag. 59-64.

The discovery of the river Payankatank; their fight with the Nandsamunds, and Chisapeacks; their returne to James town. p. 65.

The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith. The second Supply by Captaine Newport, many Presents sent from England to Powhatan, his scorne, Consultations; factions suppressed; Captaine Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas entertaines him with a Maske; the Coronation of Powhatan, and Conditions. pag. 68.1

The discovery of the Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco. pag. 68-70.

Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply. pag. 71. 72.

Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage in Virginia. Apamatuck discovered. pag. 73.

Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunkee. The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse to Powhatan; His reply and flattery; and his discourse of Peace and Warre. Powhatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas. pag. 77.2

Their escape at Pamaunkee. The Dutch-men deceive Captaine Winne, and arme the Salvages; sixteene English beset by seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King Opechankanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse and reconcilement. p. 77.-80.

Master Scrivener and others drowned; Master Wiffins desperate journey to Pamaunkee; Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous; he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned; the Dutch-mens trechery. pag. 80-82.

The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all subject to the English. pag. 84.3

A Salvage smoothered, yet recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying stolne4 powder. Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery of the Mangoags. Captaine Argals first arrivall; the inconveniences in a Plantation. p. 84-89.

The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper; Mutinies. pag. 90. 91. 1609

Captaine Smith blowne up with Gun-powder; a bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of the Dutch-men. Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. p 95.5

2. Note the absence of William Symonds's name here.

3. "Their names [who] were left" refers to the list of first planters who remained in Virginia when the ships sailed back to England.

1. "Pag. 66-68" would be more accurate.

2. "Pag. 74-77" would be more accurate.

3. "Pag. 83-84" would be more accurate.

4. "Stolen"; a common variant spelling.

5. "Pag. 92-96" would be more accurate.

The fourth Booke.
With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.

How the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the planting point Com- || fort. Them at Nandsamund, and the Fals, defeated by the Salvages. Captaine Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. The fruits of improvidence. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates. James Towne abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord La Warre; their actions, and both their returnes. pag. 105-108.1 1610

The government left to Captaine Percie; and his proceedings. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. pag. 109-110. 1611

The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates; the building Henerico, and the Bermudas; how Captaine Argall tooke Pocahontas prisoner. Dales voyage to Pamaunkee. The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles of Peace with the Salvages. p. 110.-114. 1612 1613

The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captaine Argals voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their Accidents. pag. 115. 116. 1614

The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas comes for England. Captain Yerley left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the Chickahamanians, and proceedings. pag. 117-121. 1615 1616

A relation to Queene Anne of the quality and condition of Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Captaine Argall sent governor; the death of Powhatan; ten English slaine; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation of their present estates. Haile-stones 8. inches about. pag. 121-125. 1617 1618

Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted. A parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed; the adventures of Captaine Ward; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. pag. 125-127. 1619

A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish men of warre; the names of the Adventurers. pag. 128-138. 1620

Notes and observations. A relation of their estates by Master Stockam. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given, Patents granted. p. 139-141. 1621

Master Pories journeyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places, with his accidents. pag. 141.-143.

Captaine Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and manner of the Massacre; the numbers slaine; the providence of Captaine Nuse; Captaine Chroshaw his voyage to Patowomek. pag. 143-151. 1622

Captaine Smiths offer to the Company to suppresse the Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery; Chroshaw stayes at Patawomek; the escape of Waters and his wife. Captaine Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws plot for all their preservations. Captaine Madison sent to Patawomek. Captaine Powell kils three Salvages. Sir George Yerleys journey to Acomack. The misery of Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek; a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe unto the Patawomeks. It was not well don to make Opechankanough drinke healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and Pamaunkee. The opinion of Captaine Smith how to subject the Salvages. The arrivall of Captaine Butler in Virginia, and other Accidents. pag. 152-161. 1623

The losse of Captaine Spilman and 26. men. A particular of such necessaries as are fit for private persons or families. pag. 161. 162.

A briefe relation by Captaine Smith to his Majesties Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The 7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded, and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it into his consideration. pag. 163-168. 1624

At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new Commissions sent.

A Proclamation, no Tobacco be used in England, but what shall come from Virginia, or the Somer Isles; quere the Proclamation.1

1. Note that there is no mention of the missing pages 97-104, or of sig. O.

1. "Quere the Proclamation" seems to be a printer's query that was not deleted, similar to the one in the Proceedings, 41. A proclamation on tobacco, in fact, was urged by the House of Commons and the commissioners for Virginia, but none is known before that of Sept. 29, 1624, after the Generall Historie was entered for publication (July 12) and after the last date mentioned therein (July 15, on p. 168). Cf. Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London (Washington, D.C., 1906-1935), III, 163.

The fift Booke.

A MAPPE of the Somer Isles and Fortresses.2 The description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soyle, ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of the shipwrack of Henry May. pag. 169- 173. 1593

The shipwrack of Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers; their accidents, deliverance and arrivall in Virginia. Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph, the accidents hapned; three men lived there alone two yeares. pag. 174-177. 1609 1610 1611

Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber Greece found of 80. pound || weight; much dissension; Mores industrie in fortifying and waighing Ordnance out of the wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of Potatoes. The attempt of 2. Spanish ships; a great mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply, with their Accidents, and Moores returne. pag. 177-180. 1612 1613 1614

The rent3 of the six governours; a wonderfull accident of Hilliard, not much lesse then a miracle. pag. 181. 182. 1615

The government of Captaine Tuckar; Assises; the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West Indies; the endevours of Captaine Powell; Assises. The Country neer devoured with ratts; their strange confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and Tribes into shares, by Master Norwood; the names of the adventurers, and their shares. p. 182- 189. 1616 1617 1618

The first Magazin; two exployts of desperate fugitives. The returne of Captaine Tuckar. Captaine Kendall left deputy-governor, and their Accidents. pag. 189-191.

The government of Captaine Butler; A platforme burnt, and much hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the Kings Castle. The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The rebuilding the Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George Somers. The reformation of their lawes and officers. Their Assises. A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin. The building three Bridges. The generall Assises; A strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A strange Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates present. p. 191-199. 1619 1620 1621

Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death, and funerall, with the proceedings of Master Harrison his successor, and Captaine Woodhouse their governor. pag. 200-201. 1622 1623 1624

Certaine Verses of Master Withers, and other Gentlemen.

2. Again, this seems to be a notice to the binder to insert the Bermuda engravings after p. 168. Regarding the name: since the season was often spelled "sommer" and the family name of Sir George Somers was often spelled "Summer[s]," it is not surprising that the punning continued long after its first mention by John Chamberlain, in a letter dated Feb. 12, 1612 (Norman Egbert McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain [Philadelphia, 1939], I, 334). On comparison with the Broadside, it is evident that Smith assembled much of his material after 1623. Nevertheless, the last page and a half of Bk. V had to be padded with poetry (again from the Description of N.E.) so that Bk. VI could begin on a right-hand page.

3. "Rent" is apparently some sort of error for "rule." Smith's subtitle (p. 181, below), "The rule of the six Governors," is also the subtitle of Lib. III of Nathaniel Butler's MS "Historye of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands" (B.L., Sloane MS 750). See p. 169n, below.

The sixt Booke.

A MAPPE of New England.1 How this country hath bin accounted but a miserable Desert. Captain Smiths first voyage; what peace and warres he had with the Salvages, and within 6. moneths returned with 1500 1. worth of commodities; got Prince Charles to call it New-England. A Table of the old names and the new. page. 203-205. 1614

Captaine Hobsons voyage to Capawuk; the Londoners apprehend it. The situation: notes for ignorant undertakers. The description of the Country. Staple Commodities; present proofe of the healthfulnesse of the clime. Observations of the Hollanders chiefe trade. p. 209.

Examples of the altitude comparatively; the reasons why to plant it. An example of the gaines every yeare; a description of 15. severall Countries in particular. Of their Kings, rivers, harbors, Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, woods, birds, fishes, beasts, etc. and how as well Gentlemen as mecanicks, may be imployed, and get much wealth, with the reasons and causes of the defaylements. p. 206-221.

Captaine Smiths second voyage; his ship neere foundered in the Sea; He reimbarketh himselfe; incountreth the English Pyrats; fought with the French Pyrates; is betrayed by 4. French men of warre; how he was released; his men ran from him with ship and all; how he lived with the French men; what fights they had, what prizes they tooke; the French mens ingratitude. 13 sayle cast away: how he escaped, proceeded in France, returned for England, and punished them ran from him. pag. 222-227. 1615 1616

The yearely trialls of New-England; the benefit of fishing, as Master Dee, and divers report, and approoved by the Hollanders Records; how it becomes so well apprehended, that more then 150. have gone thither to fish, with an estimate of their gaines, with many observations and Accidents. pag. 228-230. 1617 1618 1619

A Plantation in New-England; their first landing; divers journeys and accidents; the description of the harbors, bayes, lakes, and that place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; conference with the Salvages; and kinde usage of the King of the Massasoyts; a strange policie of Tusquantum. pag. 230-234. 1620

The Salvages make warres for their friendships; the English revenge their friends injuries. Notes and observations. They lived two yeares without Supplyes; the death of Tusquantum; they contrive to murther the English; how the English did cure a King sicke to death; two most desperate Salvages; the courage of Captaine Standish; the Salvages sue for peace, pag. 235-239. 1621 1622

A most remarkable observation of Gods love. 40 sayle fished there this yeare; the religion of the Salvages; the government; an answer to objections; considerations; the charge; the order of the Western men. p. 240-242. 1623

The effects of shipping; the Popes order for the East and West Indies. How to build a little navy royall, contention for New-England. The necessitie of martiall power. p. 243-244.

The charge to set forth a ship of a 100. tuns, both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the plantation. The facilitie of the fishing lately observed. Their present estate at New-Plimouth, and order of government. pag. 245-248. 1624

Its not his part that is the best Translator,

To render word for word to every Author.1

1. Once more, we appear to have a notice instructing the binder where to insert the map of New England. It is worth noting in this book that the Contents parallel the Broadside only to the year 1616. Although Smith had much of the material in 1623, it is obvious that it was not in order in time for the Broadside.

1. This seemingly irrelevant couplet is the first of a series of epigrammatic illustrations that Smith borrowed from Bishop Martin Fotherby, Atheomastix; clearing foure truthes, against atheists and infidels ... (London, 1622), a folio volume of nearly 400 pages. These do not adhere strictly to Fotherby's original, but the alterations are minor. For a full discussion, see Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith and the Bishop of Sarum," Huntington Library Quarterly, XXVI (1962-1963), 11-29. Here the borrowing is from Atheomastix, sig. B6r, from Horace, De Arte Poetica. It is not one of those specifically analyzed in the study in question.

HOW ANCIENT AUTHORS REPORT, THE NEW-WORLD, Now called America, was discovered: and part thereof first Planted by the English, called Virginia, with the Accidents and Proceedings of the same.
The first Booke.

FOR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not. Let this suffice.1

The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Guineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.1 1170

The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent to discover those unknowne parts, 1492.2 1492.

But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Santius. John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gave him a Pention of 1661.13s.4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.3 1497.

Master Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.4 1576.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should || maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-found land, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Master Hackluit.1 1583.

Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.2

The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands and Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty3 got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Master William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow.4 The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the Thames,5 the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse. 1584.

The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt6 a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance. Their arrivall. Abundance of Grapes.

We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie myles1 in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie.2 Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate,3 which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and us, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed. The Ile of Wokokon. In Lybanus are not many. Conference with a Salvage.

The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes,4 which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him. The Arrivall of the Kings brother.

The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from thence.1

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most liking to a Pewter2 dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre. Trade with the Salvages.

After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of dyes,3 but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins4 and fire, till it be as they would have it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his5 day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape; in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August1 reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high. Note.

The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees: the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues;2 at the North end was 9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes,3 other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the house for || stealing.4 When we came into the other roome, (for there was five in the house5) she caused us to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide us victuall. The Ile Roanoak. The great courtesie of a Woman.

After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie,6 sodden7 venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger,8 sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine.9 More love she could not expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend10 themselves from the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie,1 she sent divers men and 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be above two houres2 journey about. Into this river falleth an other called Cipo,3 where is found many Mustells4 wherein are Pearles: likewise another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanock,5 the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa.6 Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes journey is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa. A banquet. Skicoac a great towne.

Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomouik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piemacum invited divers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not amisse to remember them as they are written by them that returned and arived in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it was planted, disolved, renued, and enlarged, Pomouik. How the Country was called Virginia.

The Performers of this voyage were these following.

Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.

THE 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Wocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, and Master John Arundell for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September.1 1585. Sir Richard Grenvils, voyage. 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

With divers others to the number of 108.2

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation.3 The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning4 of land, yet full of flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, and we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks,1 from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantness of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts etc. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever. Their first Plantation.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances2 as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and Opposians, which came to visit us.

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our || passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.3 Chawonoack.

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest. Chawonock 700. men.

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, and is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing and going foure dayes Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins,4 and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught;1 but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men,2 for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong,3 for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay. Menatonon his Relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich Mine, and the Sea by it.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse4 is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina5 upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against us; a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: and this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted;6 he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves (if the worst fell || out) upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the sound,1 where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes. Pemissapan his trechery. The discovery of the river Moratoc. A noble resolution.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador;2 they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowle full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland3 from the Mangoaks. The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this mettall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo,4 who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any.1 Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, etc.2 The great currant of the river Moratoc.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

ENSENORE a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. Pemissapan thinking as the brute3 was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw us all returne, the report false, || and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne4 prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Master Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Master Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.1 The Conspiracy of Pemissapan. The death of a most rare Salvage.

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests2 so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado,1 and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, and being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed || for us. Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.2 A slaughter of two Salvages. Pemissapan slaine and 8. others.

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafford sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.) He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake,3 whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs.4 All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted. A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare:1 Leaving this remembrance to posteritie. Virginia abandoned.

\ To reason lend me thine attentive eares,
Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good;
By thee rejected be, ere understood.2

Written by Master Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Master Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.3
For Marchandize and Victualls.

WHAT before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heriot,4 with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeih, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, and Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose5 and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice. Commodities.

Dyes.

For Dyes, Showmack,1 the herbe Wasebur,2 little rootes called Chapacor,3 and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tango- mockonominge,4 which are for divers sorts of Reds. Dyes.

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange,5 growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, and the || stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke. A strange Salt.

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots;6 they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe and straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia7 growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England. Rootes.

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.8 Fruits thats strange.

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres,9 that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon1 and eate him. Beasts extraordinary.

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpoises, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanauk:2 we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not. Fish.

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins.3 I have the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock,4 a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras. Foules.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof.5 But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac,6 but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible. Their Religion. How the world was made.

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne. How man was made.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and there fore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok:1 one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods. How they use their gods.

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.2 Whether they goe after death.

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and re- || vived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, and taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most brave3 and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe. Two men risen from death.

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse. The subtiltie of their Priests.

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses:1 Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better then them; and caused many of them give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it. Their simplicitie.

The King Wingina2 where we dwelt; would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident3 (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration. Their desire of salvation.

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) but where we had bin, where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come || neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires. A wonderfull Accident.

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, and risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them. Their strange opinions.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet1 which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes,2 upon causes that on our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.

Thus you may see, How

\ Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments,
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace. Palling.1

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.2

IN the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before || they set sayle from England it was Easter.3 And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England. 1586.

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585.4 travailing up and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good deliberation he landed fiftie5 men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England. Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.1

\ Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Master White.2

WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we fayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us. Master White his Voyages. 1587.

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages.3 Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be knowne by, least4 we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame. One of the Councell slaine.

The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak,1 to confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, and ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they || knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask. How the fiftie men were slaine.

The2 Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving3 our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed.1 The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia. An ill misprision. A child borne in Virginia.

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one2 of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he undertooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Corvo; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.3 A controversie who to send for Factor to England.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

With divers others to the number of about 115.4

The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Master John White. 1589.1

THE 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogador to Dominica in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the II, ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35. degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees and a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587.2 The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, and their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged3 some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19. persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved CRO which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note1 betweene them and me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN,2 without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists3 had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan;4 so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night. 1589. Master White his returne to Virginia. Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned. They finde where they had buryed their provisions.

The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we sayled not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water;5 considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe forthwith to St. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and seeke for purchase6 that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after,7 the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles8 to refresh our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622.1 And this was the conclusion2 of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see; The end of this Plantation.

\ Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.

Written by Master John White.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.3

1602.

ALL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March.4 Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but forced us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues:5 the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then we expected. 12. yeares it lay dead.

On fryday the 11.6 of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees.7 Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske1 shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by their signes and such things as they had, some Biskiners2 had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught,3 and doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll,4 my selfe, and three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand and a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May. Their first landing.

At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us call it Martha's Vineyard. Martha's Vineyard.5

The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured6 stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Maine, and 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Oates, and Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust therof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the feeling is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Scalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and delicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, and meadows very large and full of greene grasse, etc. Elizabeths Island.

Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us. Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, and exchanged with them Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Luzernes, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. We saw them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us for small toyes, and signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like the men, || but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selves, we found our selves rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with any sicknesse. Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of July.1 A Copper Mine. Their return.

\ But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.

And,

\ Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live,
As men may crave, but God doth onely give.2

Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.

A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the North part of Virginia. 1603.3

1603.

BY the inducements and perswasions of Master Richard Hackluite, Master John Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, and most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000l. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June,1 fell upon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, and thirties, and sometimes more.2 But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;

\ Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and perfit it.3

Robert Salterne.

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King James.4

1605.

UPON tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, and all necessary provisions as could possibly be gotten, we put || to sea; and the 24 of Aprill5 fell with Flowres and Corvo. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39. But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, and by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land;6 from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those shoules,1 we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire.2 Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood and water caused us take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood and water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, and Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough. Dangerous shoules. Cod and Whales. Their first landing.

From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom upon a clay oze. This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most carefull and vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our gardenseeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne. Pentecost harbour. The Captains diligence.

After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes:3 in so much many of our company wished themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description.1 In this time our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. The Salvages also kept their words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies. Trade with the Salvages.

At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with || 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw us into a narrow cirke,2 we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes and arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. Wherefore we determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes.3 Their trechery. Five Salvages surprised.

Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by them in the houle,1 then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, and on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow. A description of the river.

The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islelands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, and Seine,2 report, though they be great and goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, and our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it,3 and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles, and because on sunday we set out of England, on sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.1

Thus may you see;

\ God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.2

Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.

1. Arthur (the real or legendary British king), Malgo (a still more legendary figure), and Friar Nicholas of Lynn (mentioned three lines below) appear in Hakluyt's The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598- 1600), I, 1-3. Brandon (St. Brendan) is ignored. For Arthur, Malgo, and Nicholas note the comments in D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook, Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CXLIV-CXLV (Cambridge, 1974), I, 5-6, II, 354, 378-380. The unusual brevity of Smith's account and the extraneous mention of St. Brendan lead the editor to suspect Smith did not consult Hakluyt directly but got a summary elsewhere, perhaps from Samuel Purchas. On the other hand, that Smith owned or had ready access to Vol. III of the same work (1600) is evidenced both by his extracts from it in the Generall Historie, Bk. I, and by his drawing on it and its accounts of the Roanoke colony for his personal conduct in Virginia and for the accounts given in, for example, the True Relation and the Proceedings (as mentioned in the notes to those works).

1. Here Smith begins to be on more familiar ground (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, I; cf. preceding note), with Smith's own skepticism expressed at the end. Modern skepticism is summarized in Quinn, ed., Hakluyt Handbook, I, 5-6.

2. A slight distortion of Hakluyt's statement, "the Spanyards affirme themselves to be the first finders since Hannos time" (Principal Navigations, III, 1). Hanno was a Carthaginian navigator said to have sailed around western Africa as far as Cape Palmas at the SE tip of modern Liberia.

3. Ibid., 2-11; with added remarks on Sir Hugh Willoughby, ibid., I, 226-233, which again hint that Purchas was guiding Smith's hand here.

4. Meta Incognita ("unknown goal") was so named by Queen Elizabeth in 1578 (ibid., III, 74-75), but Capt. Martin Frobisher was not knighted until 1588, for his part in the defeat of the Spanish Armada.

1. The acknowledgment to Hakluyt is for what precedes, along with what follows down to the subtitle on p. 16, below.

2. Smith's account from here to the heading on p. 16 is a readable, reliable condensation of the original documents (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 243-422). For a full modern study, see David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIV-CV (London, 1955).

3. "Patentee," i.e., Ralegh.

4. Both Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe had been in Ralegh's employ before.

5. They set sail from the west of England, probably from Plymouth; below, "no better was knowne" until Samuel Argall tried a more direct route in 1609 (Proceedings, 91n).

6. "Smelt" in Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, III, 246).

1. "Leagues" in Hakluyt (The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation [London, 1589], 729), mistakenly changed to "miles" in the later edition (Principal Navigations, III, 246) for the reasons indicated in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 96n.

2. Almost verbatim from Barlowe's account in Hakluyt. "Hercinia" ("Hercynia," Principal Navigations, III, 246), is an error for the original "Hyrcania" (Principall Navigations [1589], 729), which was south of the Caspian Sea and was described by Anthony Jenkinson, whom Barlowe may have accompanied. (Hercynia was the forest in Germany mentioned by Julius Caesar.) "Saxefras" is a frequent variant of "sassafras" (see the Map of Va., 12n). The "Lentisk that beareth Mastick" formerly supplied a resin used in medicine and is today used for varnish. It grows best in the eastern Mediterranean region and also produces pistachio nuts (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 97n).

3. "Food," as usually used in Smith's time.

4. "Knickknacks, gewgaws."

1. This paragraph is somewhat condensed from Hakluyt, where the original has "raises serious difficulties of interpretation" (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 100n). The problem need not concern us here.

2. "Tinne" (tin) in Barlowe's account (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 247); Smith liked to embellish.

3. This is much condensed from Hakluyt and rephrased according to Smith's own experience (ibid., 248).

4. "Tools." Barlowe wrote that they cut out the burnt part with shells (ibid.).

5. Hakluyt has "within the day" (ibid.); a case of careless typesetting?

1. Barlowe has "September," which is obviously correct (ibid.).

2. For an analysis of the route followed, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 160n.

3. Read: "for the beating of the billows." According to Quinn, "the strong current from Albemarle Sound was the probable reason for such precautions" (ibid., 107n).

4. Read: "for feare of stealing." The missing words are supplied from Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, III, 249).

5. Quinn suggests that reed screens could have divided the house into two or three rooms (Roanoke Voyages, I, 107n).

6. "Boiled hulled wheat."

7. Past participle of the verb "to seethe," "to boil," here perhaps even "to overcook."

8. The ginger plant had been brought from the East Indies to America half a century before, but it is difficult to believe that the Indians of North Carolina had access to supplies.

9. Again, difficult to believe; perhaps it was grape juice.

10. "Protect."

1. "Suspiciousness."

2. Hakluyt has only "one houres journey" (Principal Navigations, III, 249), but even that must be an exaggeration.

3. "Sipi" (pronounced "seepy") was merely an Algonkian word for "river."

4. A variant spelling of "mussels."

5. There are several references to Chawanock (variously spelled) in the True Relation, the Map of Va., the Proceedings, and the Generall Historie because it was the nearest Carolina Algonkian village to the Chesapeake Bay area and thus could be a way station in the long-continued search for survivors of Ralegh's Roanoke colony. For this name, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area," Pt. I, VMHB, LXXIX (1971), 287, s.v. "Chawons." For the numerous other Indian names from this passage down to p. 16, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 853-872. Here and there, Smith's version of Hakluyt's original narrative is misleading in a minor way.

6. Wingandacoa (variously spelled) was what Amadas and Barlowe thought was the name of the country where they landed. Bishop Joseph Hall, in his satire Mundus alter et idem ... (London, 1605), which appeared in an English translation by John Healey as The Discovery of a New World ... (London, [1609?]), jokingly wrote that "the new discovered Womandeçoia, which some ... call Wingandecoia, make it a part of Virginia, ... lieth in that part ... which our Geographers ... called ... the land of Parrots" (pp. 66-67). On Healey, see the True Relation, sig. ¶2rn; and the Biographical Directory.

1. More correctly, Simão Fernandes, a pilot from Terceira, Azores, who became thoroughly involved in "Ralegh's Virginia" (see especially, Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 793). Although Fernandes is a common name, it may even be that Simão came from the same family as the João Fernandes, a "colonist" of the type called lavrador, after whom Labrador was named (before 1530, and probably about 1501).

1. Correctly, Oct. 18. This account is little more than a scrap of the original document (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 251-253).

2. Smith's choice is from the first half of the 107 (not 108) names listed.

3. For four pages, Smith's account is a résumé of Ralph Lane's "Discourse" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 255-264).

4. "Sight."

1. Lane does not mention a "towne," but the surprising aspect of his account is that it does not mention Chesapeake Bay. From what Lane says, however, it seems that his party passed the winter with the Chesapeake Indians (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 257n). The choice of Chesapeake Bay for the site of the Jamestown colony was made by Richard Hakluyt in his letter to Sir Walter Ralegh, dated Dec. 30, 1586 (ibid., I, 434).

2. "Kings, chiefs" (see the True Relation, sig. C2v).

3. This expedition seems to have been sent out after the return of the first one, about Mar. 1586. In both cases, the distance traveled was probably closer to 100 than 130 mi. Below, "Passaquenock the womens towne" seems to be a case of mishearing, miscopying, or misunderstanding (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 861).

4. Lane added "that hee weareth" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 256).

1. "Worthless."

2. Spaniards? (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 261n).

3. Smith's anticipation of 20th-century English is occasionally worth noting. Compare this passage with the original: "The king of Chawanook promised to give me guids ... but he advised me to take good store of men with me, and good store of victuall" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 256).

4. A variant spelling of "source."

5. Although Quinn states that "no precise analogy to this name-changing has been found" (Roanoke Voyages, I, 265n), several Virginia chieftains are known to have chosen, or been granted, new names; e.g., Powhatan's "proper right name" was "Wahunsenacawh" (Strachey, Historie, 56), and Opitchapam was later called "Toyatan" (p. 153, below). See Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30 (Washington, D.C., 1907, 1910), II, 16-18.

6. Smith added "our chiefe friend we trusted." Note that Arber added a superfluous and confusing "[as]" after "friend" (Smith, Works, 313).

1. Smith has abridged the sense out of the passage: "upon the pottage of which [the two dogs] ... the company would make shift to live two dayes, which time would bring them downe the current ... to the entrie of the Sound" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 258).

2. On "Wassador," see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46.

3. The distance of 20 days of travel need not be taken seriously. Young Skiko said it was "twentie dayes journey" to Chaunis Temoatan, but he had not been there himself, and the Lane expedition failed to reach there (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 258).

4. Read: "we heard some call Manteo, as we thought."

1. See p. 5n, above.

2. The "Bay of Pearles" was apparently Chesapeake Bay (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 259-260nn). "Insconcing" meant "fortifying with earthworks."

3. "Bruit, rumor."

4. Young Skiko, sent in the pinnace to Roanoke when Lane's party pushed on farther inland (see p. 7n, above).

1. This was so precise a foretaste of what would happen at Jamestown that it seems remarkable that no one paid any attention except Smith.

2. The people of Chawanock; a variant form.

1. "A sudden attack"; usually "canvasado."

2. Lane's narrative says that his own Irish boy shot Pemisapan crosswise through the buttocks, but the Indian hopped up and ran off; whereupon another Irishman serving Lane ran after him and soon returned with Pemisapan's head in his hand (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 263).

3. Drake was on his way back from his West Indian expedition of 1585-1586 and decided to look in on Ralegh's colony. Capt. Edward Stafford (not Stafforton; see Textual Annotation), who was then "lying" on an island near modern Cape Hatteras because of the shortage of food at Roanoke, spotted Sir Francis and guided him to the colony.

4. "Companies of workmen."

1. For the full story, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 249-255, with additional documents on pp. 294-313.

2. This embellishment of course has nothing to do with Lane or Richard Hakluyt. It is from Fotherby, Atheomastix, sig. B1v, from Lucretius. For typographical convenience, Smith's distich has been printed here as a quatrain, following Fotherby's original.

3. First appearing in a quarto edition, Thomas Harriot's work, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (London, 1588), was quickly reprinted by Hakluyt in 1589 and again in the Principal Navigations, III (1600), both with some editing. Smith almost certainly used the last mentioned.

4. This confused paragraph seems to want to say that Harriot generally confirmed what Amadas and Lane had written (not all of which Smith included in his extracts) and that he feels obliged to add a list of important "Merchantable commodities" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 267) not set forth before, all of which are explained and annotated in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 325-334.

5. Modern "copperas," in this case probably ferrous sulphate.

1. "Sumac."

2. Also spelled "wasewówr"; the seed of a plant so called, still unidentified.

3. The word merely means "roots" (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 886).

4. Unidentified.

5. Before this, Smith omitted a number of Indian plant names. Melde is the Dutch name for the Atriplex plant family, which includes spinach; Harriot wrote "a kinde of Orage" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 270), better spelled "orach," or Mountain Spinach. Smith, not illogically, took this relatively rare name to be a misspelling of "orange."

6. After omitting more than a folio page from Hakluyt, Smith has somewhat manhandled the original here. Smith was personally familiar with groundnuts from Virginia (Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969], I, 101), and therefore omitted the North Carolina name given by Harriot, "Okeepenauk." But he went on to complicate the complicated by writing "Tiswaw" for Harriot's "Tsinaw," which appears to have been nothing more than an Indian's attempt to pronounce the name "China" already given the root by previous Englishmen such as Amadas and Lane (see Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 272).

7. "Cassavia" is a variant of "cassava," which some of the colonists thought they had found in North Carolina. Below, "habascon" has not been identified.

8. Neither these plants nor the animals listed next have been positively identified. See the pertinent notes in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 353-356.

9. An earlier variant of "hare[s]."

1. "Cougar, catamount."

2. The king crab (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 361n).

3. A kind of small falcon.

4. "Rakeock" (Harriot, "Rakíock" [Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 275]) was probably a name for any softwood tree suitable for making canoes. "Ascopo" was very likely the sweet bay.

5. Smith's Map of Va. or the second book of the Generall Historie.

6. Harriot's recording of the local pronunciation of a word related to "manito," in the plural; it means "spirit, god" in most Algonkian languages. Curiously, the word seems not to have been recorded for the Powhatan Indians.

1. Apparently unknown in Virginia.

2. There appears to be Christian influence here, perhaps from Spain (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 373n; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42).

3. "Fine."

1. Perspective glasses were some sort of primitive "telescope" invented by (or known to) Leonard Digges, who died about 1571; here probably burning glasses, lenses for starting a fire.

2. Note that this is out of chronological sequence; Wingina changed his name to Pemisapan on p. 6, above.

3. "Incident, occurrence." The kind of strange incident that occupies the entire following page was peculiarly appealing to people then. It seems idle to attempt to explain what happened in terms of modern science; perhaps a European contagion.

1. It is interesting to note that this comet was observed in eastern North America, whereas Halley's comet was not observed in 1607.

2. The habit of murdering Indians on the slightest pretext began early.

1. Here Smith acknowledges his source as Marcellus Palingenius's Zodiacus Humanae Vitae, but does not add that he used Bishop Fotherby's translation (Atheomastix, sig. A3v). The word "single" has been omitted from 1. 3 ("runne one single race") to the detriment of the meter (Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 15).

2. The two paragraphs following are much abbreviated from Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, III, 265).

3. Easter fell on Apr. 3 by the English calendar.

4. The original reads, more clearly: "and left by him anno 1585, himselfe travelling up" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 265).

5. Grenville left 15 men, not 50. When we consider the handwriting and the spelling of the period, it becomes impossible to decide whether this is a case of printer's carelessness or of Smith's typical exaggeration.

1. This aside by Smith is from Fotherby, who translated a Latin version of Euripides printed in Bern in 1550, not in Basel as Fotherby states (Atheomastix, sig. B1v; and Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 15-16).

2. Hakluyt originally referred to this as "The voyage of Edward Stafford, and John White, set out by ... Sir Walter Raleigh ..." (Principall Navigations [1589], sig. *8r). The first sentence below attempts to summarize one and a half folio pages, yet Smith has not overlooked the tension between White and the "all-Knowing Ferdinando" (see Principal Navigations, III, 281-282).

3. George How (or Howe) was slain on July 28; Stafford went to Croatoan (preferable to Croatan) on July 30 (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 283).

4. "Lest"; a common alternative spelling. Homophone lists, 1570-1653, do not distinguish "least" from "lest" (see E. J. Dobson, English Pronunciation, 1500-1700, 2d ed. [Oxford, 1968], II, 471-472). "Least" was Smith's preferred spelling (or his printer's), and it should be noted that it did not give way to "lest" in Shakespeare's Tempest until the 1685 folio edition.

1. Smith omitted "within seven dayes" from Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, III, 283).

2. Hakluyt prefixes "The eight of August" (ibid., 284).

3. Hakluyt has "driving of our eleven Englishmen" (ibid.).

1. This unfortunate, but typical, mistake is related in Hakluyt (ibid.).

2. Two factors were to be chosen. This was about Aug. 21.

3. Much condensed from Hakluyt's account (Principal Navigations, III, 285-286).

4. For an attempt at identification of a number of these, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 539-543.

1. Dated 1590 in Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, III, 288). Since the voyage began on Mar. 20, Smith changed the year to conform with the English calendar, according to which Mar. 25 was the first day of 1590.

2. These last four sentences summarize Hakluyt's tales of adventure in the Spanish West Indies (ibid., 288-291). "Terse" (better "terce") was a variant of "tierce," an unusual word for "a third." It is used in the same way in Richard Eden's translation of Petrus Martyr Anglerius, The Decades of the Newe World or West India (London, 1555), 351, which may hint that Smith was familiar with that work. The original has "36 degr. and one third" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 291).

3. The master gunner discharged the shots by command of White.

1. Hakluyt has "token" (Principal Navigations, III, 292).

2. Hakluyt has "CROATOAN" (ibid., 293).

3. "Chests"; a variant spelling; the original has "chests" (ibid.).

4. Smith omitted Hakluyt's phrase, "where Manteo was borne, and the Savages of the Iland our friends" (cf. ibid.).

5. The reference to God was added by the pious Smith.

6. "Sustenance or even profit in any way possible."

7. "On the 28. [of Aug.]" (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 294).

8. The original specifies "wee were driven to change ... and stoode for the Ilands of the Açores ..." (ibid.).

1. This does not necessarily mean that Smith had compiled the Generall Historie up to this point by Sept. 23, 1622, as suggested by Arber (Smith, Works, 331); see the Introduction.

2. The conclusion is Smith's. The quotation is from Homer, as interpreted by Fotherby (Atheomastix, 185).

3. This account is abstracted from John Brereton, A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia ... (London, 1602). (The last 7 of 11 pages were virtually reprinted by Purchas in Pilgrimes, IV, 1651-1653, and misattributed to James Rosier, which led to Alexander Brown's assertion that Rosier was a member of the 1602 voyage [The Genesis of the United States (Boston, 1890), II, 988] and to the persistence of this error in subsequent secondary works.)

4. The first sentence is Smith's.

5. "The better part of a thousand leagues" (Brereton, Relation, 3). For once, Smith is cautious: 1,000 leagues equals 3,000 mi.

6. Read: "fryday the 14th of May" (ibid., [4]). The error is quite possibly Smith's.

7. The last clause is Smith's, from personal experience.

1. "Basque." The Basques had fished off that part of America for nearly a century.

2. "Biscayners," from the Bay of Biscay; Basques.

3. "No good."

4. "Barthol[o]mew Gosnold" (Brereton, Relation, [4]); see the Biographical Directory.

5. In Brereton a marginal note, "The first Island called Marthaes vineyard," is placed where Smith has merely "Martha's Vineyard" (Relation, 5).

6. This is the earliest recorded instance of the verbal form (OED); for the noun, see the Map of Va., 3; and the Generall Historie, 22. Brereton's original text has merely "glistring and shining like minerall stones" (Relation, 6).

1. Smith's abridged version of Brereton is both fair and readable; it is an improvement on his editing of Hakluyt. Brereton borrowed some of his descriptions from the 1524 "relation" of Giovanni da Verrazzano (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 298-300, repr. from Hakluyt's Divers voyages touching the discoverie of America ... [London, 1582], sig. B1r-B4r).

2. Smith's two couplets are taken from Fotherby's interpretation of Plutarch and Homer (Atheomastix, 285).

3. This material is found also in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1654-1656. The author seems to have been Robert Salterne, chief agent for the backers of the voyage, who reported to Hakluyt, from whom Purchas obtained the account. To what extent Purchas's version differs from the original cannot be known. For Purchas's debt to Hakluyt, see C. R. Steele, "From Hakluyt to Purchas," in Quinn, ed., Hakluyt Handbook, I, 74-96.

1. Purchas has a blank where Smith provides the date "about the 7. of June [1603]."

2. Smith's summary of Pring's voyage utilizes only the first third of the narrative in Purchas, although it contains bits of ethnological information not found elsewhere. Another matter not alluded to in Smith's account was the evident hostility of the Indians when Pring sailed.

3. Smith's illustrative couplet, taken from Fotherby, was derived from "Pythagor[as] cum Hesiod" (Atheomastix, 282).

4. This last document in Bk. I is a condensation from James Rosier, A True Relation of the most prosperous voyage made this present yeere 1605, by Captaine George Waymouth ... (London, 1605). Although the book was printed in 1605, Purchas acknowledged that his narrative consisted of extracts, presumably obtained from a fuller manuscript version that he acquired from Hakluyt and that differed from the printed text, especially in the inclusion of an English-Algonkian vocabulary of considerable importance.

5. Rosier has "the foureteenth of Aprill" (Relation, sig. A3v).

6. This passage is so condensed that Smith apparently added the latitude of 41° 20' gratuitously in an attempt to clarify it. Read: "we had but 5. [fathoms]" (ibid., sig. A4r).

1. Smith's account is still confused, but at this point the latitude mentioned in n. 6, above, is supplied by Rosier.

2. Here Smith's version becomes more intelligible, as well as more accurate (cf. Rosier, Relation, sig. A4v).

3. Rosier lists six plants, wild vines in general, and nine kinds of trees (ibid., sig. B2v).

1. There is some description of the Indians in Brereton's Relation (sig. B1v-B2r), pared to the bone by Smith, but Rosier's Relation is more comprehensive, including the observation that these New England Indians were "in stature like to us" (sig. B3r-v). Compare Smith's description of the Sasquesahanocks and the Eastern Shore Indians of Maryland, the ones "like Giants" and the others "of little stature" (Map of Va., 8, 9).

2. "Cirke" is a variant of "crike," which in turn was an early form of "creke," today's "creek." The word is Smith's.

3. The story of how Pring caught the five Indians whom he took to England is in Rosier in detail (Relation, sig. C4r-v). Their names were: Tahánedo, a "Sagamo or Commander"; Amóret; Skicowáros and Maneddo, "Gentlemen"; and Sassacomoit, a "servant" (ibid., sig. E4r). Tahánedo (variously spelled) was of great service in later years (Description of N.E., 45), but all five of them "became an all-important factor in the success of the Virginia project" (Barbour, Three Worlds, 92).

1. Rosier has "least they should discover the other Salvages which we had stowed below" (Relation, sig. D2r). "Houle, hole, holl" were various spellings for what is now called the "hold" of a ship.

2. Rosier mentions the Rio Grande (the Amazon), the "Loyer" (Loire), and the Seine (ibid., sig. D3r); Smith or his printer twisted Seine into "Slion" (see the Textual Annotation), but Samuel Purchas had ideas of his own. To the Rio Grande he added "the Rivers of Burduna [Bordeaux?], Orleance, and Brest in France, Naunce [Nantes], and the River of Rhoane" (Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1664).

3. Smith has changed the sequence here but otherwise gives the gist of the original.

1. The last clause is lacking in Rosier (cf. Relation, sig. E2v).

2. The three lines are again from Homer, by way of Fotherby (Atheomastix, 187).

[Smith seems to have coined the name "old Virginia" to distinguish the area covered by Sir Walter Ralegh's patent (including the short-lived Roanoke colony) from that comprised in the patent, or charter, of 1606 that led to the founding of Jamestown (see sig. A3r, "A Map of the old Virginia").

Ralegh had been authorized by Queen Elizabeth to name the "newly-discovered territories in America 'Virginia' in her honour" sometime between January 6 and March 24, 1585 (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 120, 145, 147). Afterwards the name was extended to include all the northeast of the present United States that was discovered, explored, and settled by the English (or British, later) until other names for various regions took hold, beginning with Bermuda and Smith's "New England."

The engraved "Map of the old Virginia," hereafter referred to as "Ould Virginia," is the work of Robert Vaughan (see the Biographical Directory). It has ten compartments, largely inspired by the engravings made by Theodore de Bry for his illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's A briefe and true report on the new found land of Virginia (Frankfurt am Main, 1590; repr. with a new introduction by Paul Hulton [New York, 1972]), based on John White's drawings of 1585 to 1586 from life. Nine of these are "Indian" scenes, to which Vaughan added representations of Smith wherever justifiable. The tenth and largest compartment is little more than a direct copy of de Bry's "carte of all the coast of Virginia" ("Americae pars, Nunc Virginia dicta," on the map), which was based on John White's manuscript map, "La Virginea Pars," derived from his survey of the coast (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, Index [s.v. White, John]; and Cumming, Skelton, and Quinn, Discovery of North America, 173-180, map 213, 193-205).

Vaughan used two-thirds of de Bry's Indian place-names (from White's map), with some distortion and with additions apparently suggested by John Smith. Although there are four states of the map, the nine illustrative drawings remained unaltered. The first state, which is reproduced here, omits some of de Bry's details, but adds Smith's coat-of-arms and impalement at the bottom. These heraldic features are described in the True Travels, notes to the title page (Vol. III, below). Toponymically, the map is of little significance, though the English place-names are evidence of Smith's gratitude for the help granted or sought -- with stress on his benefactress, Frances Howard. The twenty-five specific changes in the second state are not listed in Sabin, and indeed only Robert Vaughan's joking name "Ynys Llygod" is worth mentioning, but the third and fourth states are described in detail (Dictionary, XX, 227-228).

The editor is grateful to the Princeton University Library for permission to reproduce this engraving, here slightly reduced.]

z000000006_111_1

The second Booke.1 THE SIXT VOYAGE.2

1606. To another part of Virginia,3 where now are Planted our English Colonies, Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey.

BY these former relations you may see what inconveniences still crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country in America betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude.4 The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the limits are unknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions1 our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not onely to have made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, etc. 1606. The latitude.

The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heat of sommer is in June, July, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth. The temperature.

In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the ayre, I have seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Barmudas, fogs and raines. The windes.

Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.

There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. The cape on the South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land white hilly sands like unto the Downes, and all along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres. The entrances. Cape Henry.

The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discoverer.2 Within is a country that || may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation; were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and hath a channell for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest line; so that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the Southeast, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another. Cape Charles. The Country.

The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, etc. And many peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures, that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of the soyle to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata ad Lemnia, Fullers earth, Marle, and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of weeds, etc. The mountaines. The soyle.

The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine hils, and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, and watered so conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then delightsome. By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing some 20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees and weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it. The valleyes. Plaines.

On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West Northwest. It is called Powhatan, according to the name of a principall country that lyeth upon it. The mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanke. It is navigable 150 myles,1 the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, etc. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselves for best service, as do the veines of a mans body. From the South there fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived ten weekes upon Oysters, then a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into || Bayes and Creekes, it makes that place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers They have also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English Planted in a place by them called James Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majestie. The river Powhatan. The branches James Towne.

The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their women and children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on whose land is seated James Towne, some 40 myles from the Bay) have not past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250.1 The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks have sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks 25.2 The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5. houres with one Net were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient. The severall Inhabitants.

Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river Pamaunkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About 25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men.1 Ten or twelve myles lower, on the South side of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests. River Pamaunkee. The inhabitants.

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.2 Payankatank. River.

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we describe. Upon this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock3 with 100. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. Toppahanock River The inhabitants.

The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. It is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the Patawomekes more then 200.1 Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trending Northwest, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is still a navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack || with 60. After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The river2 above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs. Patawomek, River. The inhabitants.

The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls of divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most civill to give intertainement. Pawtuxunt, River.

Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4. branches,3 the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though Canows may goe a dayes journey or two up it, we could not get two myles up it with our boat for rockes. Upon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks, neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the head whereof the Ebbe left us on shore, where we found many trees cut with hatchets.4 The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,) we went up another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks,5 with whom we had conference by signes, for we understood one another scarce a word: the next day we discovered the small river and people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward. Bolus, River. The head of the Bay. Sasquesaha- nock.

Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but 12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12 weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having nothing but a little meale, oatemeale and water to feed us, and scarce halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages, and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant1 in such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no colours.2 What I did with this small meanes I leave to the Reader to judge, and the Mappe I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to us with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares heads and skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the end of the nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their mortall enemies. Five of their chiefe Werowances came aboord us, and crossed the Bay in their3 Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, || and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolves skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described. The description of a Sasquesahanough.

On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and upon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere unto which is the river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After that, is the river Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the river Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King. Tockwhogh, River. Rapahanock, River. Kuskarawaock River. Wighcocomoco, River. Accomack, River.

Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Master White.1 Amongst those people are thus many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe,2 which will present to the eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions. Chawoneck. The severall languages.

\ Thus have I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace,
Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:
But yet I know this not affects the minde,
Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.3

Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how they use them.

VIRGINIA doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, and somewhat sweetish, which being boyled,1 at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in gourds to annoint their heads and joynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the root, very || straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mulbery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groves. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with Rats. Why there is little grasse. Woods with their fruits. Elme. Walnuts. Supposed Cypres. Mulberries.

In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricot. Chesnuts.

They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few grapes. Except by the rivers and savage habitations, where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and the juyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. This they call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; those they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner; The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled,1 they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Popular, and another tree like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. Cherries. Vines. Chechinqua- mins. Rawcomens. How they use their fruits. Walnut milke. Gummes. Cedars. Saxafras trees.

In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoum groweth as our Bents.2 The seed is not much unlike to Rie, though much smaller. This they use for a daintie bread buttered with deare suet. Berries. Matoum.

During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or Mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a Lemond. Many herbes in the spring are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain, Sorrell, etc. Besides many we used whose names we know not. Strawberries. Hearbes.

The chiefe root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with Oke leaves and Ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Cole-pit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. || Raw it is no better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread. Rootes.

They have another roote which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones is a small root that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing their joynts, painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of much worth. Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like. Wighsacan a roote. Pocones a small roote. Musquaspen a roote.

There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and medicinable. Pellitory. Sasafrage.

In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing an Acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the toppe of ones Thumbe. Onyons.

Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from ours. In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray. Their chiefe beasts are Deere. Aroughcun. Squirrels.

A small beast they have they call Assapanick, but we call them flying Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of their skins, that they have beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignesse of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. A Mussascus is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strongly of Muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies, and few of them to be found. Assapanick, a Squirrel flying. Opassom. Mussascus.

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his legs exceeding short. His forefeete like a dogs, his hinderfeet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without haire, which to eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. They have many Otters, which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch them. An Utchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of that Country are like their Woolves, and cannot barke but howle, and the Woolves not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, Weesels, and Minkes we know they have, because we have seene many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we could never perceive their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor Chickens, nor doe any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents any way pernicious, where in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often deadly. Beares. The Beaver. Otters. Utchunquoyes Foxes. Dogges. Martins. Polcats. Weesels, and Minkes.

Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers sorts, as our Falconers called them: Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most upon fish. Their Partridges are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and divers sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a Wrenne, but few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans, Cranes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds, to us unknowne by name. But in Sommer not any, or a very few to be seene. Birds.

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stin- || graies, whose tailes are very dangerous. Bretts,1 Mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreys, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a small one, so like the picture of St. George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it be like to burst, when it commeth into the ayre. Fish.

Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie. There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke upon them to have skill this way, tooke up the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered2 shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering themselves in their owne vaine conceits to have beene supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their arts and judgements expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeve there are other Mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the Mine from Spar.1 The rockes.

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them.

THEY divide the yeare into five seasons. Their winter some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September untill the midst of November are the chiefe feasts and sacrifice. Then have they plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat. How they divide the yeare.

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the Country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood they beat up the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes. These holes they make foure foote one from another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard. How they prepare the ground.

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for June in October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure, many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much esteeme for dainties. How they plant.

Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaves of their corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They use a small basket for their Temmes,1 then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receive the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped to that forme with burning || and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water, eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap. The groutes and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the branne they boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call Ustatahamen. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or broyle it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their jerkin Beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat. How they use their Corne. How they use their fish and flesh.

In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like unto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and continue untill September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice them, for neare three parts of the yeare, they onely observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, etc. Planted fruits

The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie.

THE mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man, as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, under that latitude or climat. Here will live any beasts, as horses, goats, sheepe, asses, hens, etc. as appeared by them that were carried thether. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and rivers have much marchantable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, etc. A proofe cattell will live well.

Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receive many thousands, for pitch, tarre, sope-ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets consumes our chiefe Commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one hundred myles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely of Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other Countries have it. So then here is a place, a nurse for souldiers, a practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and his holy Gospell. The Commodities.

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.

THE land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 myles of James Towne, there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarce 1500. To nourish so many || together they have yet no meanes, because they make so small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. Six or seaven hundred have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered themselves to have surprised mee at Pamaunkee, having but fifteene to withstand the worst of their fury. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknowne: the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahanocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few have any beards. The men weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they use their women, who with two shels will grate away the hayre, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions, agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are inconstant in every thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to anger, and so malicious, that they seldome forget an injury: they seldome steale one from another, least their conjurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reveale their offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonestie without the leave of their husbands. Each houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens, and most live of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are sometime covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better sort use large mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have seene some use mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about their middles with a skin, and very shamefast to be seene bare. They adorne themselves most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, some have their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great holes, whereat they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed by the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier, but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many have the whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule,1 stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserve them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold. The numbers Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought to have surprised Captaine Smith. A description of the people. The Barbers. The constitution. The disposition. The possessions. Their attire. Their ornaments.

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire. Their buildings.

Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens, which are small plots of ground. Some 20 acres, some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. In some places from 2 to 501 of those houses together, or but a little separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder. Their lodgings. Their gardens

Men, women, and children have their severall names according to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily delivered of childe, yet doe they love children very dearely. To make them hardie, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the rivers, and by painting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two, no weather will hurt them. How they use their children.

The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such like. The industrie of their women.

Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing wires;2 and feed on fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and June they plant their fields, and live most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to mend their dyet, some disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June, July, and August, they feed upon the rootes of Tockwough berries, fish, and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their dyet, even as the deere and wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times. How they strike fire. The order of dyet.

For fishing, hunting, and warres they use much their bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees. Another sort of arrowes they use made of Reeds. These are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will joynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, etc. To make the nock of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of Deeres hornes boyled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve in cold water. How they make their bowes and arrowes. Their knives.

For their warres also they use Targets that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a sword of wood at their backes, but oftentimes they use for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by trucking they have plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes. Their Targets and Swords.

Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning and scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they have made it in forme of a || Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie or fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignesse. In stead of Oares, they use Paddles and stickes, with which they will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women use to spin, the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and readily. This thread serveth for many uses. As about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hookes are either a bone grated as they nock their arrowes in the forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone tyed to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tie on the bait. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line, wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use staves like unto Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They have also many artificiall wires, in which they get abundance of fish. Their Boats. How they spin. Their fish-hookes.

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travell, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deere, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their huntings they leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they devoure not. It is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 dayes journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wives. Fortie yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and 120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deere, they environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the midsts. The Deere being thus feared by the fires, and their voyces, they chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to drive them into some narrow poynt of land, when they find that advantage; and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Deere by land, they follow him like bloud-hounds by the bloud, and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in a Bogmire, where I saw those exercises, and gathered these Observations. How they hunt.

One Salvage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every part as artificially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and straine till he get him. One Salvage hunting alone.

When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have the advice of their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they ap- || point Captaine over every nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enemies, namely, all their westernly Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Rasauweak, unto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes. Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias, the Ontponeas, the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungaes, and divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different in language, and be very barbarous, living for the most part of wild beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Salvages report inhabit their most mortall enemies, the Massawomekes, upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. Which I concluded to effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe, would not thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those unknowne regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes wee encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco pipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats, made of the barkes of trees, sowed with barke and well luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated upon some great water. Their Consultations. Their enemies. Massawomekes. Their offer of subjection.

Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe them Captives. They have a method in warre, and for our pleasures they shewed it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.

Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could devise. They divided themselves into two Companies, neare a hundred in a company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So as the Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in two dayes after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for the Conquerours. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serjeant, and in the Reare an Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune, which they use onely in Warres. Upon the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infernall hell hounds could not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrowes, they joyned together prettily, charging and retyring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the || Powhatans retired, with all speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull. Their manner of Battell.

For their Musicke they use a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their warres they have a great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of small gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes twenty or thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright, then delight any man. If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for him to sit upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe all with a tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love. Which they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victuall as they have, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his bed-fellow. Their Musicke. Their entertainement.

Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, foule, fish, flesh, and their Country Corne. But their victualls are their chiefest riches. Their trade.

Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the juyce of a roote they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a quantitie, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or foure dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof they build a Stove in the forme of a Dove-house with mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they use small peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloves, which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted stone. Old ulcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured amongst them. They have many professed Phisicians, who with their charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieved places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeved any Plaister would heale any hurt. Their Phisicke. Their Chirurgery. Their charms to cure.

\ But 'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill,
To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill:
For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part,
Proves stronger farre then all Phisicians art.1

Of their Religion.

THERE is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which they have not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that are able to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance, peeces, horses, etc. But their chiefe God they worship is the Devill. Him they call Okee, || and serve him more of feare then love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his image evill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformitie may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joynts and necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as they use to weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. Their God. How they bury their Kings

For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with sharpe stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their jewels, they lay them upon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with blacke cole and oyle, doe sit twenty foure houres in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse their great passions. Their ordinary burials.

In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Uttamussack at Pamaunkee, neare unto which is a house, Temple, or place of Powhatans. Their Temples.

Upon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built arbour-wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the Priests and Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe up the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should be offended and revenged of them.

Thus,

\ Feare was the first their Gods begot:
Till feare began, their Gods were not.1

In this place commonly are resident seaven Priests. The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest were certaine attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16, or more snakes skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other Vermines skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groane. Their ornaments for their Priests.

\ Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse,
To climbe the height of happinesse.1

It could not be perceived that they keepe any day as more holy then other; But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts || together, foure or five houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would keepe time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts. The times of solemnities.

\ Through God begetting feare,
Mans blinded minde did reare
A hell-god to the ghosts;
A heaven-god to the hoasts;
Yea God unto the Seas:
Feare did create all these.2

They have also divers conjurations, one they made when I was their prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large.3 Their conjurations.

They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances, but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and wildernesses, where they have had any extraordinary accident, or incounter. And as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct their children, as their best records of antiquities.1 Upon these they offer bloud, Deere suet, and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from the Warres, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough in the Rivers and Sea coasts. Their Conjurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne to use. Their Altars. Sacrifices to the water.

In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from James Towne, and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these children: so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a childe each after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all defending the children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes, that pay them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and cry out very passionately, providing mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches and boughs, with such violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads, or bedecked their hayre with the leaves. What els was done with the children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the bloud from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or Devill, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods, would let them have no Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides, he would make a great slaughter amongst them. Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they call Blackboyes.2 Those Blackboyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke, that they will doe any mischiefe, at the command of their Keepers.

They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyond the mountaines towards the setting of the sunne, and ever remaine there in forme of their Okee, with their heads pain- || ted with oyle and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after death, but rot in their graves like dead dogs. Their resurrection.

To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours, chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries, who although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrowes, and many times did send to me to James Towne,1 intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules sacrifice themselves to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them understand it; which God grant they may.2

For,

\ Religion 'tis that doth distinguish us,
From their bruit humor, well we may it know;
That can with understanding argue thus,
Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so.3

Of the manner of the Virginians Government

ALTHOUGH the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their people for due subjection, and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchicall government, one as Emperour ruleth over many Kings or Governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which have beene his ancestors, and came unto him by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck, Pamaunkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Mappe, they report have beene his severall Conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the time. At Werowcomoco on the Northside of the river Pamaunkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him prisoner, some 14 myles from James Towne, where for the most part, he was resident, but at last he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neighbourhood,1 that he retired himselfe to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt Chickahamania and Youghtanund.2 He is of personage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night upon the foure quarters of his house are foure Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger betweene them; unto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand: if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely. A description of Powhatan. His attendance and watch.

A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which he keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads, which he storeth up against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and clubs. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by Priests. At the foure corners of this house stand foure || Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evill favouredly, according to their best workemanship. His treasury.

He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. His kingdomes descend not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heires male or female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males. His wives. His successors

He nor any of his people understand any letters, whereby to write or reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. Yet when he listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings whom they call Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few occasions to use any officers more then one commander, which commonly they call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. They all know their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, unto whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration, all these people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example, he caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great store of burning coales, they rake these coales round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beats out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his joynts one after another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. We have seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men have beate him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. And he made a woman for playing the whore, sit upon a great stone, on her bare breech twenty-foure houres, onely with corne and water, every three dayes, till nine dayes were past, yet he loved her exceedingly: notwithstanding there are common whores by profession.1 Their authoritie. The tenor of their lands. His manner of punishments.

In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his neare neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknowne, but the manner was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoyle, twenty-foure men they slew, the long haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. || The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at Werowocomoco, where he intended to have done as much to mee and my company.2

And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce ever ten myles from James Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor ever did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small experience in Martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plentie of gold and silver and dissolute libertie, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their meanes to returne for England. For the Country was to them a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their actions there according.

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe for transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in themselves, though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselves; yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more, then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded upon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the money and meanes have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time have used such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart.

There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verball, and idle contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James Towne, and those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie or thirtie of the best onely preserved in Christianitie by their industry, the idle livers of neare two hundred of the rest: who living neere ten moneths of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Salvages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but seaven or eight men, yet subjected the salvages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from thirtie five of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithfull, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did governe there, untill I left the Countrey: since, how they have revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeded from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have beene more diligent in such Observations.

John Smith writ this with his owne hand.1

Because many doe desire to know the manner of their Language, I have inserted these few words.

They count no more but by tennes as followeth.

FINIS.

1. This is in substance a reprint of Smith's Map of Va., published in 1612 (see Vol. I). The notes that follow will therefore be limited to changes in the text, where significant, and other indications worthy of mention. "Captaine Smith" has been replaced here by "I" or "me," and the Indian vocabulary has been crowded onto a single page at the end (p. 40).

2. The previous five voyages listed in the first book are: (1) Amadas and Barlowe, 1584; (2) Grenville, 1585; (3) Grenville, 1586; (4) White, 1587; and (5) White, 1589/90. Smith did not mention White's abortive voyage of 1588 and has not included the voyages to New England in this tally.

3. See n. 4, following.

4. It reads "this Virginia" because Bk. I dealt with the original, or "Ould Virginia." Note that the latitudinal limits are correctly stated here and that the Map of Va. begins with this sentence.

1. I.e., "on many occasions" (see ibid., 1n, where the meaning is explained more fully).

2. The following sentence has been added (cf. ibid., 2).

1. "100 miles" (ibid., 4); from Old Point Comfort to Powhatan village was c. 113 mi. (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 465).

1. "200" (Map of Va., 5); Strachey says 300 (Historie, 69).

2. After "Quiyougcohanocks 25," Smith inadvertently omitted the Warraskoyacks, with 40 men (see the Map of Va., 5).

1. A further reference to Powhatan at this point (ibid., 6) was omitted, due to Powhatan's death in 1618.

2. "Some 40" (ibid.). Strachey explains: "the Inhabitants [not just the serviceable men] ... are but fewe; not nowe above 40. or 50. and are the remayne of the conquered Kecoughtans, whome Powhatan transported thither ... in the yeare 1608" (Historie, 44), a matter that is mentioned below (pp. 38-39), as well as in the Map of Va., 37.

3. "Toppahanock" (Map of Va., 6). On the confusion between Toppahanock and Rappahannock, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 476; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298, 300-301.

1. "160 able men" (Map of Va., 6).

2. "10 miles above this place" (ibid., 7).

3. The rest of this paragraph and the beginning of the next have been much expanded (cf. ibid., 7). Judging by the modern U.S. Dept. of Commerce Coast and Geodetic Survey Map (CGS), revised May 23, 1960, there has been some change in the general configuration of the Chesapeake Bay above the mouth of the Sassafras River, where the Tockwhoghs lived, although the extreme upper part is even now surprisingly shallow.

4. The addition here of the mention of (European) hatchets hints that Smith had observed the Indians' use of these artifacts but neglected to mention them in his 1612 account (Map of Va., 7). They were presumably indirectly obtained from Champlain and his men or from other northern explorers (cf. Proceedings, 38).

5. The subject of the Massawomeks is taken up again on p. 33, below.

1. In rewriting this to show that he knew how to sail a barge, Smith pruned injudiciously. The end should read: "the rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant [as gentlemen] in such toyle and labour" (Map of Va., 8).

2. I.e., "to fear no [enemy] flag or ensign"; to fear no foe (cf. ibid., 8: "to become so perfect ...").

3. Read "our," on account of this changed sentence structure.

1. John White's name has been substituted for Sir Walter Ralegh's although Smith felt no compunctions about mentioning Ralegh in Bk. I.

2. Inserted with Smith's Map of Va.

3. Here Smith has put together two couplets from Fotherby's Atheomastix: the first (sig. A5r), adapted from Lucretius; the second (sig. A6v), from Horace. See also Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 16.

1. Here Smith omitted the detail, "halfe a day in severall waters" (Map of Va., 10).

1. Cf. "boyled 4 houres" (ibid., 12).

2. Cf. "as our bents do in meddows" (ibid.).

1. A local name for the turbot in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire.

2. "Crumbling."

1. A crystalline mineral; see the Map of Va., 15n.

1. "Sieve"; this and a few other unusual words are defined in the Map of Va., 17nn.

1. "Fowl."

1. Cf. "some times from 2 to 100" (Map of Va., 21).

2. "Weirs," "weares" (ibid., 22).

1. From Fotherby's translation of Ovid (Atheomastix, 241).

1. From Fotherby (ibid., 123), with credit to Statius; see Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 16, for reference to Ben Jonson.

1. Fotherby's couplet reads: "He sought, in his deepe foolishnes,/To climbe into Heavens Holinesse" (Atheomastix, 271), from Horace, caelum ipsum petimus stultitia (Odes, I, iii, 38).

2. Fotherby cites as his source the late Latin work on the destruction of Troy, De bello Troiano, attributed to Dares Phrygius (Atheomastix, 124); see Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 17.

3. One page of the Map of Va. (31-32) was omitted here and printed in Bk. III in greatly expanded form (see p. 48, below).

1. The passage "where they have had any extraordinary accident ... antiquities" has been added here (see John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137 [Washington, D.C., 1946], 745-746).

2. The marginal note has been amplified here (cf. the Map of Va., 32, which omits the reference to "Black-boyes"). The boys whom "they painted white" came to be known as "black-boyes" due to contemporary confusion that involved them with "the Divel" (see Philip L. Barbour, "The Riddle of the Powhatan 'Black Boyes,'" VMHB, LXXXVIII [1980], 148-154). A fuller marginal note has been added below, which is amplified in Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes (ibid., 153n). The "drinke" seems to have been "wighsacan" (see p. 34, above).

1. Map of Va., 34, has "men with presents" inserted here.

2. The clause beginning "and we had not language" has been added (cf. ibid.).

3. Smith's restatement of Fotherby here (Atheomastix, 17) is no more unfaithful than was Fotherby's in his pious rendition of Juvenal (Satire, XV, 142-147); see Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 17-18.

1. A clause has been omitted here: "that were able to visit him against his will in 6 or 7 houres" (Map of Va., 35).

2. There have been further deletions here, probably because Powhatan was dead; yet Smith did not trouble to change the present to the past tense (cf. ibid.).

1. The last sentence has been added (cf. ibid., 37).

2. See ibid., 37n. This last clause has been much condensed. (A summation of the subject of "scalping" is available in James Axtell and William Sturtevant, "The Unkindest Cut of All, or Who Invented Scalping," an unpublished study that has been condensed in James Axtell, "Who Invented Scalping?" American Heritage, XXVIII, no. 3 [1977], 97-99.)

1. The first instance in Smith's writings of a definite statement of his authorship, this subscription is repeated on pp. 227, 244, below; the Accidence, 42; and the Advertise- ments, 40.

1. It should be noted that, on the basis of cognate languages, this should read "Paransketassapooeksku."

2. Either Smith or the printer somehow placed the numeral "70" out of order in the Map of Va., sig. *3v, resulting in the omission of that numeral here.

[This is a reproduction of the tenth state of the Smith/Hole map, the last made during their lifetimes. It is the most common state of the map and was probably used in the latest bound copies of the 1624 issue of the Generall Historie. Three states had appeared in 1616 (see the note to the reproduction of the original plate in the Map of Va.), and by 1624 Smith had several changes of heart regarding the individuals he wished to honor with place-names. The Indian "King's Houses" and villages remained untouched. For a list of the seven later states, none of which contains anything of major importance, see Sabin, Dictionary, XX, 228-229.

The editor is grateful to the Newberry Library, Chicago, for permission to reproduce this map, here reduced slightly.]

z000000006_147_1

The third Booke.1 THE PROCEEDINGS AND ACCIDENTS2 OF The English Colony in Virginia, Extracted from the Authors following,3 by William Simons,4 Doctour of Divinitie.
Chapter I.

IT might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a people so tractable, would long ere this have beene quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers, and the eternizing of the memory of those that effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement;5 this following Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried: where no doubt they will easily understand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings. 1606. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine John Smith, Master Edward-Maria Wingfield, Master Robert Hunt,1 and divers others, who depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they arrived in Virginia. The first mover of the action. Orders for government.

On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but by unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which time, Master Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed) || had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.

We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selves amongst these west-India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare two hogs-heads full of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis,2 Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time, where, with a lothsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where thirtie of them1 recreating themselves on shore, were assaulted by five Salvages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, John Smith,2 Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Jury, but determined by the major part of the Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Untill the 13 of May they sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfield was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest. Monica an unfrequented Isle full of Birds. Their first landing. Matters of government.

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, etc. The Salvages often visited us kindly. The Presidents overweening jealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to discover the head of the river: by divers small habitations they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable: but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of James towne, they gave just cause of jealousie, but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot3 from the Ships strooke downe a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats.1 The discovery of the Falles and Powhatan. The Fort assaulted by the Salvages.

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, etc., I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for || our transportation) was to returne with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his repute) who fained he intended to usurpe the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it, for this he was committed as a prisoner:2 thirteene weekes he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in England to receive a check, rather then by particulating his designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrow his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie, he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many untruthes were alledged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company against such unjust Commanders, that the President was adjudged to give him 2001. so that all he had was seized upon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the generall use of the Colony.1 Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell; the next day all received the Communion, the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607. Captain Newports returne for England.

By this observe;

\ Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
But when evill men shall injuries beginne;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The judgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sake:
Then looke that Country cannot long have peace,
Though for the present it have rest and ease.2

The names of them that were the first Planters, were these following. 1607. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

Chapter II. What happened till the first supply.

BEING thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst us could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed us. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money, Saxefras, furres, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might have beene canonized for Saints; But our President would never have beene admitted, for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavitæ, Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings Castles in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakened us, as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Countrey, or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped, lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we buried, the rest seeing the Presidents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieved, and the most of the souldiers recovered, with the skilfull diligence of Master Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages; when God the patron of all good indevours, in that desperate extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted. The occasion of sicknesse. The Sailers abuses. A bad President. Plentie unexpected.

And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the fault of our going was our owne, || what could be thought fitting or necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to live, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at Sea five moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie of the time, and season to plant, by the unskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters, that understood not at all, what they undertooke.1

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but nothing so difficult as to establish a Common-wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward as neither doe well themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.

The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake judgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement. Being but six or seaven in company he went downe the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a famished man,1 and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore, whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses, they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his hungry souldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne before them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly received them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smith told them, if onely six of them would come unarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had, singing and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country of Warraskoyack. The building of James Towne. The beginning of Trade abroad.

\ Thus God unboundlesse by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.1

Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journies and discovered the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their || Presidents weaknes, and their small love to Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened themselves with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the river, which action cost the life of captaine Kendall. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President and captaine Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, nor his souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to keepe it. But finding plentie of Corne in the river of Chickahamania where hundreds of Salvages in divers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins,3 fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists4 desired to goe for England. But our Comædies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore till his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the desert, had his * two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew, still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters, and used him as a buckler,1 yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to James towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes2 those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their owne Quiyouckosucks.3 The manner how they used and delivered him, is as followeth. Amoris, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving us.2 The Discovery of Chickahamina. Another project to abandon the country. *Jehu Robinson and Thomas Emry slaine.

The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity they followed him with 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee,4 who in divisions1 searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side, those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine, as is said, that used the Salvage that was his guide as his sheld (three of them being slaine and divers other so gauld2) all the rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched, more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie3 creeke and his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their composition4 they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his be- || nummed limbs. He demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall.5 Much they marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them. But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually; the greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks,6 where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well used. Captaine Smith taken prisoner.

Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords borne before him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, the souldiers first all in fyle performed the forme of a Bissone so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers as Serjeants to see them keepe their order. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones1 mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their snakes tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would have served twentie men, I thinke his stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eate all the old, and reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke they would fat him to eat him.2 Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia. The order they observed in their triumph.

Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover3 the poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James towne he had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault James towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he should have life, libertie, land, and women.4 In part of a Table booke5 he writ his minde to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to James towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer. How he should have beene slaine at Orapacks. How he saved James towne from being surprised.

But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the same place where he had || told them they should receive an answer, and such things as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake: then they led him to the Youghtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients upon the rivers of Rapahanock, and Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee,1 where they entertained him with most strange and fearefull Conjurations; How they did Conjure him at Pamaunkee.

\ As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.2

Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house,3 and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique tricks,4 painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's,5 along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes, and white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gave a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony; the meaning whereof they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a trencher,1 and they in the middest. After this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder,2 which they carefully preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam3 the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments.

\ But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes,
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.4

At last they brought him to Meronocomoco,5 where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries.6 Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun7 skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes || of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck1 was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them: having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him as well of all occupations as themselves. For the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.2 How Powhatan entertained him. How Pocahontas saved his life.

\ They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.3

Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captaine Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devill then a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came unto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud.4 So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having used the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings and a millstone to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gave them in generall full content. Now in James Towne they were all in combustion, the strongest preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had plotted with the President, the next day to have put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was his that had led them to their ends:1 but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or five dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger.2 How Powhatan sent him to James Towne. The third project to abandon the Countrey.

\ Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.3

His relation of the plenty he had seene,4 especially at Werawocomoco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time was unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of Pocahontas5) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indevour: and the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors; there being no other choise, and all strangers to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to have any mention made of those inormities, let them peruse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissentions have accompanied them, and crossed their attempts: which being knowne to be particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and contempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserve a more worthy respect. A true proofe of Gods love to the action.

Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to have concluded with any of those severall projects, to have abandoned the Countrey, with some ten or twelve of them, who were called the better sort, and have left Master Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen1 to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe possession of this large Country;) or starve himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and save all their lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider. But Of two evils the lesse was chosen.

\ We men imagine in our Jolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then anone wee alter this againe,
If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.2

Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and J. S.3

Chapter III. The Arrivall of the first supply, with their Proceedings, and the Ships returne.

ALL this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent and carefull to supply us. Two good ships they sent us, with neare a hundred men,1 well furnished with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us; The one commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should sell: so he || had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner;2 and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and had them at that submission he might command them what he listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God: they would also in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith. The Phænix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies.

\ Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.3 Their opinion of our God.

But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation among the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages understandings (by their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his, as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first supply so overjoyed us, that wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners. We gave them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sould us for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Captaine Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him: so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward. When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, and Master Scrivener, a very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well appointed, undertooke to encounter the worst that could happen:1 Knowing Smiths revisiting Powhatan.

\ All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.

These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten)2 comming a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they were to passe such poore bridges, onely made of a few cratches,3 thrust in the ose, and three or foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men was passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their towne. Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the utmost of his greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his head and feete a handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or five hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none upon paine of death to presume to doe us any wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to re- || new their old acquaintance, this great King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and received as much content as those people could give him: a boy named Thomas Salvage was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport called his sonne; for whom Powhatan gave him Namontack his trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his Salvage manner) as made us all admire his naturall gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did; he bespake Newport in this manner.1 Powhatan his entertainement. The exchange of a Christian for a Salvage.

Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together; what I like I will take, and in recompence give you what I thinke fitting their value. Powhatans speech.

Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould us his intent was but onely to cheate us; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out brave this Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his bountie, as to have what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan having his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it better cheape in Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to have twentie hogsheads. This bred some unkindnesse betweene our two Captaines; Newport seeking to please the unsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Salvages suspition, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor upon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange Jewells:2 so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads, which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings, their wives and children. And so we returned all well to James towne, where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired their quarters and so the towne, which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much private provision.1 Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library and all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none never heard him repine at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame frost, 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Oatmeale, meale and corne, yet the Ship staying 14. weekes when shee might as wel have beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there discretion could spare us, to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left us, yet I must confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to give billes of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to this removing taverne, such was our patience to obay such vile Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we should incurre the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse, but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receave with all our hearts to make up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving that, least they should discourage any more to come to us. Now for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this great charge little releeved our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the || bitter cold frost and those defects, more then halfe of us dyed; I cannot deny but both Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the President went the major part, that there hornes were to short. But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden promises made all men their slaves in hope of recompences; there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad fellow desired to be buried in the sands least they should by there art make gold of his bones: little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, there wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing in 14. dayes. Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I have heard him oft question with Captaine Martin and tell him, except he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. Till then we never accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, who being ready to set saile for England, and we not having any use of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Justices of peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment. Differences of opinions. James towne burnt. A ship Idely loytering 14. weekes. The effect of meere Verbalists. A needlesse charge. A returne to England.

\ Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers!
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.1

Chapter IIII. The Arrivall of the Phœnix; her returne; and other Accidents.

THE authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an inheritable revenew.2 The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Master Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the rebuilding James towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe trees; preparing our fields; planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phœnix; lost (I say) for that we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuall to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our allowance sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused us admire him: we would not have wished more then he did for us. Now to relade this ship with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captaine Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom they should incounter: yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an uncertaine discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure.1 The rebuilding James Towne. Sixtie appointed to discover the Monacans.3

But,

\ The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.2

Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.

Powhatan (to expresse his love to Newport) when he departed, presented him with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him twentie swords, which immediately was sent him; now after his departure he presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce, surprise us at worke, or any way;3 which was so long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the command from England was so strait not to offend them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then peace-breakers. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they medled with Captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gave them such an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Isle, some he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies, they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all beleeve, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies.4 And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely by Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant: yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to have saved their lives, and gave them libertie. The patient Councell that nothing would move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled with Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them;1 where before, wee had sometime peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had some trecherous villany or other. An ill example to sell swords to Salvages. The Presidents weaknesse. Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolencies. Powhatans excuse.

The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and unserviceable, and desirous to injoy the credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for England.2 For

\ He hath not fill'd his lapp
That still doth hold it oap.3 A ship fraught with Cedar.
From the writings of Thomas Studley, and Anas Todkill.

Their Names that were landed in this Supply.4

Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell. 1608. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

And divers others to the number of 120.1

Chapter V. 1The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack.

THE prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe into our small store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed the discretion of Master Scrivener, that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of June 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with this Company.

These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen, leaving the Phœnix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages upon Cape Charles, with long poles like Javelings, headed with bone, || they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they2 seemed very kinde, and directed us to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were kindly intreated. This King was the comliest, proper, civill Salvage we incountred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some small creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was,3 two children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies, or affection moved their parents againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which being a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore up for them, but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne, thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the unmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the mayne, yet it was but low, we called Keales hill, and these uninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next Easterne Channell, which brought us to the river of Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs and daunces and much mirth became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes,1 and that such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched in many places, but before two daies were expired, we would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land upon the mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot wee supposed it some bath; that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieved our Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten or twelve in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country.2 A strange mortalitie of Salvages. Russels Isles. Wighcocomoco. An extreame want of fresh water.

Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Isles, we discovered the winde and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and raine, that our mast and sayle blew overbord and such mighty waves overracked us in that small barge that with great labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite these uninhabited Isles which for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient river on the East called Cuskarawaok,3 the people ran as amazed in troups from place to place, and divers got into the tops of trees, they were not sparing of their arrowes, nor the greatest passion they could expresse of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without there reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next day they came unarmed, with every one a basket, dancing in a ring, to draw us on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reedes hard by; where there companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the evening we wayed, and approaching the shoare, discharging five or six shot among the reedes, we landed where there lay a many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other side the river, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire, there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay, but when it was darke we came backe againe. Early in || the morning foure Salvages came to us in their Canow, whom we used with such courtesie, not knowing what we were, nor had done, having beene in the bay a fishing, bade us stay and ere long they would returne, which they did and some twentie more with them; with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men women and children came clustring about us, every one presenting us with something, which a little bead would so well requite, that we became such friends they would contend who should fetch us water, stay with us for hostage, conduct our men any whither, and give us the best content. Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other Salvages. They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo:1 this river but onely at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small stature as them of Wighcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may prove very commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne shore, shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water, we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore: so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceive the great high clifts on the other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards Cliftes.2 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any inhabitants, leaving all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes, but overgrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along well watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with Wolves, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we found Navigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places under the clifts by the high water marke, did grow up in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard sandy gravell, which made us thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast home, but having lien in this small barge not above 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner. Their Barge neare sunke in a gust. Cuskarawaock. The first notice of the Massawomeks. Bolus River.

Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feede them in their returnes; then what a shame would it be for you (that have bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne, with so much provision as we have, and scarce able to say where we have beene, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke? You cannot say but I have shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to come, of lodging, dyet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust; abandon these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to happen: and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your old spirits for returne I will not (if God please) till I have seene the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be endlesse.

Two or 3. dayes we expected winde and wether, whose adverse extremities added such discouragement, that three or foure fell sicke, whose pittifull complaints caused us to returne, leaving the bay some nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water. The discovery of Patawomek.

The 16. of June we fell with the river Patowomek: feare being gone, and our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the name of that seven mile broad river: for thirtie myles sayle, we could see no inhabitants: then we were conducted by two Savages up a little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd with ambuscade's to the number of three or foure thousand1 Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying || as so many spirits from hell could not have shewed more terrible. Many bravado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our bullets upon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them)1 with the Ecco of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) James Watkins was sent six myles up the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly used of those Salvages, of whom we understood, they were commanded to betray us, by the direction of Powhatan, and he so directed from the discontents at James towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against their wills.2 Ambuscadoes of Salvages.

The like incounters we found at Patowomek, Cecocawonee and divers other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their best to content us.3 Having gone so high as we could with the bote, we met divers Salvages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere, and other beasts, whereof we had part, here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places above the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and divers other solid quarries of divers tinctures: and divers places where the waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured spangled skurfe,4 that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the growne above in the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pin-dust.5 In our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gave us guides to conduct us up a little river called Quiyough, up which we rowed so high as we could. Leaving the bote, with six shot, and divers Salvages, he marched seven or eight myle before they came to the mine: leading his hostages in a small chaine they were to have for their paines, being proud so richly to be adorned. The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony; wherein they digged a great hole with shells and hatchets: and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash a way the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and sell it all over the country to paint there bodyes, faces, or Idols; which makes them looke like Blackmores dusted over with silver.6 With so much as we could carry we returned to our bote, kindly requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this discovery was to search this mine, of which Newport did assure us that those small baggs (we had given him) in England he had tryed to hold halfe silver; but all we got proved of no value: also to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissention among the Salvages, as gold and silver amongst Christians; and what other mineralls, rivers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what other commodities the land afforded: and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it extended: of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Bevers, Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes we found, and in divers places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with: neither better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of us ever seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught with frying pans: some small codd also we did see swim close by the shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Riccards Clifts. And some we have found dead upon the shore. A trecherous project. A myne like Antimony. An aboundant plenty of fish.

To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters amongst those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we so incountred them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meeting our Captaine ever observed this order to demand their bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceive, when they intended any villany. Having finished this discovery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaintances upon the river of Rapahanock, by || many called Toppahanock, but our bote by reason of the ebbe, chansing to grownd upon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes lurking in the reedes: our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to the grownd with his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner: thus we tooke more in owne1 houre then we could eate in a day. But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his arme neere an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his grave in an Island by, as himselfe directed: yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe (ere night) his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gave no lesse joy and content to us then ease to himselfe, for which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish. How to deale with the Salvages. Captaine Smith neare killed with a Stingray.

Having neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery, but that preservative oyle we presently set sayles for James towne, passing the mouthes of the rivers of Payankatank, and Pamaunkee, the next day we safely arrived at Kecougtan. The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned us to know with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeve we fayled not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster up the river then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of July; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises as we could, we made them at James towne jealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we all God be thanked safely arrived the 21 of July. There we found the last Supply were all sicke, the rest some lame, some bruised, all unable to doe any thing but complaine of the pride and unreasonable needlesse crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed the store: and to fulfill his follies about building him an unnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge: but the good newes of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captaine Smith would take upon him the government, as by course it did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions the other had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture1) and in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they being unable to worke, he left them to live at ease, to recover their healths, but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery. The Salvages affrighted with their owne suspition. Needlesse misery at James towne.

Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.2

Chapter VI. The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay.

THE 24 of July, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with twelve men: their names were

The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three dayes at Kecoughtan: the King feasted us with much mirth, his people were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks.2 In the evening we fired a few rackets, which flying in the ayre so terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing unpossible we attempted; and desired to assist us. The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus. We went not much further before we might see the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided in foure, all which we searched so farre as we could sayle them. Two of them we found inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks. We seeing them prepare to assault us, left our Oares and made way with our sayle to incounter them, yet were we but five with our Captaine that could stand, for within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death,3 untill they were seasoned to the Country. Having shut them under our Tarpawling, we put their hats upon stickes by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a man with two peeces, to make us seeme many, and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our barge till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come unto us. At last they sent two of their company unarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them if neede required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes. We understood them nothing at all, but by signes, whereby they signified unto us they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by shewing us their greene wounds, but the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete, but after that we never saw them. The Salvages admire fireworkes. An Incounter with the Massawomeks at the head of the Bay.

Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, in a fleete of boats, after their barbarous manner, round invironed us; so it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a friendly parley. But when they saw us furnished with the Massawomeks weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan, to have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits, furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loves. An Incounter with the Tockwhoghs.

Many hatchets, knives, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw amongst them, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks, a mightie people and mortall enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the chiefe Spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, two dayes journey higher then our barge could passe for rocks, yet we prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit us, for their language are different. Three or foure dayes we expected their returne, then sixtie of those gyant-like people came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes three foot in length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Five of their chiefe Werowances came boldly aboord us to crosse the Bay for Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they durst not passe. Hatchets from the Sasquesahanocks.

Our order was daily to have Prayer, with a Psalme, at which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being done, a while they were busied with a consultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then they began in a most pas- || sionate manner to hold up their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull song, then imbracing our Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted Beares skin they covered him: then one ready with a great chayne of white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven pound, hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes they layd at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke for his Creation to be their Governour and Protector, promising their aydes, victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made us, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek, and other people, signifying they inhabit upon a great water beyond the mountaines, which we understood to be some great lake, or the river of Canada: and from the French to have their hatchets and Commodities by trade. These know no more of the territories of Powhatan, then his name, and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea.1 The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English.

The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines mount,2 and a rocky river, where the Massawomeks went up, Willowbyes river, in honor of the towne our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable house the Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we called Smiths falles; the next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next it poynt Bourne. Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and the little Bay at the head Profits poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore, betwixt Patawomek and Pamaunkee, after the names of the discoverers.3 In all those places and the furthest we came up the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had beene there.

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and more civill then any. We promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed. Pawtuxunt, River.

In the discovery of this river some call Rapahanock,4 we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we incountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco upon the river of Patawomek. We supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome have any at all, of which he was not a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe us towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct1 to the mine we supposed Antimony. And in the place2 he fayled not to doe us all the good he could, perswading us in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill us for being friends with the Moraughtacunds that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women.3 This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely have our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks.4 There some 12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed us a little Creeke where was good landing, and Commodities for us in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there: but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in signe of love, which after they had a little consulted, foure or five came up to the middles, to fetch our man, and leave us one of them, shewing we need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the playne to fetch some wood, but they were unwilling, except we would come into the Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees || having got some two stones throwes up the playne, perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees, so that offering5 to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called to us we were betrayed, and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water. Immediately we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, and Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood us in good stead, for upon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into the woods. Arming our selves with these light Targets (which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them:) we rescued Todkill, who was all bloudy by1 some of them who were shot by us that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt; and following them up to the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows we tooke; the arrowes we found we broke, save them we kept for Mosco, to whom we gave the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained us in the best triumphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds. Rapahanock, River. The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. Our fight with the Rapahanocks.

The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules2 wee made stickes like Bedstaves, to which we fastened so many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wast clothes. The next morning we went up the river, and our friend Mosco followed us along the shore, and at last desired to goe with us in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated upon high white clay clifts; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks, had so accommodated themselves with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing among the sedge, still seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and dropped in the river: whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee were neare halfe a myle from them, they shewed themselves dauncing and singing very merrily. The Salvages disguised like bushes fight.

The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen, used us kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring us to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Master Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously, where in a little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths. The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float,1 there setting up crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our Sentinell saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and downe more then an houre in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe.

Upon the alarum by that we had recovered our armes, there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served us for Baricadoes as well as they. But Mosco did us more service then we expected, for having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an houre this continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as he could see us, till they were out of sight. As we returned there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking him up we found he had || life, which Mosco seeing, never was Dog more furious against a Beare, then Mosco was to have beat out his braines, so we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgian who went with us to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather up their arrowes, which were an armefull, whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the poore Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga, where there are three Kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdome of the Mannahocks, and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loves; he answered, they heard we were a people come from under the world, to take their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did know, he replyed, he knew no more but that which was under the skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans, and the Massawomeks, that were higher up in the mountaines. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he answered the Sunne: but of any thing els he knew nothing; *because the woods were not burnt. These and many such questions wee demanded, concerning the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, living upon rootes and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell upon a great water, and had many boats, and so many men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting: But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding they would be altogether at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gave him many toyes, with perswasions to goe with us, and he as earnestly desired us to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother to Hasinninga. But Mosco advised us presently to be gone, for they were all naught, yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked, for the river was so narrow, had it beene light the land on the one side was so high, they might have done us exceeding much mischiefe. All this while the King of Hasinninga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on every side the Boat; we caused our Salvages to call unto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then a peece, ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we found our selves in a broad Bay,1 out of danger of their shot, where wee came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sunne was risen; being well refreshed, we untyed our Targets that covered us as a Deck, and all shewed our selves with those shields on our armes, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck; a long discourse there was betwixt his Countrimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee used him, how wee had a Patawomek with us, loved us as his life, that would have slaine him had we not preserved him, and that he should have his libertie would they be but friends; and to doe us any hurt it was impossible. Upon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers upon the trees, and one came swimming aboord us with a Bow tyed on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, which they delivered our Captaine as a present, the Captaine having used them so kindly as he could, told them the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend, whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed, so || upon a low Moorish poynt of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came and received Amoroleck: nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco-bags, and Pipes: what we desired, none refused to give us, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done: our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other Commodities, and so we left foure or five hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund. Our fight with the Manahaacks.2 A Salvage shot and taken prisoner. His relation of their countries. *They cannot travell but where the woods are burnt. How we concluded peace with the foure kings of Monahoke.

In our returnes we visited all our friends,1 that rejoyced much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Warres also with them, but now they were friends, and desired we would be friends with the Rapahanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in love to doe them good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for ever hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction; they desired to know what that should be: he told them they should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends, and give him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it, and then all King James his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so soone as we; where Rapahanock presented his Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no more but him he could not live without him, but in stead of his sonne he would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolne. This was accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with us to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gave to his friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loved him then admired us. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gave a chayne of Beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund chuse next, and to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away went their Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could, and they that wanted Boats swam over the river: the darke commanded us then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we conjectured, six or seaven hundred, dauncing, and singing, and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his name Uttasantasough, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call us.1 All promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corne purposely for us; and we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed, giving them a Volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths could utter. That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and discovered it so high as it was navigable, but the people were most a hunting, save a few old men, women, and children, that were tending their corne, of which they promised us part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene. How we became friends with the Rapahanocks. The discovery of Payankatank.

In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to have seene James Towne. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore, untill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserve us by that light to finde poynt Comfort: there refreshing our selves, because we had onely but heard of the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad.

So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled up a narrow river up the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but many shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seaven myles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the river very narrow, we returned to the great river, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting || the shore towards Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; at the mouth of that river, we espied six or seaven Salvages making their wires, who presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw divers toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall us: and thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired us to goe to his house up that river, into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after us by the shore with all shew of love that could be. Seaven or eight myles we sayled up this narrow river: at last on the Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle,2 and in it was abundance of Corne; the people he told us were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he invited us with much kindnesse: to him, his wife, and children, we gave such things as they seemed much contented them. The others being come, desired us also to goe but a little higher to see their houses: here our host left us, the rest rowed by us in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the river became very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come abord us, wherat pausing a little, they told us they would but fetch their bows and arrowes and goe all with us, but being a-shore and thus armed, they perswaded us to goe forward, but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gave us cause to provide for the worst. Farre we went not ere seaven or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared following us, staying to see the conclusion. Presently from each side the river came arrowes so fast as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also as fast, but amongst them we bestowed so many shot, the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two or three escaped by rowing. Being against their playnes:1 our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our Targets, and about the boat, yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeve. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were together, we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition,2 till we were provided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our Colony: but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. In the interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay downe their bowes, making signes of peace: peace we told them we would accept, would they bring us their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne of pearle; and when we came againe give us foure hundred baskets full of Corne, otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the want of a Canow; so we put one a drift and bad them swim to fetch her: and till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their Canowes.3 They cryed to us to doe no more, all should be as we would: which presently they performed, away went their bowes and arrowes, and tagge and ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to James Towne, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. There we found Master Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sicke: the late President prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the harvest gathered, but the provision in the store much spoyled with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captaine Ratliffe) but onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of proportion, about three thousand myles,1 with such watery dyet in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian utterly unknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie. A notable trechery of the Nandsamunds. The fight with the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds. How they became friends. The proceeding at James Towne.

\ || But to this place to come who will adventure,
with judgements guide and reason how to enter:
Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
Ther's safer sayle then any where beside.
But 'cause to wanton novices it is
A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss;
Into the great vast deepe to venter out;
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
And by a small Boat learne there first, and marke,
How they may come to make a greater Barke.2

Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell Powell, and Anas Todkill.3

Chapter VII. The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith: the Arrivall and returne of the second Supply. And what happened.

THE tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of the Company, Captaine Smith received the Letters Patents: which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned thereunto.

Now the building of Ratliffes Pallace stayed as a thing needlesse; the Church was repaired; the Store-house recovered; buildings prepared for the Supplyes, we expected; the Fort reduced to a five-square forme;1 the order of the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained; the whole Company every Saturday exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulwarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amazement to behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in their Journey incountred the second Supply, that brought them backe to discover the Country of Monacan. How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a five peeced Barge, not to beare us to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet unknowne. As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had beene much better well spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting, made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as much as nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch-men, to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes when the Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would have done well, but to send them and seaventie more without victualls to worke, was not so well advised nor considered of, as it should have beene. Yet this could not have hurt us had they beene 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuals for 500. Now was there no way to make us miserable, but to neglect that time to make provision whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to performe this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation to loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and starve our men, having no meanes to carry victuals, munition, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by whom they were invented I know not: but Captaine Newport we onely accounted the Author, who to effect these projects, had so guilded mens hopes with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his resolu- || tion for the most part: God doth know they little knew what they did, nor understood their owne estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing President alledged. Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one Captaine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the busines, (being but newly arrived.) Ratliffe was also permitted to have his voyce, and Master Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was President, yet the Major part of the Councell had the authoritie and ruled it as they listed. As for clearing Smiths objections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship, or provision got to live withall, when none was in the Country, and that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The answer was, Captaine Newport undertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and returning in his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great proportion of victualls from the Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions were onely devices to hinder his journey, to effect it himselfe; and that the crueltie he had used to the Salvages, might well be the occasion to hinder these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation all workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie they would have it so)1 he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he undertooke himselfe their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to James Towne to receive his presents. And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. he onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 myles; there he passed the river of Pamaunkee in a Salvage Canow. Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner. Powhatans scorne when his courtesie was most deserved. No better way to overthrow the busines then by our instructors. A consultation, where all the Councell was against the President. Captaine Smith goeth with 4. to Powhatan, when Newport feared with 120.

In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the English betooke themselves to their armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended,1 and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaves, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred in like manner they departed. A virginia Maske.

Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? love you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing about them; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging. The Womens entertainement.

\ Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
Some other us'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting.2

The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had sent for England, desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Whereunto this subtile Savage thus replyed. Captaine Smiths message.

If your King have sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this is my land: eight dayes I will stay to receive them. Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for the Monacans I can revenge my owne injuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the Relations you have had from my people are false. Powhatans answer.

Whereupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both content to give each other content in complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer.

Upon this the Presents were sent by water1 which is neare an hundred myles, and the Captains went by land with fiftie good shot. All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set up, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to make him kneele to receive his Crowne, he neither knowing the majesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King start up in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to congratulate their kindnesse, he gave his old shooes and his mantell to Captaine Newport: but perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we returned to the Fort. Powhatans Coronation.

The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first Gentlewoman and woman-servant that arrived in our Colony Captaine Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine Winne, Master West, and Master Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles we marched by land some fortie myles in two dayes and a halfe, and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither used us well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct us the way. And in our returnes searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning, having one William Callicut, a refyner fitted for that purpose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded us to beleeve he extracted some small quantitie of silver; and (not unlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leave this fayre, fertile, well watered Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages fayned there were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at James Towne. Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not; for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine, and discontent, to have onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold us. The discovery of Monacan. How the Salvages deluded Captaine Newport.

\ But those that hunger seeke to slake,
Which thus abounding wealth would rake:
Not all the gemmes of Ister shore,
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,
|| Can fill their greedie appetite;
It is a thing so infinite.1

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes, leaving them with the Fort to the Councels oversight, but 30 of us he conducted downe the river some 5 myles from James towne, to learne to make Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and John Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so pleasantly as within a weeke they became Masters: making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne the eccho; for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to have every mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to have a Cann of water powred downe his sleeve, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke. A punishment for swearing.

\ For he who scornes and makes but jests of cursings, and his othe,
He doth contemne, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.2

By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood haggers3 at felling of trees, or such other like labours, or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaves; for what they did, after they were but once a little inured, it seemed and some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation, yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion, but twentie good workemen had beene better then them all.1 3. Men better then 100.

Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie2 after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort; two Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolency as they could expresse. The President perceiving it was Powhatans policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the death of his men murthered by them, and so landing his men and readie to charge them, they immediately fled: and presently after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to make their peace, (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they complained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content us, we parted good friends, and returned to James towne. The Chickahamania's forced to contribution.

Though this much contented the Company, (that feared nothing more then starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to hazzard a starving, then his paines should prove so much more effectuall then theirs. Some projects there were invented by Newport and Ratliffe,3 not onely to have deposed him, but to have kept him out of the Fort; for that being President, he would leave his place and the Fort without their consents, but their hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe. A bad reward for well-doing.

All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either money or ware as could be desired: by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things || that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in Newport and4 the Marriners to report in England we had such plentie, and bring us so many men without victuals, when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seaven weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks,1 young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua vitæ, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle: and then fayne all was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he confessed to have sold in England for 301. A good Taverne in Virginia. A bad trade of the masters and saylers.

Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that have notwithstanding all this meate, drinke, and wages; but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath beene in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which knowes not this to be true, and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore Officers, Gentlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought and sold; the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men judge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would have discharged the ship, and caused him to have stayed one yeare in Virginia, to learne to speake of his owne experience.2

Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more readie to fight then trade; but his vigilancy was such as prevented their projects, and by the meanes of Namontack got three or foure hogsheads of Corne, and as much Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye. Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco.

Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with that Clapboord and Waynscot that could be provided: met with Master Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so returned for England. We remaining were about two hundred.

The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith, then President in Virginia.3

Right Honorable, etc.

I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon faction, and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs and ands, hopes, and some few proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selves: and that we must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captain Newport: the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude Answer.

For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away and leave the Country, I cannot prevent them: because I do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the President1 and his confederats, for dividing the Country etc. What it was I know not, for you saw no hand || of mine to it; nor ever dream't I of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, etc. Though I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy; and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here doe know, but that I have learned to tell you by the continuall hazard of my life. I have not concealed from you any thing I know; but I feare some cause you to beleeve much more then is true.

Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport, though they be performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the major part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of us all; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I have sworne of the Councell, and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions.

For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we have not received the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred Boat to be borne by the souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might have carried her in a bag; but as she is, five hundred cannot, to a navigable place above the Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold; or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie myles, (which might as well have beene done by one man, and much more, for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to serve the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord, whereof some small quantities we have sent you. But if you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which many an hundred yeares have used it, yet thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries to live, but from hand to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect from us any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to get wherewith to live, and defend our selves against the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians have. For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents,1 I know not; but this give me leave to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of us all ere we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne Newport promised to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but foureteene Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke and neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred to live upon this: the one halfe sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you should know, I have made you as great a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every meale; I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed || Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least; so devided, as by their notes you may see in what places I found them.2 The souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their families out of that you send us: and that Newport hath an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pounds might be spared, which is more then we have all, that helpe to pay him wages. Captaine Ratliffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore counterfeited Imposture. I have sent you him home, least the company should cut his throat.3 What he is, now every one can tell you: if he and Archer4 returne againe, they are sufficient to keepe us alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided; then a thousand of such as we have: for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for any thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the unnecessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leave us victuals for 12 moneths, though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to give him three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men and the rest, till we be able to sustaine our selves, and relieve them when they come. It were better to give five hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary things be provided.1 For in over-toyling our weake and unskilfull bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever recover our selves from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let us know what we should receive, and not stand to the Saylers courtesie to leave us what they please, els you may charge us with what you will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this might have given much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not looke for any profitable returnes: so I humbly rest.

The Names of those in this Supply, were these: with their Proceedings and Accidents.

Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.

Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch men and Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, etc.1

These poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, that the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport.2 These people also long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Corne they promised, but any trade at all; (excusing themselves they had spent most they had, and were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let us come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Upon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow; the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceived, they desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would give us halfe they had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three Boats; and so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the River, which was onely the open woods under the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warme. To keepe us from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as the winde turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew cold we removed the fire. And thus many a cold winter night have wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those that most commonly went upon all those occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for us; and so we returned to James towne. About this time there was a marriage betwixt John Laydon and Anne Burras; which was the first marriage we had in Virginia. Nandsamund forced to contribution. The first marriage in Virginia.

Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopo, Weanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being jealous of our intents; till we discovered the river and people of Apamatuck; where we found not much, that they had we equally divided, but gave them copper, and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but could find nothing. Apamatuck discovered.

The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to live, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the unwillingnesse of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some private respect, plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith, did their best to hinder their project;1 but the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starve, being invited by Powhatan to come unto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a house, give him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with much copper and beads he would load his Ship with Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet unwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and two English, having so small allowance, few were able to doe any thing to purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this project,2 tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required; Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pinnace, two Barges, and fortie-six men, which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his Journey, the which by reason of Master Scriveners ill successe, was censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie, if it were to be had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde.

Chapter VIII. Captaine Smiths Journey to Pamaunkee.

The twentie-nine of December he set forward for Werowocomoco: his Company were these; In the Discovery Barge himselfe.

In the Pinnace.1

Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers. John Prat, George Acrig, James Read, Nicholas Hancock, James Watkins, Thomas Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by land before to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrivall.2

This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no oportunitie to seize on your Armes; for he hath sent for you onely to cut your throats. The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell: yet the better to try his love, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this journey was sent Master Sicklemore,3 a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King perpetuall love; and left with him Samuel Collier4 his Page to learne the Language. The good counsell of Warraskoyack.

\ So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adjur'd.
More wary proves, and circumspect by ods:
Fearing at least his double forfeiture;
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.5

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan; six or seaven dayes the extreame winde, rayne, frost and snow caused us to keepe Christmas among the Salvages, where we were never more merry, nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor never had better fires in England, then in the dry smoaky houses of Kecoughtan: but departing thence, when we found no houses we were not curious in any weather to lye three or foure nights together under the trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd. An hundred fortie eight foules the President, Anthony Bagnall, and Serjeant Pising did kill at three shoots. At Kiskiack the frost and contrary winds forced us three or foure dayes also (to suppresse the insolency of those proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard our Barge, and cause them give us what we wanted; though we were but twelve and himselfe, yet we never wanted shelter where we found any houses. The 12 of January we arrived at Werowocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle from the shore; but to neg- || lect no time, the President with his Barge so far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye there frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to march neere middle deepe, a flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he appoynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace. Where for want of water in melting the ice, they made fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this march Master Russell, (whom none could perswade to stay behinde) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavie, so overtoyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe (ere he got ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison; the next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began to aske us when we would be gone: fayning he sent not for us, neither had he any corne; and his people much lesse: yet for fortie swords he would procure us fortie Baskets. The President shewing him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how it chanced he became so forgetfull; thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for our Commodities, but none he liked without gunnes and swords, valuing a Basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of Copper; saying he could eate his Corne, but not the Copper. Plentie of victualls. 148 Foules killed at three shootes.

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage began to deale with him after this manner. Captaine Smiths discourse to Powhatan.

Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all to satisfie your desire: and to testifie my love, I send you my men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had you have engrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you thinke by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your strange demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe I had none to spare; and you must know those I have can keepe me from want: yet steale or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship we have mutually promised, except you constraine me by our bad usage.1

The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised that both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within two dayes they should receive. Yet Captaine Smith, sayth the King,

some doubt I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieve you as I would: for many doe informe me, your comming hither is not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country, who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free us of this feare, leave aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends, and for ever Powhatans. Powhatans reply and flattery.

With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the Kings houses. The next day he renewed his building, which hee little intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding his plentie, and knowing our want, and perceiving his preparations to surprise us, little thinking we could escape both him and famine; (to obtaine his favour) revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and projects, and how to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, judgement, and resolution, and a hireling that was certaine of his wages for his labour, and ever well used both he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not whom better to trust; and not knowing any fitter for that imployment, had sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare halfe a yeare after.

Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which the President perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate; but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should have as much more the next yeare, or els the Country of Monacan.2 Wherewith each seemed well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace and Warre after this manner.

Captaine Smith, you may understand that I having seene the death of all my people thrice, and not any one living of those three generations but my selfe; I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my bre- || thren, namely Opitchapam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their experience no lesse then mine, and your love to them no lesse then mine to you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What will it availe you to take that by force you may quickly have by love, or to destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre, when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you must famish by wronging us your friends. And why are you thus jealous of our loves seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are willing still to feede you, with that you cannot get but by our labours? Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is better to eate good meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I want being your friend: then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold in the woods, feede upon Acornes, rootes, and such trash, and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe; but my tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every one cryeth there commeth Captaine Smith: then must I fly I know not whether: and thus with miserable feare, end my miserable life, leaving my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash unadvisednesse may quickly as miserably end, for want of that, you never know where to finde. Let this therefore assure you of our loves, and every yeare our friendly trade shall furnish you with Corne; and now also, if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not thus with your guns and swords as to invade your foes. Powhatans discourse of peace and warre.

To this subtill discourse, the President thus replyed. Captaine Smiths Reply.

Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my love, both my selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise I find it every day violated by some of your subjects: yet we finding your love and kindnesse, our custome is so far from being ungratefull, that for your sake onely, we have curbed our thirsting desire of revenge; els had they knowne as well the crueltie we use to our enemies, as our true love and courtesie to our friends. And I thinke your judgement sufficient to conceive, as well by the adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have (by our Armes) of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long erethis we could have effected it. Your people comming to James Towne are entertained with their Bowes and Arrowes without any exceptions; we esteeming it with you as it is with us, to weare our armes as our apparell. As for the danger of our enemies, in such warres consist our chiefest pleasure: for your riches we have no use: as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not so unadvisedly starve as you conclude, your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we have a rule to finde beyond your knowledge.

Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this manner.

Captaine Smith, I never use any Werowance so kindely as your selfe, yet from you I receive the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gave me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, tooles, or what I desired; ever taking what I offered him, and would send away his gunnes when I intreated him: none doth deny to lye at my feet, or refuse to doe what I desire, but onely you; of whom I can have nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will have whatsoever you demand. Captaine Newport you call father, and so you call me; but I see for all us both you will doe what you list, and we must both seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence your armes, that I may beleeve you; for you see the love I beare you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe. Powhatans importunity to have us unarmed to betray us.

Smith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come to fetch his corne and him: and gave order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed: and to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply. Captaine Smiths discourse to delay time, till he found oportunity to surprise the King.

Powhatan you must know, as I have but one God, I honour but one King; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade: yet would you visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our custome, to sell our curtesies as a vendible commodity. Bring all your || countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being over jealous. But to content you, tomorrow I will leave my Armes, and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you: but the small care you have of such a childe caused my men perswade me to looke to my selfe.

By this time Powhatanhaving knowledge his men were ready whilest the ice was a breaking, with his luggage women and children, fled. Yet to avoyd suspicion, left two or three of the women talking with the Captaine, whilest hee secretly ran away, and his men that secretly beset the house. Which being presently discovered to Captaine Smith, with his pistoll, sword, and target hee made such a passage among these naked Divels; that at his first shoot, they next him tumbled one over another, and the rest quickly fled some one way some another: so that without any hurt, onely accompanied with John Russell,1 hee obtained the corps du guard. When they perceived him so well escaped, and with his eighteene men (for he had no more with him a shore) to the uttermost of their skill they sought excuses to dissemble the matter: and Powhatanto excuse his flight and the sudden comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great bracelet and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Oratour that bespoke us to this purpose, perceiving even then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and comming unto us. Powhatans plot to have murdered Smith. A chaine of pearle sent the Captaine for a present.

Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes, and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these numbers but to guard his corne from stealing, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatanis your friend and so will for ever continue. Now since the ice is open, he would have you send away your corne, and if you would have his company, send away also your gunnes, which so affright his people, that they dare not come to you as hee promised they should.

Then having provided baskets for our men to carry our corne to the boats, they kindly offered their service to guard our Armes, that none should steale them. A great many they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes, as grim as Divels; yet the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to let fly, a few wordes caused them to leave their bowes and arrowes to our guard, and beare downe our corne on their backes; wee needed not importune them to make dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe, caused us stay till the next high-water, so that wee returned againe to our old quarter.2 Powhatanand his Dutch-men brusting3 with desire to have the head of Captaine Smith, for if they could but kill him, they thought all was theirs, neglected not any oportunity to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could devise, spent the time till night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did prevent him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest jewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be sent us by and by: but Powhatanand all the power he could make, would after come kill us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with our owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live shee wished us presently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he would have given her: but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to have any: for if Powhatanshould know it, she were but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within lesse then an houre came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters of venison and other victuall, very importunate to have us put out our matches (whose smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But the Captaine made them taste every dish, which done hee sent some of them backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee was prepared for his comming. As for them hee knew they came to betray him at his supper: but hee would prevent them and all their other intended villanies: so that they might be gone. Not long after came more messengers, to see what newes; not long after them others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was high-water, yet seemed to the Salvages || as friendly as they to us: and that wee were so desirous to give Powhatancontent, as hee requested, wee did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutch-men to finish his house; thinking at our returne from Pamaunkee the frost would be gone, and then we might finde a better oportunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the Dutch-mens treachery, whose humor well suted this verse: Pretending to kill our men loaded with baskets, we caused them do it themselves. Pocahontas bewrayes her fathers deceit to kill us.

\ Is any free, that may not live as freely as he list?
Let us live so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best.1

Chapter IX. How wee escaped surprising at Pamaunkee.

WE had no sooner set sayle but Powhatanreturned, and sent Adam and Francis (two stout Dutch-men) to James towne: who faining to Captaine Winne that all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had use of their armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were given them) they told him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of apparell; by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seavenmore to their confederacie, such expert theeves, that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like: Salvages they had at hand to carry it away, and the next day they returned unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in the interim to convay them such things as they could: for which service they should live with Powhatanas his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would happen the Colony. Samuel their other consort Powhatankept for their pledge, whose diligence had provided them three hundred of their kinde of hatchets; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes. Brynton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to accommodate the Salvages with weapons, attempted to have gotten to James towne, but they were apprehended, and expected ever when to be put to death.1 The Dutch men deceive Captaine Winne. The Dutch men furnish the Salvages with Armes.

Within two or three dayes we arrived at Pamaunkee, the King as many dayes entertained us with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed to beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant Percie, Master West, Master Russell, Master Behethland, Master Crashaw, Master Powell, Master Ford, and some others to the number of fifteene, went up to Opechancanoughs house a quarter of a mile from the river, where wee found nothing but a lame fellow and a boy: and all the houses round about of all things abandoned. Not long wee stayed erethe King arrived, and after him came diverse of his people loaden with bowes and arrowes: but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value, as our Captaine began with the King after this manner.

Opechancanough, the great love you professe with your tongue, seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly fraughted our ship: but now you have invited mee to starve with hunger: you know my want, and I your plenty; of which by some meanes I must have part: remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take your choice, the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people. Smiths Speech to Opechancanough.

The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his project, sold us what they had to our owne content, promising the next day more company, better provided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace; the President with his old fifteene marched up to the Kings house, where wee found foure or five men newly arrived, each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheerfulnesse held us with discourse what paines he had taken to keep his promise; till Master Russell brought us in newes that we were all betrayed: for at least seven hundred Salvages2 well armed, had invironed || the house, and beset the fields. The King conjecturing what Russell related, wee could well perceive how the extremity of his feare bewrayed3 his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismaied with the thought of such a multitude; the Captaine encouraged us to this effect. 700. Salvages beset the English being but 16.

Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared were they as many more: if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Councell with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace breaker (in their opinions in England) as will breake my necke. I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your opinions. Should wee beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot keepe him and defend well our selves. If wee should each kill our man, and so proceed with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall wee get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starve for victuall. As for their fury it is the least danger; for well you know, being alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the helpe of God compound to save my life. And wee are sixteene, and they but seavenhundred at the most; and assure your selves, God will so assist us, that if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces, the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, let us fight like men, and not die like sheepe: for by that meanes you know God hath oft delivered mee, and so I trust will now. But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to passe wee may fight for something, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant. Smiths speech to his Company.

The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever hee attempted, or die: whereupon the Captaine in plaine tearmes told the King this.

I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it not. As yet your men and mine have done no harme, but by our direction. Take therefore your Armes, you see mine, my body shall bee as naked as yours: the Isle in your river is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conquerour (of us two) shall be Lord and Master over all our men. If you have not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will; so every one bring a basket of corne, against all which I will stake the value in copper, you see I have but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour take all. Smiths offer to Opechancanough.

The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of unkindnesse, by a great present at the doore, they intreated him to receive. This was to draw him out of the doore, where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and thirty lying under a great tree (that lay thwart as a barricado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot. The President commanded one to go see what kind of deceit this was, and to receive the present; but hee refused to doe it: yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he would not permit them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house; Master Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore, and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest of his men, with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest. Thus he led the trembling King, neare dead with feare amongst all his people: who delivering the Captaine his Vambrace,1 Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner have used their King: who then to escape himselfe bestowed his presents in good sadnesse, and causing a great many of them come before him unarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd) he spake to them to this effect. Opechanca- noughs device to betray Smith. Smith taketh the King prisoner.

I see (you Pamaunkees) the great desire you have to kill me, and my long suffering your injuries hath imboldened you to this presumption. The cause I have forborne your insolencies, is the promise I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give me just cause to be your enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me, if I breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or Copper, I spurne here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde one of || your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamaunk. I am not now at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner; yet then for keeping your promise and your good usage and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denyals of your trechery, doe halfe perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ereI departed, and so you shall, or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses, yet if as friends you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion, and your King shall be free and be my friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you.2 Smiths discourse to the Pamaunkees.

Upon this away went their Bowes and Arrowes, and men, women, and children brought in their Commodities: two or three houres they so thronged about the President and so overwearied him, as he retyred himselfe to rest, leaving Master Behethland and Master Powell to receive their presents, but some Salvages perceiving him fast asleepe, and the guard somewhat carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their choise men each with a club,3 or an English sword in his hand began to enter the house with two or three hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe, and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, betooke him strait to his sword and Target; Master Chrashaw and some others charged in like manner; whereat they quickly thronged faster backe then before forward. The house thus cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet with him, who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their presents with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gave them they seemed therewith well contented. The Salvages dissemble their intent. Their excuse and reconcilement.

Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at our Fort. Master Scrivener1 having received Letters from England to make himselfe either Cæsar or nothing, he began to decline in his affection to Captaine Smith, that ever regarded him as himselfe, and was willing to crosse the surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine daies2 after the Presidents departure, he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke with him Captaine Waldo (though the President had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions) with Master Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how none doth know. The Skiff was much over-loaden, and would scarce have lived in that extreame tempest had she beene empty: but by no perswasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as it hapned. The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their projects. To advertise the President of this heavie newes, none could be found would undertake it, but the Jorney was often refused of all in the Fort, untill Master Richard Wyffin undertooke alone the performance thereof. The losse of Master Scrivener and others with a Skiff.

In this Journey he was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan, perceiving such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended.3 Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him; but by her meanes and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three dayes travell, at length he found us in the middest of these turmoyles. This unhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the company, and so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the night approched went safely aboord with all his souldiers; leaving Opechancanough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to have Powhatanin his returne.1 Master Wyffins desperate journey.

Now so extreamely Powhatanhad threatned the death of his men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith: that the next day they appointed all the countrey should come to trade unarmed: yet unwilling to be trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting with him2 almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets, to tempt us on shore; but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. || When the President saw them begin to depart, being unwilling to loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the Pinnace, and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and Master Russell, with their Armes went on shore; others he appointed unarmed to receive what was brought. The Salvages flocked before him in heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them fayre open to his Ambuscado's. For he not being to be perswaded to goe visit their King, the King knowing the most of them unarmed, came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the forme of two halfe Moones; and with some twentie men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they approached somewhat neare us, their women and children fled. For when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to nock their Arrowes: Smith standing with his three men ready bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's, who upon the word discovered themselves, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage. Powhatan constraineth his men to be trecherous. The third attempt to betray us.

That night we sent Master Chrashaw, and Master Ford to James towne to Captaine Winne. In the way betweene Werowocomoco and the Fort they met foure or five of the Dutch-mens Confederates going to Powhatan: the which to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their running to the Salvages, returned to the Fort and there continued.

The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the night, were so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more men (we having so much threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and wires) that the next day the King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle, to alter his purpose and stay his men: promising though they wanted themselves, to fraught our ship and bring it aboord to avoyd suspition. So that five or six dayes after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelve myles in the extreame frost and snow, they brought us provision on their naked backes. A chayne of pearle sent to obtaine peace.

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poyson beene sufficient, the President, with Master West, and some others had beene poysoned; it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the President but with a few men at Potauncak)1 so proudly braved it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the President perceiving in the midst of his company, did not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe. Whereupon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to have so well escaped: and the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being sonne to their chiefe King, but Powhatan) and told us if we would shew them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to us to punish as we pleased. Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirre for a little corne, but had it beene gold with more ease wee might have got it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had starved. Wee may be thought very patient to endure all those injuries, yet onely with fearing them wee got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their losse, we should have lost our selves. We searched also the Countries of Youghtanund and Mattapanient, where the people imparted that little they had with such complaints and teares from the eyes of women and children, as he had beene too cruell to have beene a Christian, that would not have beene satisfied and moved with compassion. But had this hapned in October, November, and December, when that unhappie discovery of Monacan was made, and when we might have fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and twise as much might have beene had from the Rivers of Rapahanock, Patawomek, and Pawtuxunt. The President poysoned: the offender punished. The Salvages want and povertie.

The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them was, to part friends as we did, to give the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatanto fly, by whom we now retur- || ned with a purpose to have surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof (when we came against the Towne) the President sent Master Wyffin and Master Coe ashore to discover and make way for his intended project. But they found that those damned Dutch-men had caused Powhatanto abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, and to carry away all his corne and provision: and the people they found so ill affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with their lives. So the President finding his intent frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their abuses, sent Master Michael Phittiplace by Land to James towne,1 whether we sayled with all the speed we could; wee having in this Journey (for 25.1 of Copper, and 50.1 of Iron and Beads) enough to keepe 46 men2 six weekes, and every man for his reward a moneths provision extraordinary (no Trade being allowed but for the store) we got neare 2001 waight of deere suet,3 and delivered to the Cape Merchant 4794 Bushels of Corne. The Dutchmen did much hurt.

Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too charitable, to such a daily daring trecherous people: to others not pleasing, that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did the Spanyards) the simple bodies of such ignorant soules; nor delightfull, because not stuffed with Relations of heapes and mynes of gold and silver, nor such rare commodities, as the Portugals and Spanyards found in the East and West Indies. The want whereof hath begot us (that were the first undertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt, then the noble conquests and valiant adventures beautified with it, prayse and honour. Too much I confesse the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit: and to cleare us from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few words may suffice any reasonable understanding.

It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts where were infinite numbers of people, who had manured the ground with that providence, it affoorded victualls at all times. And time had brought them to that perfection, they had the use of gold and silver, and the most of such commodities as those Countries affoorded: so that, what the Spanyard got was chiefely the spoyle and pillage of those Countrey people, and not the labours of their owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and manured, as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would have produced as small profit as ours. But had Virginia beene peopled, planted, manured, and adorned with such store of precious Jewels, and rich commodities as was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done as much as by their examples might be expected from us, the world might then have traduced us and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our recompence and reward. An Apology5 for the first Planters.

But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we found onely an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold or silver, or any commodities, and carelesse of any thing but from hand to mouth, except bables of no worth; nothing to incourage us, but what accidentally we found Nature afforded. Which erewe could bring to recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers; we were to discover the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable, civill, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of their labours might make us some recompence, or plant such Colonies of our owne, that must first make provision how to live of themselves, erethey can bring to perfection the commodities of the Country: which doubtlesse will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly mannaged: notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions, that will argue the contrary, as formerly some have done against the Spanyards and Portugalls. But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion, I onely say this, for those that the three first yeares began this Plantation; notwithstanding all their factions, mutinies, and miseries, so gently corrected, and well prevented: peruse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master Hackluit, and tell me how many ever with such small meanes as a Barge of 2 tuns, sometimes with seaven, eight, or nine, or but at most, twelve or sixteene men, did ever discover so || many fayre and navigable Rivers, subject so many severall Kings, people, and Nations, to obedience, and contribution, with so little bloudshed.

And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution, but if we have overskipped it, we will not envie them that shall find it: yet can we not but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but onely learned how to begin, and found the right course how to proceed.

By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, Jeffrey Abbot,1 and Anas Todkill

Chapter X. How the Salvages became subject to the English.

WHEN the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that the President had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summers rayne, and eaten with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges would scarcely eate it. Yet it was the souldiers dyet till our returnes, so that we found nothing done, but our victuals spent, and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our Armes conveyed to the Salvages. But now casting up the Store, and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and the company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the businesse required; six houres each day was spent in worke, the rest in Pastime and merry exercises, but the untowardnesse of the greatest number caused the President1 advise as followeth.

Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe, and thinke not that either my pains, nor the Adventurers purses, will ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloath. I speake not this to you all, for divers of you I know deserve both honour and reward, better then is yet here to be had: but the greater part must be more industrious, or starve, how ever you have beene heretofore tollerated by the authoritie of the Councell, from that I have often commanded you. You see now that power resteth wholly in my selfe: you must obey this now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall not eate (except by sicknesse he be disabled) for the labours of thirtie or fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintaine an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the lives of any but my owne must answer it: the Letters patents shall each weeke be read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore without contempt seeke to observe these orders set downe, for there are now no more Counsellers to protect you, nor curbe my endevours. Therefore he that offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment. The Presidents advice to the Company.

He made also a Table, as a publicke memoriall of every mans deserts, to incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by punishment performed their businesse, for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceive him: yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could find the defect, we could not finde by whom, till it was too late.

All this time the Dutch men remaining with Powhatan, (who kindly entertained them to instruct the Salvages the use of our Armes) and their consorts not following them as they expected; to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, disguised like a Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the woods neare a mylefrom James Towne; where was their Rendezvous for all their unsuspected villany. Fortie men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone) yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently dispatched 20. || shot after him, himselfe returning from the Glasse-house alone. By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but with a faucheon,1 attempted to have shot him, but the President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and the Salvage as well prevented him for drawing his faucheon, and perforce bore him into the River to have drowned him. Long they strugled in the water,2 till the President got such hold on his throat, he had neare strangled the King; but having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head, seeing how pittifully he begged his life, he led him prisoner to James Towne, and put him in chaynes. The Dutchmens plot to murther Captaine Smith. Smith taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner.

The Dutch-man erelong was also brought in, whose villany though all this time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall excuse, that for want of language Captaine Winne understood him not rightly, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained to accommodate his armes, of whom he extreamely complained to have detained them perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to have returned, but was onely walking in the woods to gather Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance of truth, and the plaine confession of Paspahegh of his trechery,3 he went by the heeles:4 Smith purposing to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving his life. The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would not returne, neither did Powhatanstay them; and to bring them fiftie myles on his mens backes they were not able. Daily this Kings wives, children, and people came to visit him with presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negligent, though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to pursue him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they exchanged many vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. Captaine Smith hearing of this in returning to the Fort, tooke two Salvages prisoners, called Kemps and Tussore, the two most exact villaines in all the Country. With these he sent Captaine Winne and fiftie choise men, and Lieutenant Percie, to have regained the King, and revenged this injury, and so had done, if they had followed his directions, or beene advised with those two villaines, that would have betrayed both King and kindred for a peece of Copper, but he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to fight: a good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt, onely they tooke two Canowes, burnt the Kings house, and so returned to James towne. Captaine Smith taketh two Salvages prisoners.

The President fearing those Bravado's would but incourage the Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his conclusions; whereby six or seavenwere slaine, as many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke their Boats, with all their fishing wires, and planted some of them at James towne for his owne use, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe of all them had injured him. But in his journey passing by Paspahegh towards Chickahamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all shewed themselves in their bravest manner. To try their valours he could not but let fly, and erehe could land, they no sooner knew him, but they threw downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse deserveth to be remembred. And thus it was: The Salvages desire Peace.

Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you, (of him he intended to have beene revenged) having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts strive to escape the snare and live. Then blame not him being a man. He would intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save your life. If since he hath injured you he was compelled to it: but howsoever, you have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and well know you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will have the worse by our absence; for we can plant any where, || though with more labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and that reliefe we bring you. If you promise us peace, we will beleeve you; if you proceed in revenge we will abandon the Country. Okaning his Oration.

Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did us injury, upon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrey.

Arriving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President, that the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeves. And amongst other things a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was apprehended two proper young fellowes, that were brothers, knowne to be his confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned, the other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe within twelve houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some Char-coale for a fire: eremidnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smoothered with the smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead. The other most lamentably bewayled his death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the President to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steale, he would make him alive againe: but he little thought he could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vitæ and Vineger, it pleased God to restore him againe to life, but so drunke and affrighted, that he seemed Lunaticke, the which as much tormented and grieved the other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie upon promise of their good behaviour, the President promised to recover him: and so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe, who in the morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece of Copper given them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread among all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man alive that was dead. A Salvage smoothered at James towne, and recovered.

Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great bag of Powder, and the backe of an Armour,1 at Werowocomoco amongst a many of his companions, to shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe as he had seene the souldiers at James Towne. But he dryed it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill, it tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more, and the rest so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any more with powder. Two or three Salvages slaine in drying Powder.

These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts with presents they desired peace; returning many stolne things which we never demanded nor thought of; and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatanand his people have sent them backe to James towne, to receive their punishment; and all the Country became absolute as free for us, as for themselves.

Chapter XI. What was done in three moneths having Victualls. The Store devoured by Rats, how we lived three moneths of such naturall fruits as the Country affoorded.

Now we so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths wee made three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes; produced a tryall of Glasse; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then was wanting; built some twentie houses; recovered our Church; provided Nets and Wires for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeves, and the Salvages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison to entertaine || the Salvages trade, and none to passe nor repasse Salvage nor Christian without the presidents order. Thirtie or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in eighteene moneths,1 increased 60, and od Piggs. And neere 500. chickings brought up themselves without having any meat given them: but the Hogs were transported to Hog Isle: where also we built a block-house with a garison to give us notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees. We built also a fort for a retreat neere a convenient River upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assalted and easie to be defended, but ereit was finished this defect caused a stay.

In searching our casked corne, we found it halfe rotten, and the rest so consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but there2 originall was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little we had. This did drive us all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the country but what nature afforded. Untill this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and did double taske and taught us how to order and plant our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so well they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from us. And to expresse their loves for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people brought us (when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other wilde beasts: But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our works, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or 80. with Ensigne Laxon was sent downe the river to live upon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Poynt Comfort: but in six weekes they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder.1 Master West with as many went up to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acornes; of that in store every man had their equall proportion. Till this present, by the hazard and indevours of some thirtie or fortie, this whole Colony had ever beene fed. We had more Sturgeon, then could be devoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by drying and pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other wholesome hearbes would make bread and good meate: others would gather as much Tockwhogh roots, in a day as would make them bread a weeke, so that of those wilde fruites, and what we caught, we lived very well in regard of such a diet. But such was the strange condition of some 150, that had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather and prepare their victuall they would all have starved or have eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages often brought us, and for that, the President would not fullfill the unreasonable desire, of those distracted Gluttonous Loyterers, to sell not only our kettles, hows, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses, might they have prevayled to have beene but Idle: for those Salvage fruites, they would have had imparted all to the Salvages, especially for one basket of Corne they heard of to be at Powhatans, fifty myles from our Fort. Though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humors, yet to have had the other halfe, they would have sould their soules, though not sufficient to have kept them a weeke. Thousands were their exclamations, suggestions and devises, to force him to those base inventions to have made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer a most crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this maner. Great extremitie by Rats. Bread made of dried Sturgeon. Their desire to destroy themselves.

Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve you, or that Powhatanat this present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or that I would not have it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not so passionate me, but I will doe my best for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, nor that I will longer forbeare to force you, from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly looke to arive at the Gallows.2 You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life many a time I have saved yours, when (might your owne wills have prevailed) you || would have starved; and will doe still whether I will or noe; But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selves those fruites the earth doth yeeld, you shall not onely gather for your selves, but those that are sicke. As yet I never had more from the store then the worst of you: and all my English extraordinary provision that I have, you shall see me divide it amongst the sick. And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine at; being put in your mouthes your stomackes can disgest, if you would have better you should have brought it;1 and therefore I will take a course you shall provide what is to be had. The sick shall not starve, but equally share of all our labours; and he that gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day shall be set beyond the river, and be banished from the Fort2 as a drone, till he amend his conditions or starve. The Presidents order for the drones

But some would say with Seneca.

\ I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,
But fury forceth me to follow worse.
My minde is hurried headlong up and downe:
Desiring better counsell, yet finds none.3

This order many murmured was very cruell, but it caused the most part so well bestirre themselves, that of 200. (except they were drowned) there died not past seven: as for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were dead erethis want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of such as preserved the rest. Many were billetted amongst the Salvages, whereby we knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how to gather and use there fruits as well as themselves; for they did know4 wee had such a commanding power at James towne they durst not wrong us of a pin. But seven of 200 dyed in nine moneths.

So well those poore Salvages used us that were thus billetted, that divers of the souldiers ran away to search Kemps and Tassore5 our old prisoners. Glad were these Salvages to have such an oportunity to testifie their love unto us, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they had stollen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to revenge their injuryes upon Captaine Smith; Kemps first made himselfe sport, in shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was used, feeding them with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere starved indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death: neither could they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished them, as many others that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour at home, then adventure to live idlely amongst the Salvages; (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians and good subjects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselves both.) For so affraide was al those kings and the better sort of the people to displease us, that some of the baser sort that we have extreamly hurt and punished for there villanies would hire us, we should not tell it to their kings, or countrymen, who would also repunish them, and yet returne them to James towne to content the President for a testimony of their loves. The Salvages returne our fugitives.

Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but found little hope and lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh.1 The river, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the river the ground was good, and exceeding furtill; Master Sicklemores Journey to Chawwonoke

Master Nathanael Powell and Anas Todkill were also by the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This honest proper good promise-keeping king, of all the rest did ever best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President many presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angry. Three dayes jorney2 they conducted || them through the woods, into a high country towards the Southwest: where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little spring or smal brooke, but no river they could see: the people in all respects like the rest, except there language: they live most upon rootes, fruites and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countrys for dryed fish and corne, for skins. Master Powels jorney to the Mangoags.

All this time to recover the Dutch-men and one Bentley another fugitive, we imployed one William Volday, a Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons and promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected this double villane, of any villany; who plainly taught us, in the most trust was the greatest treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed country men, (having this oportunity by his imployment to regaine them) convayed them every thing they desired to effect their projects, to distroy the Colony. With much devotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good service, or any other, that would but carry them from us. But to begin with the first oportunity; they seeing necessitie thus inforced us to disperse our selves, importuned Powhatanto lend them but his forces, and they would not onely distroy our Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his service and subjection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted many Discontents, and many were agreed to there Devilish practise. But one Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at such an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith, who caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to proceed in their confedracie: onely to bring the irreclamable Dutch men and the inconstant Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscado's as he had prepared, that not many of them should returne from our Peninsula. But this brute comming to the eares of the impatient multitude they so importuned the President to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offered to cut their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy,1 and Master John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could possibly be found. But the President had occasion of other imploiment for them, and gave way to Master Wyffin and Sarjeant Jeffrey Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them. But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot would not, yet Wyffing would, perceiving it but deceit. The King understanding of this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from executing his command: nor did he nor would he mantaine them, or any to occasion his displeasure. The Dutch mens projects. Two Gentlemen sent to the Germans.

But whilst this businesse was in hand, Arrived one Captaine Argall, and Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Collony,2 and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished, with wine and much other good provision. Though it was not sent us, our necessities was such as inforced us to take it. He brought us newes of a great supply and preparation for the Lord La Warre, with letters that much taxed our President for his heard dealing with the Salvages,1 and not returning the shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship tell the fleete arrived. True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we revictualled him, and sent him for England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and how imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected, or observe there instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe any thing to any purpose, except they would send us men and meanes that could produce that they so much desired: otherwise all they did was lost, and could not but come to confusion. The villany of Volday we still dissembled. Adam upon his pardon came home but Samuell still stayed with Powhatanto heare further of there estates by this supply. Now all their plots Smith so well understood, they were his best advantages to secure us from any trechery, could be done by them or the Salvages: which with facility he could revenge when he would, because all those countryes more feared him then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering neighbours: and many of the rest for love or feare would have done any thing he would have them, upon any commotion, || though these fugitives had done all they could to perswade Powhatan, King James would kill Smith, for using him and his people so unkindly. The first arrivall of Captaine Argall.

By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, and dissentions, how hee wrestled and overcame (without bloudshed) all that happened: also what good was done; how few dyed; what food the Countrey naturally affoordeth; what small cause there is men should starve, or be murthered by the Salvages, that have discretion to mannage them with courage and industrie. The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the envious authoritie ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it wrought in him that experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured in the wide world, yet in this case he was againe to learne his Lecture by experience. Which with thus much adoe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but onely learned how to begin. And though he left those unknowne difficulties (made easie and familiar) to his unlawfull successors, (who onely by living in James Towne, presumed to know more then all the world could direct them:) Now though they had all his souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better meanes; by what they have done in his absence, the world may see what they would have done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions: it doth justly prove, what cause he had to send them for England; and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But they have made it more plaine since his returne for England; having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all the advantages and opportunitie that his labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to say what reason doth compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious.1 Note these inconveniences.

Chapter XII. The Arrivall of the third Supply.

To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings,2 the Treasurer, Councell, and Company of Virginia, not finding that returne, and profit they expected; and them ingaged there, not having meanes to subsist of themselves, made meanes to his Majestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in their owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you may reade at large.3 Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Commission made to the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers, Admirall; Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall; Sir Fardinando Wainman, Generall of the Horse; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their lives: (though not any of them had ever beene in Virginia, except Captaine Newport, who was also by Patent made vice Admirall:) those noble Gentlemen drew in such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and five hundred people, who had each of them a Commission, who first arrived to call in the old, without the knowledge or consent of them, that had endured all those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard had at all of them. All things being ready, because those three Captaines could not agree for place,1 it was concluded they should goe all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were in that Ship with them called the Sea-Venture. They set sayle from England in May 1609. A small Catch perished at Sea in a Hericano: the Admirall with an hundred and fiftie men, with the two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, with all manner of directions, and the most part of their provision arrived not. With the o- || ther seavenShips as Captaines arrived Ratliffe, whose right name (as is sayd) was Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer, with Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine King, Captaine Davis, and divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and great parentage.2 But the first as they had beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre all ashore: for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England, yet now returning againe, graced by the titles of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthened themselves with those new companies, so exclaiming against Captaine Smith, that they mortally hated him ereever they saw him. Who understanding by his Scouts the arrivall of such a Fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposed them Spanyards. But he quickly so determined and ordered our affaires, as we little feared their Arrivall, nor the successe of our incounter; nor were the Salvages any way negligent for the most part, to ayd and assist us with their best power. Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would not have trusted them but as our foes, where receiving them as our Countreymen and friends, they did what they could to murther our President, to surprise the Store, the Fort, and our lodgings, to usurpe the government, and make us all their servants and slaves, till they could consume us and our remembrance; and rather indeed to supplant us then supply us, as master William Box3 an honest Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth. The alteration of the government. 1609. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The losse of Virginia. The Salvages offer to fight under our colours.

In the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from the Admirall, which although it was but the remainder of that Storme, there is seldome any such in England, or those Northerne parts of Europe. Some lost their Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards; the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our provision was spoyled, our Fleet separated, and our men sicke, and many dyed, and in this miserable estate we arrived in Virginia.

But in this Storme,

\ When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds;
Did not the saylers poore, and Masters proud
A terror feele as strucke with feare of God?
Did not their trembling joynts then dread his rod?
Least for foule deeds and black mouth'd blasphemies,
The rufull time be come that vengeance cryes.1

To a thousand mischiefes2 those lewd Captaines led this lewd company, wherein were many unruly Gallants, packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government, sometimes to one, the next day to another; to day the old Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day neither, in fine they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in charitie we must endure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the worlds censure upon us to be guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we beene had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to our fortunes: for on earth for the number was never more confusion, or misery, then their factions occasioned. Mutinies.

The President seeing the desire those Braves had to rule; seeing how his authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have left all, and have returned for England. But seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arrive, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible; should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew; the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till his leasure better served to doe them justice: and to take away all occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request granted to returne for England, being very sicke; and Master West with an hundred and twentie of the best he could chuse, he sent to the Falles; Martin with neare as many to Nandsamund, with their due proportions of all provisions according to their numbers. The planting Nandsamund.

Now the Presidents yeare being neare expired, he made Captaine Martin President to follow the order for the election of a President every yeare: but he knowing his owne insufficiency, and the companies untowardnesse and little regard of him, within three houres after resigned it againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nandsamund thus proceeded.1 The people being contributers used him kindly; yet such was his jealous feare, in the midst of their mirth, he did surprise this poore naked King, with his Monuments, houses, and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himselfe; but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the Salvages to assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and carry away a thousand bushels of Corne, he not once offering to intercept them; but sent to the President then at the Falles for thirtie good shot; which from James Towne immediately was sent him. But he so well imployed them they did just nothing, but returned complaining of his tendernesse: yet he came away with them to James Towne, leaving his company to their fortunes. The breach of peace with the Salvages.

Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had seaventeene Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet lived sixe or seavendayes, as if he had small hurt, then for want of Chirurgery dyed.2

Master West having seated his men by the Falles, presently returned to revisit James Towne: the President followed him to see that company seated; met him by the way, wondering at his so quicke returne; and found his company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not onely subject to the rivers inundation, but round invironed with many intollerable inconveniences.3

For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatanto sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the Monacans.4 And these should be his Conditions (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and houses, and all that Countrey for a proportion of Copper; that all stealing offenders should be sent him, there to receive their punishment; that every house as a Custome should pay him a Bushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute to King James for their protection, as a dutie; what else they could spare to barter at their best discretions. Powhatan bought for Copper.

But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kinde care and authoritie. So much they depended on the Lord Generals new Commission, as they regarded none: the worst they could doe to shew their spights they did; supposing all the Monacans Country, gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased. I doe more then wonder to thinke how onely with five men, he either durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie they were of his bloud ) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment all the Chieftaines of those mutinies, till by their multitudes being an hundred and twentie they forced him to retyre: yet in that interim he surprised one of their Boates, wherewith he returned to their ship; where in deed was their provision, which also he tooke, and well it chanced he found the Marriners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibilitie he had ever escaped. There were divers other of better reason and experience, that from their first landing, hearing the generall good report of his old souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine FitzJames, Master William Powell, Master Partridge, Master White, and divers others, when they perceived the malice of Ratliffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and ever rested his faithfull friends. But the worst was that the poore Salvages, that daily brought in their contribution to the President, that disorderly company so tormented those poore soules, by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses and keeping some prisoners; that they daily complained to Captaine Smith, he had brought them for Protectors, worse enemies then the Monacans themselves: which though till then, for his love they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended themselves; since he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would. So || much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanors, as they offered (if he would leade them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine dayes in seeking to reclaime them; shewing them how much they did abuse themselves with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines, commodities, or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing would prevaile, he set sayle for James Towne. Mutinies. Five suppresse an hundred and twentie. Breach of peace with the Salvages at the Falles.

\ Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little griefe,
A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit reliefe:
For thus themselves they did beguile, and with the rest play'd theefe.1

Now no sooner was the Ship under sayle, but the Salvages assaulted those hundred and twentie in their Fort, finding some stragling abroad in the woods: they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they safely retyred, with the swords and cloakes of those they had slaine. But erewee had sayled halfe a league, our ship grounding, gave us once more libertie to summon them to a parley; where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poore silly assault of twelve Salvages, that they submitted themselves upon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy; who presently put by the heeles sixe or seavenof the chiefe offenders: the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Salvage Fort, readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and barkes of trees, sufficient to have defended them from all the Salvages in Virginia, dry houses for lodgings and neere two hundred acres of ground ready to be planted, and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant and delightfull in Virginia for which we called it Non-such. The Salvages also hee presently appeased, redelivering to either party their former losses. Thus all were friends. An assalt by the Salvages The planting of Non-such.

New officers appointed to command, and the President againe ready to depart, at that instant arrived Captaine West, whose gentle nature (by the perswasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners, alledging they had onely done this for his honor) was so much abused, that to regaine their old hopes, new turboyles1 did arise. For they a-shore being possessed of all there victuall, munition, and every thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the President left them to their fortunes: they returned againe to the open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and he to James towne with his best expedition, but this hapned him in that Journey. The Salvages appeased.

Sleeping in his Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies before) accidentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh from his body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most pittifull manner; but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped over-boord into the deepe river, where erethey could recover him he was neere drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgian, or Chirurgery he was to goe neere an hundred myles. Arriving at James towne, causing all things to be prepared for peace or warres to obtaine provision, whilest those things were providing, Ratliffe, Archer, and the rest of their Confederates,2 being to come to their trials; their guiltie consciences, fearing a just reward for their deserts, seeing the President, unable to stand, and neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to have murdered him in his bed. But his heart did faile him that should have given fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. So not finding that course to be the best, they joyned together to usurpe the government, thereby to escape their punishment.3 The President, had notice of their projects, the which to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but permit them to take their heads that would resist his command, yet he would not suffer them, but sent for the Masters of the ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for England. Seeing there was neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart the next day, his Commission to be suppressed he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a || new commission granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they did:) besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruell his torments (few expecting he could live) nor was hee able to follow his busines to regaine what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the countries for provision as he intended; and well he knew in those affaires his owne actions and presence was as requisit as his directions, which now could not be, he went presently abroad, resolving there to appoint them governours, and to take order for the mutiners, but he could finde none hee thought fit for it would accept it.1 In the meanetime, seeing him gone, they perswaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for England, and be their President. Within lesse then an houre was this mutation begun and concluded. For when the Company understood Smith would leave them, and saw the rest in Armes called Presidents and Councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders, that now bent all their wits to get him resigne them his Commission: who after much adoe and many bitter repulses; that their confusion (which he tould them was at their elbowes) should not be attributed to him, for leaving the Colony without a Commission, he was not unwilling they should steale it, but never would he give it to such as they. Captaine Smith blowne up with powder. A bloud y intent. The causes why Smith left the Countrey and his Commission.

And thus,

\ Strange violent forces drew us on unwilling:
Reason perswading 'gainst our loves rebelling.
We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst!
That notwithstanding we imbrace the worst.2

But had that unhappie blast not hapned, he would quickly have qualified the heate of those humors, and factions, had the ships but once left them and us to our fortunes; and have made that provision from among the Salvages, as we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine; nor would have left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as we had bought it, and payd for it. What shall I say but thus, we left him, that in all his proceedings, made Justice his first guide, and experience his second, even hating basenesse, sloath, pride, and indignitie, more then any dangers; that never allowed more for himselfe, then his souldiers with him; that upon no danger would send them where he would not lead them himselfe; that would never see us want, what he either had, or could by any meanes get us; that would rather want then borrow, or starve then not pay; that loved action more then words, and hated falshood and covetousnesse worse then death; whose adventures were our lives, and whose losse our deaths.

Leaving us thus with three ships, seavenboats, commodities readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, foure hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets, Snaphances, and Firelockes, Shot, Powder, and Match sufficient, Curats, Pikes, Swords, and Morrions, more then men; the Salvages, their language, and habitations well knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert souldiers; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke; apparell to supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; five or sixe hundred Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens; some Goats; some sheepe; what was brought or bred there remained. But they regarding nothing but from hand to mouth, did consume that wee had, tooke care for nothing, but to perfect some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof three weekes longer they stayed the Ships,1 till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better have beene spent, but it suted well with the rest of their discretions.2

Besides James towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fiftie or sixtie houses, he left five or sixe other severall Forts and Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were better then they provided any for us. All this time we had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three o- || thers that could doe little, but desired to be learners: two Blacksmiths; two saylers, and those we write labourers were for most part footmen, and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they could perswade to goe with them, that never did know what a dayes worke was, except the Dutch-men and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentlemen, Tradsmen, Serving-men, libertines,3 and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here, there is small hope ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there. Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes and grew much more industrious then was expected: yet ten good workemen would have done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we could doe so much, then use us so badly, because we did no more, but leave those examples to make others beware, and the fruits of all, we know not for whom.

But to see the justice of God upon these Dutch-men; Valdo before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, where perswading the Merchants what rich Mines he had found, and great service he would doe them, was very well rewarded, and returned with the Lord La Warre: but being found a meere Imposter, he dyed most miserably.1 Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled againe to Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrivall of my Lord, what wonders they would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him. But the King seeing they would be gone, replyed; You that would have betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely betray me to this great Lord for your peace: so caused his men to beat out their braines. The ends of the Dutch-men.

To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the greatest Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions, and erecting Common-weales. Yet howsoever any of them have attributed to themselves, the Conquerors of the world: there is more of the world never heard of them, then ever any of them all had in subjection: for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia, nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed had a great part of both, as well as Affrica: but as for all the Northerne parts of Europe and Asia, the interior Southern and Westerne parts of Affrica, all America and Terra incognita, they were all ignorant: nor is our knowledge yet but superficiall. That their beginnings, ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is most evident: but to consider of what small meanes many of them have begun is wonderfull. For some write that even Rome her selfe, during the Raigne of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage grew so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the thongs of a Bulls skinne, as to fight with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the admiration of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by poore Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes, Babylon, Delus, Troy, Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small beginnings to be most famous States, though now they retaine little more then a naked name. Now this our yong Common-wealth in Virginia, as you have read once consisted but of 38 persons, and in two yeares increased but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy Knights, and brave Gentlemen pretended to see it, and some did, and now after the expence of fifteene yeares more, and such massie summes of men and money, grow they disanimated? If we truely consider our Proceedings with the Spanyards, and the rest, we have no reason to despayre, for with so small charge, they never had either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of more severall Commodities, then in this short time hath beene returned from Virginia, and by much lesse meanes. New England was brought out of obscuritie, and affoorded fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships, where there is now erected a brave Plantation. For the happines of Summer Isles, they are no lesse then either, and yet those have had a far lesse, and a more difficult beginning, then either Rome, Carthage, or Venice.

Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell, William Tankard, and G.P.1

|| Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare,2 that you should not be altogether cloyed with Prose; such Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you, because with honestie I can neither reject, nor omit their courtesies.

\

In the deserved Honour of the Author, Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.
Damn'd Envie is a sp'rite, that ever haunts
Beasts, mis-nam'd Men; Cowards, or Ignorants.
But, onely such shee followes, whose deare WORTH
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.
If this faire Overture, then, take not; It
Is Envie's spight (deare friend) in men of wit;
Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse,
Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse.
If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise;
Thy *Letters are as Letters in thy praise; *Hinderers.
Who, by their vice, improve (when they reproove)
Thy vertue; so, in hate, procure thee Love.
Then, On firme Worth: this Monument I frame;
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.
John Davies, Herefordshire

\

To his worthy Captaine the Author,
That which wee call the subject of all Storie,
Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine gives glorie
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight
Of Envie; which doth no mans Merits right.
My sword may helpe the rest: my Pen no more
Can doe, but this; I'ave said enough before.
Your sometime Souldier, J. Codrinton, now Templer.

\

To my Worthy Friend and Cosen, Captaine John Smith.
It over-joyes my heart, when as thy Words
Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare.
Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords,
None should the due desert thereof impare:
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,
Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good,
In Climes unknowne, 'Mongst Turks and Salvages,
T'inlarge our bounds; though with thy losse of blood.
Hence damn'd Detraction: stand not in our way.
Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay.
N. Smith.

\

In the deserved Honour of my honest and worthy Captaine, John Smith, and his Worke.
Captaine and friend; when I peruse thy Booke
(With Judgements eyes) into my heart I looke:
And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew)
A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true.
Some fight for wealth; and some for emptie praise;
But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise.
|| With due discretion, and undanted heart,
I (oft) so well have seene thee act thy Part
In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie,
As forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie.
Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert
Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start
From the true Owner: for, all good mens tongues
Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs.
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get
Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt:
A part whereof (least able though I be)
Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee.
Raleigh Crashaw.

\

Michael Phettiplace, William Phettiplace, and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and souldiers under Captaine Smiths command: In his deserved honour for his Worke, and Worth.
Why may not wee in this Worke have our Mite,
That had our share in each black day and night,
When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kept'st unstaind;
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind.
Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take.
Pamaunkees King wee saw thee captive make
Among seavenhundred of his stoutest men,
To murther thee and us resolved; when
Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grim,
Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him:
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest
(Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrest)
That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retir'd
Unto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd)
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send
To James his Towne, thy censure to attend:
And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings,
Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings
To gaine thy grace; so dreaded thou hast beene:
And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene;
So, making Valour Vertue, really;
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or slie;
If in the sleight be not the truest Art,
That makes men famoused for faire desert.
Who saith of thee, this savors of vaine glorie,
Mistakes both thee and us, and this true Storie.
If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe;
Then, is ill in Us, to praise thee too.
But, if the first be well done; it is well,
To say it doth (if so it doth) excell.
Praise is the guerdon of each deare desert
Making the praised act the praised part
With more alacritie: Honours Spurre is Praise;
Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies.
And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather,
That future Times may know who was the father
Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring,
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King.

1. In contrast with Bk. II (largely a reprint), Bk. III adds new material to the Proceedings in an amount of nearly 30% (Emerson, Smith, 78; and the editor, independently), with 85% of this new material made up of 10 major additions, ranging from 60 to 3,300 words each. These major additions are indicated in the notes below, along with all significant changes.

2. The words, "and accidents [fortunes]" have been added (cf. Proceedings, 1).

3. Smith printed two lists of authors: that for the title page of the Map of Va. and that for the Proceedings, one of which was evidently intended to be included here. These agree (although not literatim) in the following names: Thomas Studley, "provant maister"; Walter Russell, "Doctor of Physicke"; Nathaniel Powell, gentleman; William Phettyplace, gentleman; Richard Wiffin, gentleman; Richard Pots, gentleman; and Anas Todkill, soldier and onetime "servant" of Capt. John Martin. In addition, the Proceedings lists Thomas Hope, gentleman (or tailor), who does not appear elsewhere as an author, and Thomas Abbay, gentleman, author only of the addresses "To the Reader" prefixed to both books; the Map of Va. adds only Jeffrey Abbot, gentleman, who appears as an author in the Generall Historie, 83.

4. William Simons, properly Symonds, D.D., preacher, author, and editor of the Proceedings (see the Proceedings, 110n; and the Biographical Directory).

5. "Failure."

1. Smith has put himself ahead of Wingfield here, and added the preacher, Master Robert Hunt (cf. Proceedings, 1).

2. Modern Nevis.

1. "Master Wingfeild, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others" (Proceedings, 3).

2. Again Smith has put his name ahead of Wingfield's (cf. ibid.).

3. "A round shot with a spike" (see the Proceedings, 5n).

1. Casks for stacking guns.

2. This incident was summed up by Samuel Purchas long after the event: "Captaine Smith was suspected for a supposed Mutinie, though never no such matter" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129). The facts of the case, so far as they are known or can soundly be surmised, are these. Smith was placed under arrest during the voyage from England to Virginia. Most likely this occurred when the fleet anchored off one of the Canary Islands for water, wood, and food, needed because of the delay in the Downs (Barbour, Three Worlds, 112-113). Because he had been there before (True Travels, 39), he may have made brash suggestions; or, he may merely have concurred with Stephen Calthorp, a fellow colonist, in chafing under the social order maintained by Wingfield, Percy, and other class-conscious gentlemen. Calthorp's own social standing was such that Wingfield thought it better to vent his spite on Smith, though he later mentioned a mutiny led by Calthorp. When the fleet stopped again for water, wood, and food at Nevis in the West Indies, a gang of Smith's adversaries took advantage of full shore leave to set up "a paire of gallowes ..., but Captaine Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be perswaded to use them" (ibid., 57). A month later the colonists landed near Cape Henry, and that night the secret orders were opened and read. In them it was stated that Smith had been appointed a member of the local council for Virginia. Wingfield, probably as the only patentee of the undertaking who was present, was acclaimed president. Even then, however, he refused to take Smith's oath of office, or to seat him. Late in May, Capt. Newport took Smith with him on the first significant voyage of exploration up the James River, leaving Wingfield in charge of the settlement. Shortly after their return, "the Gentlemen and all the Company" protested, so that Smith was finally freed from restraint on June 10 and "sworne one of the Counsell, who was elected in England" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, 96-97). To throw a permanent shadow of uncertainty over the whole matter, Stephen Calthorp died on Aug. 15 of the epidemic that had assailed the colony. Finally, on or about Sept. 17, Wingfield, deposed from the presidency, was hauled before a summary court "to answere a Complaint exhibited" against him by John Robinson, as well as charges brought by John Smith regarding the alleged mutiny; the jury found Wingfield guilty in both cases, and on Smith's complaint he was fined £200 for slander (ibid., 223). For other "mutinies" see the Proceedings, 94-99; these disturbances in the peace grew out of the turmoil that occurred when the third supply arrived without the flagship and the new governor.

1. The passage beginning "that the President was adjudged" has been added (cf. Proceedings, 6). The fine was confirmed by Wingfield himself (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 223) and was evidently paid in goods.

2. The six lines are from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 268-269), from a Latin version of Theognis of Megara.

1. "John Rob[b]inson" in the True Relation (sig. B4r) and the Proceedings (p. 7), but "Jehu" in Wingfield's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 223) and on p. 46, below. It is virtually impossible to distinguish the two names in the handwriting of the time, but "Jehu" was rare.

1. There are 82 names in this list, as against 67 in the Proceedings, but 3 in the latter are missing here: Anas Todkill, John Herd (a bricklayer), and John Capper. (The only other mention of Capper is in Wingfield's "Discourse" [Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 224].) Note that the total is 105 in the Proceedings, 8.

1. The clause beginning "by the unskilfull presumption ..." has been added. It was possibly deleted from the Proceedings (see p. 10n) as impolitic. The company's mismanagement came fully to light only in 1623-1624 (see Craven, Dissolution of the Va. Co., 251-336).

1. From here to the end of the paragraph is "new" material, although Purchas used most of it, with acknowledgment to Smith (Pilgrimes, IV, 1707). Note the abrupt close, however, in place of 32 words on the "Weraskoyks" in the Proceedings, 11.

1. This is one of the two poetical interludes in the Generall Historie that do not seem to come ready-made from Fotherby, although the basic idea is in Atheomastix, 175 (see Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 19-20).

2. The note was added, obscure as it is. Who slew him? Was it he who revealed to Smith the plot to seize the pinnace and "goe for England" (p. 46, below)? The only other reference to the man is in the True Relation, sig. E3v, where his name is spelled Amocis.

3. Persimmons.

4. "Charlatans dressed in tufted taffeta."

1. "Shield." The following passage, "yet he was shot ... no great hurt," has been added, but immediately afterwards a phrase has been dropped: "slipping into a bogmire, they tooke him" (i.e., the "oasie creeke," below) (cf. Proceedings, 13).

2. "A month" (ibid., 14). According to Wingfield, Smith started out on Thursday, Dec. 10, 1607, and, according to fact, returned on Saturday, Jan. 2, 1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226-227, 159). Finally, according to the usual reckoning of the time, both the first and last weeks were counted, making four weeks, or "a month." The rest is exaggeration.

3. Cf. "admired him as a demi-God" (Proceedings, 14). From here to the bottom of p. 49 is all added, or "new," material, with a bit of rewriting at the end to tie it all together. Because these pages include the Pocahontas episode, it is "Smith's most famous addition" (Emerson, Smith, 80) and has been widely reprinted. Yet, as Smith wrote, he "procured his owne liberty" (Proceedings, 14), and Pocahontas's role was at best more symbolic or histrionic than vital (cf. Emerson, Smith, 81; and Barbour, Three Worlds, 167-168).

4. Opechancanough, Powhatan's half-brother. The account that follows is based on the True Relation, sig. B3v-C3r, with an admixture of fresh material from Smith's notes.

1. "Bands" -- an undoubted exaggeration. Smith could not have been all that difficult for an Indian chieftain to find in a region where a deer hunt was in progress anyway.

2. "Galled, harassed with shot."

3. "Oozy, slimy, boggy, thickly muddy."

4. "Agreement, based on Smith's surrender."

5. See the True Relation, sig. B4r and n. What follows is much expanded from that passage.

6. Orapaks was located near Rassawek, a temporary hunting village (see ibid., sig. C1r).

1. "Puccoon," a vegetable dye.

2. A suspicion not previously expressed; it was some time before the English were convinced that the PowhatanIndians were not cannibals.

3. "Restore to life or consciousness." The Indians had already seen enough of English cures to believe that anything was possible for them.

4. A clear hint of one reason why Smith was spared; if he were taken into the tribe and made a werowance, he might help them get rid of the obnoxious colonists.

5. "Pocket notebook"; this episode is barely understandable in the True Relation, sig. B4v.

1. The details of Smith's trek in captivity are found only in the True Relation, sig. C1r-v.

2. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 280).

3. This is the passage from the Map of Va., 31-32, that was omitted from Bk. II (see p. 36n). Printed originally in the True Relation, sig. C3r, and included in Purchas (Pilgrim- age [1613], 638), the passage was abbreviated in both cases. Here it seems to be complete.

4. "Bizarre"; "antics" and "antiques" were spelled indiscriminately although they were separate words from the start.

5. "Mustaches, moustaches"; the odd spelling was common in Smith's day and may have been due to confusion of Italian mostaccio with Spanish muchacho, "boy."

1. Originally a flat piece of wood to slice meat on, it was applied to any platter of wood, metal, etc.

2. Perhaps read: "they brought in his bag of gunpowder."

3. Opitchapam was Powhatan's heir; Opechancanough, the next younger.

4. From Fotherby's translation of Lucretius (Atheomastix, 127).

5. "Werowocomoco"; Smith's majuscule "W" seems to have been curiously made; it was often printed "M" in Indian words.

6. "Finest attire."

7. "Raccoon"; a frequent early spelling.

1. Opossunoquonuske, sister of the werowance of the Appamatucks. She had entertained the English (including Smith) in her village near modern Bermuda Hundred on May 25, 1607, but evidently did not love them.

2. For recent interpretations of this episode, see Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World (Boston, 1969), 23-26; and Emerson, Smith, 80-81.

3. From Fotherby's translation of Euripides (Atheomastix, 112).

4. The scene with Powhatanhas been added, and the detail about Capahowasick, located a few miles downstream, varies from the True Relation, sig. C2v. "Nantaquoud," or Nantaquaus, already mentioned as "Naukaquawis" in the True Relation, sig. C4r, gets high praise on p. 121, below.

1. Cf. the account in True Relation, sig. C3v. Wingfield confirms that Smith's life was saved by Newport's return (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 227), but there is no independent evidence that anyone was sent back to England, prisoner or otherwise, on such grounds.

2. Also unconfirmed elsewhere, but the statement seems plausible. Powhatanhad certainly heard of Newport's arrival and wanted to beguile him.

3. The first line seems to be Smith's, based on Fotherby, while the second is from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 125), from a phrase of Euripides quoted by Plutarch.

4. At this point Smith picks up the narrative in the Proceedings, 14.

5. Parenthesis added, probably referring merely to Pocahontas's acts of kindness (cf. ibid.).

1. The addition of Master Wotton, the surgeon, and the lowering of the number of "others" from 30 or 40 (see the Proceedings, 15) is possibly only a reconsideration of what Smith had printed before.

2. From Fotherby's translation of Solon (Atheomastix, 132).

3. According to George Percy, Studley died on Aug. 28, four days after Edward Harrington (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). Nothing is known about Robert Fenton, but "J.S." must be John Smith. While Studley (and perhaps Harrington) may have left some notes used by Smith, are all three of them just "names"? Only Studley is listed as an author on the title pages of the Map of Va. and the Proceedings.

1. See p. 55, below, which specifies 120. Newport alone may have brought "neare a hundred"; Nelson, the rest.

2. Several lines of the Proceedings, 16, have been omitted here, and the rest reworded.

3. From Fotherby's translation of Boethius (Atheomastix, 174).

1. Here Smith has omitted "there names were" (Proceedings, 18) to hurry on to his quotation from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 245), from Ovid.

2. Curiously, Smith "forgot" Michael Phettiplace in the Proceedings, 18, although that young man had been his loyal supporter in Virginia and had collaborated with his brother William and Richard Wiffin in a long commendatory poem for Smith's Descrip- tion of N.E. The next several lines (down to "two or three hundred Salvages") have been added (cf. Proceedings, 18), perhaps to help "create the impression that the Indians were a constant threat" (Emerson, Smith, 81).

3. "Wooden frames or racks"; the word came from Old French crèche, "manger [where the Christ child lay]."

1. For the type of oratory that follows, see the True Relation, sig. C4vn.

2. The passage beginning with "as being composed" and ending with "such strange Jewells:" has been added (cf. Proceedings, 20).

1. For the fire, see the True Relation, sig. C3vn.

1. Here Smith, quoting Fotherby (Atheomastix, 205, 204), has combined a couplet from Virgil with one from Juvenal.

2. Cf. Proceedings, 22. It is evident that Smith had little use for both Martin and President Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore.

3. The note means: "explore the land of the Monacans and make their acquaintance."

1. The final, palliative clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 23).

2. From Fotherby's translation of Homer (Atheomastix, 278).

3. The Proceedings, 23, has a marginal note: "Powhatans trecherie."

4. This sentence and the first clause of the next have been greatly expanded (cf. ibid., 24).

1. Cf. ibid., 25 (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 396n). Some such thought, and perhaps the rest of the sentence, appears to have been cut from the ending of the True Relation, sig. E4v (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 208).

2. See the Proceedings, 25, for a fuller account of Martin's return to England, the most signal outgrowth of which was that Anas Todkill was no longer in Martin's service.

3. From Fotherby's translation of Juvenal (Atheomastix, 205); cf. Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 20. "Oap" is a variant of "ope," open.

4. This list seems to be more accurate than the one in the Proceedings, 25-28.

1. One of the four "unclassified" arrivals listed in the Proceedings, 27.

2. "William Causey" (ibid., 26), apparently in error.

3. William Bentley, William Spence, and Francis Perkins were listed as "labourers" in the Proceedings, 27. Perkins's son, also named Francis, remained among the laborers here as well.

4. James Watkins, Christopher Rods, and James Burre were unclassified in the Proceedings, 27.

1. See p. 50n, above.

1. Jonas Profit is a "fisher" in the Proceedings, 29, while the last two in this list are a "blackesmith" and "fishmonger," respectively (see ibid.).

2. "In time" inserted after "they" (ibid., 29).

3. The knotty syntax of this long sentence seems to call for repunctuation of the clause "and it was" (see ibid., 29n). The editor suggests placing it in parentheses, followed by a full stop, giving the meaning: "and it was strange indeed." The rest of the account is relatively clear.

1. "Cask, keg"; another importation from Spanish.

2. A few minor changes have been made in this paragraph, including the addition of the bit about the "Isles of Morap" (a misreading of "morase," for "morass"), or "marshy isles." For the original account, see the Proceedings, 29-30.

3. Some 300 words on the Cuskarawaoks, to the mention of Sarapinagh, p. 57, below, have been added (cf. ibid., 31). The Cuskarawaok village (also spelled Kuscarawaoke) was on or near to the Nanticoke River, probably in the neighborhood of Seaford, Del. (see the Map of Va., 10n).

1. From here to "the maine Ocean," below, a few valuable details have been added (cf. Proceedings, 31).

2. An extremely common by-form of "cliff" (OED).

1. "3 or 400" (Proceedings, 32); Smith had estimated 100 warriors for Onawmanient (p. 23, above). Onawmanient was on or near modern Nomini Bay, Potomac River.

1. The added parenthesis makes the point clear (cf. Proceedings, 33).

2. The last clause hints that Smith believed that the faction that wanted to abandon the colony would even seek Indian help in removing him from the scene.

3. The rest of this long paragraph is greatly expanded, incorporating only occasional bits from the Proceedings, 33. For an attempt to elucidate it, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 207-209, 450-451.

4. "Deposit."

5. "Dust from grinding [brass] pins"; Smith may have come upon washings from small gold deposits and distrusted them because of Martin and his gold fever. For "Matchqueon," of uncertain meaning, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36.

6. Perhaps inspired by some play or masque Smith had seen.

1. "One"; an unusual spelling for the 17th century.

1. "Fever"; probably intestinal.

2. Momford has been added (cf. Proceedings, 36); he was one of the party.

1. Ward came as a tailor but joined the militia.

2. See p. 33, above. Below, "racket" was a variant of "rocket."

3. Only Powell, Profit, Todkill, and Pising were seasoned colonists, along with Smith.

1. The final clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 40). Smith had been mistaken about their identity (see ibid., 45; and p. 68, below). Possibly they were the Aquauachuques later recorded in middle New Jersey.

2. This entire paragraph has been added (cf. Proceedings, 40). "Perigrines mount" was most likely named for Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, lord of the manor where Smith was born. Below, note "Willowbyes river."

3. Of all Smith's companions on the two expeditions, only Todkill and Bagnall seem not to have been thus honored.

4. "Toppahannock" (Proceedings, 40). At this point begins the longest single addition made in the Generall Historie, of which it has been said that Smith here presents "a lively story of four battles against Indians." It is "part of the argument ... indirectly urged ... in Book III and directly urged in Book IV: send Smith with troops to subdue the Indians" (Emerson, Smith, 82-83). This suggestion is plausible if we picture Smith as farsighted in fundamental policies. But given Smith's inability to convince his congeners of the validity of his proposals, it seems more likely that he had no basic plan but was again merely recounting what happened in Virginia as he saw it, with something of the vague hopefulness of Purchas, who always longed for somebody to do something about converting the Indians. In any case, the abrupt introduction of Mosco just below is evidence that Smith had further notes on the subject.

1. "Safe-conduct, or escort"; Smith was referring to his Potomac voyage.

2. "Immediately [upon seeing us again]." After the aside on Mosco's previous services, Smith resumes the story of their Rappahannock expedition.

3. Disputes over women were one of the chief causes of intertribal warfare (see p. 33, above). Mosco's native village was about 18 mi. E by N of Moraughtacund by land.

4. The so-called Smith/Zúñiga map shows the chief village of the Toppahannocks/ Rappahannocks (the spellings are interchangeable) roughly at the modern town of Tappahannock, 15 mi. upstream and across the river from where Smith's map shows the Toppahannock king's house. Quite possibly it is a case of engraver's error.

5. "Making an attempt."

1. "From."

2. "Thole pins." Below, "wast clothes" were "colored cloths for decoration, or to screen the men aboard" (OED).

1. I.e., to the rapids or falls at Fredericksburg, Va.

2. The Manahoacs were very likely a Siouan people (as were the Monacans to their south), unrelated to the Powhatans, an Algonkian group. Although some doubts have latterly been expressed regarding their ethnological background, the somewhat dated monograph of David I. Bushnell ("The Manahoac Tribes in Virginia, 1608," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, XCVIII, No. 8 [Washington, D.C., 1935]) seems still to be valid. Smith's account contains practically all that is known about them.

1. This bay must have dried up since, at least to the extent of forming only a "neck" in the river; in this instance probably Corbins Neck, just below Moss Neck and the crossroads of that name.

1. These presumably were the Algonkian Indians of the villages from the "broad Bay" downstream towards Nantaughtacund and Pissaseck, but well above Toppahannock.

1. Another example of name-changing (see p. 6n, above). The word "Uttasantasough" still defies analysis.

2. Probably Dumpling Island, Nansemond River, where a small Indian site has been uncovered.

1. "Facing their [treeless] meadow lands."

2. "A cease-fire."

3. Making dugout canoes was an arduous task; see the True Relation, sig. B2vn.

1. Even by Smith's "scale," this is unusual exaggeration.

2. This is the longest quotation in the Generall Historie. Smith rewrote the first three lines of Fotherby's translation from Prosper's De Providentia (Atheomastix, 11-12), then quoted the rest almost verbatim.

3. Although Bagnall, Powell, and Todkill went on the expedition(s) and probably wrote much of the account, Smith himself surely had a good deal to do with the end product.

1. It is significant that the Purchas reprint of the Proceedings, 41, here has a marginal note: "The figure is left out" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717), while the Proceedings itself has a printer's "QUERE" regarding the form. Only here it is stated that the Jamestown fort was pentagonal (not triangular) in Sept. 1608.

1. Smith was president of the council in Virginia. The council in London, however, sized up the situation in terms of European practice and sent Newport with instructions to overrule Smith if necessary. Newport obeyed London, regardless of what Smith thought, and Smith tried to remedy what he saw as ill-advised by exerting what influence he could on Powhatan. The added parenthesis and the clause about Newport and the 120 men reflect Smith's subsequent disgust, as events long after 1612 seemed to him to underline the soundness of his stand in 1608 (cf. Proceedings, 43-44).

1. The detail about Pocahontas has been added (cf. ibid., 44). A marginal note again shows Smith's interest in masques.

2. From Fotherby's translation of Homer (Atheomastix, 342).

1. Note that Newport's name, mentioned in the Proceedings, 46, is omitted here.

1. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 205).

2. From Fotherby (ibid., 43; but see p. 74n, below), from Antiphanes as quoted by Joannes Stobaeus.

3. "Hag" is northern dialect for "hack"; "hackers" in the Proceedings, 48.

1. The last clause has been added (cf. ibid., 49).

2. "Master Persey" (ibid.).

3. The reference to Newport and Rat[c]liffe has been added (cf. ibid., 49-50).

4. "Newport and" has been added (cf. ibid., 50).

1. See ibid., 50n.

2. The last sentence has been added (cf. ibid., 51).

3. The entire letter has been added (cf. ibid.). For some discussion of it, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 233-234; Emerson, Smith, 83-84; and Richard Beale Davis, "The Gentlest Art in Seventeenth-Century Virginia," Tennessee Studies in Literature, II (1957), 54. Whether the letter is a true copy or a rewrite, it sums up the colony's problems admirably.

1. "The President" was Ratcliffe, of course. A year later, on Oct. 4, 1609, Ratcliffe was to write another letter to Salisbury (see p. 105n, below). These two communications are the only clues we have to Ratcliffe's appointment to the council in Virginia. Otherwise virtually unknown and as yet unidentified, Ratcliffe may well have been one of Salisbury's "men," either past or present (cf. William Brewster, in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 107n; and George Kendall, in Barbour, "Captain George Kendall: Mutineer or Intelligencer?" VMHB, LXX [1962], 297-313).

1. George Percy's brother, the earl of Northumberland, also sent presents. An item in the earl's household papers reads: "1607, Feb. 8-1608, Feb. 3. ... For the rings and other pieces of copper given to the Virginia Prince, 3s" (Historical Manuscripts Commission, Sixth Report and Appendix, Pt. I [London, 1877], 229a).

2. These are the first cautious inklings of mineral wealth that the Virginia Company had from Smith (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., and Thurlow Gates Gregory, "The First American Blast Furnace, 1619-1632: The Birth of a Mighty Industry on Falling Creek in Virginia," VMHB, LXX [1962], 259-296).

3. See p. 7on, above.

4. See the True Relation, sig. C3vn.

1. A broadside entitled "A Publication by the Counsell of Virginia, touching the plantation there," dated 1610, reads in part that "such sufficient, honest and good artificers [are needed], as [black]Smiths, ... Carpenters, Gardeners, ... Bricklayers ... shall be entertained ... with reasonable and good conditions ..." (quoted from broadside 122, with the kind permission of the Society of Antiquaries, London).

1. This list adds one name -- Floud, labourer -- to that of the Proceedings, 52-53.

2. I.e., Winne and Scrivener had accompanied Newport down the river on his departure, perhaps not entirely out of mere courtesy. The rest of this added paragraph (cf. ibid., 53) shows "how Smith and his men learned to make camp in the woods in snowy weather" (Emerson, Smith, 84).

1.Hence the courtesy (see preceding n.).

2. Although the passage is obscure, the meaning seems to be that Smith knew that nothing would effect his demand for supplies better than building a castle for Powhatan.

1. See the Proceedings, 56nn.

2. This list corresponds with that in the Proceedings, 55-56, but for Anthony Bagnall (Baggly), missing here but mentioned as a member of the party (ibid., 57).

3. This was Michael Sicklemore (no relation of Ratcliffe), listed above. This was the first real attempt to look for Ralegh's colony. For Sicklemore's return, see p. 87, below.

4. Collier was accidentally killed by an English sentinel during the winter of 1622/23 (see p. 157, below).

5. From Fotherby's translation of Stobaeus's rendering of Sophocles (Atheomastix, 43).

1. With regard to these speeches, see Emerson, Smith, 86; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 425.

2. Cf. "the king exceeding liberall of that hee had not yeelded him Monacan" (Proceedings, 60).

1. John Russell's name has been added (cf. ibid., 64).

2. From here to the end of the paragraph, all but a phrase or two has been added, most significantly the story of Pocahontas's intervention on Smith's behalf (cf. ibid., 65).

3. "Bursting"; a rare survival from the 16th century.

1. From Fotherby's translation of Persius (Atheomastix, 118).

1. The last bit, beginning "but they were apprehended ...," has been added (cf. Proceedings, 66).

2. "6. or 700." (ibid., 67).

3. "Betrayed."

1. "Forearm armor"; the upper-right compartment of the map of Ould Virginia shows the scene correctly.

2. The last passage, beginning "and your King ...," has been added (cf. Proceedings, 70).

3. The "club" has been added (cf. ibid., 71).

1. The passage "having received ... ever regarded him as himselfe, and" has been added (cf. ibid.). "Be Caesar or nothing," aut Caesar aut nihil, was the motto of Cesare Borgia (1478-1507) and became proverbial in his lifetime. Smith may have picked up the saying in Italy or in London, but his reference was probably to Julius Caesar (see Giuseppe Fumagalli, Chi l'Ha Detto? [Milan, 1946], 314). Scrivener possibly got letters similar to the one from the council in London to "The President" in Jamestown (see p. 70, above), but the chances are that he was simply head-strong (see the Biographical Directory).

2. "9 daies" (Proceedings, 71); i.e., Jan. 7, 1609.

3. The following short passage, "Pocahontas hid him ... but by her meanes," has been added, and a few minor changes have been made (cf. ibid., 72). It is likely that Pocahontas's visit to London recalled to Smith her many kindnesses to him.

1. The final clause has been added (cf. ibid.).

2. The words "with him" have been added (cf. ibid.), throwing a little light on this ill-told tale. All that seems clear is that Powhatancommanded Opechancanough to make a desperate effort to ambush Smith, but the Pamunkeys generally were so afraid of the fiery captain that the attempt fell through.

1. Potauncak was across the Youghtanund (modern Pamunkey) from the principal Pamunkey villages.

1. Phettiplace's trip by land has been added (cf. Proceedings, 75).

2. "40 men" (ibid.).

3. The "deere suet" has been added (cf. ibid., 75-76).

4. "279" (ibid., 76); one suspects an exaggeration by Smith.

5. "Justification" -- not an excuse.

1. Abbot's name has been added (cf. Proceedings, 78).

1. Cf. "caused the President to make a generall assembly, and then he advised them ..." (ibid., 79).

1. Variant spelling of "falchion" (and the preferred spelling before 1750).

2. Cf. "from whence the king perceiving two of the Poles upon the sandes would have fled; but the President held him by the haire and throat til the Poles came in; then seeing ..." (Proceedings, 81). The omission of the Poles in the passage here remains unexplained.

3. This clause has been added (cf. ibid.).

4. The clause "the king also he put in fetters" was added parenthetically in the Proceedings, 81.

1. "Backpiece"; a metal plate to protect the back. This paragraph has been added (cf. ibid., 84).

1. "One yeare" (ibid., 85).

2. "Their"; that is, they originally came from the ships. Rats were not indigenous to Virginia.

1. The last clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 86).

2. The sentence "But if I finde ... at the Gallows" has been added (cf. ibid., 88).

1. The clause "if you would ... have brought it" has been added (cf. ibid.).

2. Ibid., 88, has "and live there or starve."

3. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 119).

4. This final clause, beginning "for they did know," has been added (cf. Proceedings, 89).

5. "Tassore" has been added (see ibid.).

1. See p. 74, above. The rest of the paragraph has been added (cf. ibid., 90). Note that "pemminaw" was not "silke grasse," but the grass commonly used to make thread (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

2. The rest of this paragraph has been added (cf. Proceedings, 90). This was Siouan territory. It was not violated again until 1670 (see William P. Cumming, ed., The Discoveries of John Lederer [Charlottesville, Va., 1958], vii, 10).

1. The passage "the first was Lieutenant Percy ... other imploiment for them" has been added, and the next few words adjusted to suit (see the Proceedings, 91).

2. The rest of the paragraph has been added or altered (cf. ibid., 91–92). Regarding Thomas Sedan, who is otherwise unidentified, a letter from Gabriel Archer to a friend, dated Jamestown, Aug. 31, 1609, states that the master was "one Robert Tindall" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 281). This is supported by the Virginia Council's manuscript copy of Argall's commission of Apr. 2, 1609, which reads in part: "Captayne Samuell Argall and Robert Tyndall Masters and Officers" (Lib. Cong. Virginia. AO 10.092; printed in Dorothy S. Eaton, "A Voyage of 'ffisshinge and Discovvery,'" Library of Congress, Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions, X [Aug. 1953], 181–184 [modernized in Martha W. Hiden, ed., "A Voyage of Fishing and Discovery, 1609," VMHB, LXV (1957), 62–66, with largely outdated comments and notes]). Smith's "Thomas Sedan" thus seems to be the result of any or all of the following contingencies: little recollection of Tindall himself (for their only recorded encounter, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 81); misreading of the manuscript copy (taking the "T" for an "S"); mnemonic association of Tindall with [Thomas] Sendall, to whom Smith had been apprenticed years before (True Travels, 2); and such common slips as Francis Magnel's mistaking "Captain [Robert] Tindol" for Captain George Kendall (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 156). For Master [John] Cornelius, see the Biographical Directory.

1. This is surprising. Argall had sailed from London on May 5, and sometime before May 15 the London council had issued "Instructions ... to Sir Thomas Gates," appointing John Smith, "nowe President," to the council in Virginia and naming him commander of a garrison designed in part to control the Indians (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 263, 266).

1. This paragraph has been reworked here and there without major change (cf. Proceedings, 92–93).

2. From here to the marginal note, "Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer," the text has been expanded by mingling what Smith later learned with what he wrote earlier (cf. ibid., 93). Two details are worth mentioning: "made meanes" was an obsolescent phrase for "took steps [with]," and Lord De La Warre's title was Lord Governor and Captain General.

3. Smith has lumped together two publications, both dated 1610: A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plantation Begun in Virginia ..., by authority of the Governors and Councellors; and A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia ... by advice and direction of the Councell of Virginia; the one was rushed into print as soon as the loss of the flagship was known, the other when word came that Gates and his companions had made it to Virginia.

1. Smith's supposition, apparently based on the fact that all three were in the same ship.

2. Archer gives a more complete list of the captains and masters in a letter to a friend (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 280).

3. William Box, not satisfactorily identified, was the author of a longer narrative in 1610 (see pp. 106-108, below).

1. From Fotherby's translation of Lucretius (Atheomastix, 129).

2. Smith himself appears to have picked up the narrative here, although this may be what Richard Pots pulled together from various reports and memoranda (see bottom of p. 94, below).

1. See Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 453n.

2. This tribute to Forest has been added (cf. Proceedings, 96).

3. Partially rewritten, without improvement (cf. ibid.).

4. An independent account of this was written by Henry Spelman (see the Biographical Directory), but it reflects more wayward immaturity than understanding.

1. From Fotherby's rendering of Solon (Atheomastix, 241).

1. A variant spelling of "turbles," an early by-form of "troubles," already archaic by 1600 but possibly still in use in Lincolnshire or East Anglia.

2. "Martin, Ratliffe, and Archer" (Proceedings, 99).

3. The words "and excuse themselves by accusing him" (ibid.) are omitted here.

1. The last clause was added, and the passage slightly reworded (cf. ibid., 100).

2. From Fotherby's translation of Ovid (Atheomastix, 119).

1. Cf. "the 6 ships" (Proceedings, 102).

2. From this point on, Bk. III differs in tenor from the Proceedings, 102-104. The balance of the Proceedings (104-109) anticipates the beginning of Bk. IV. Bk. III, on the other hand, ends with a peroration on the general shortcomings of the colonists.

3. "Eccentrics who follow their own inclinations."

1. Valdo (or Volda[y], Faldoe) died of "a burning-Fever," apparently in the latter half of 1610 (Strachey, Historie, 131).

1. As mentioned on p. 90n, above, the last indication of authorship in the Proceedings is "Richard Pots, W[illiam] P[hettiplace]." Here, the name of the obscure colonist William Tankard is added, and W. P. is changed to G. P. Since Phettiplace's name appears in the Proceedings, and since there is no evidence whatsoever that either George Percy or George Pretty contributed to Smith's work, the editor cannot but assume that we have a case of a badly made "W" being taken for a "G" by the printer. The latter is well within the bounds of possibility; the collaboration of George Percy (suggested by some) is not.

2. This was due to a miscalculation (see the editor's Introduction, above). For the verses that follow, see the Description of N.E., from which they were reprinted. For the versifiers, see the Biographical Directory.

The Fourth Booke.1 TO MAKE PLAINE THE TRUE PROCEEDINGS of the Historie for 1609. we must follow the examinations of Doctor Simons, and two learned Orations published by the Companie; with the relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De la Ware.
What happened in the first government after the alteration in the time of Captaine George Piercie their Governour.2

THE day before Captaine Smith returned for England with the ships, Captaine Davis3 arrived in a small Pinace, with some sixteene proper men more: To these were added a company from James towne, under the command of Captaine John Sickelmore alias Ratliffe,4 to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine Martin and Captaine West, having lost their boats and neere halfe their men among the Salvages, were returned to James towne; for the Salvages no sooner understood Smith was gone, but they all revolted, and did spoile and murther all they incountered. Now wee were all constrained to live onely on that Smith had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest had consumed their proportions, and now they had twentie Presidents with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie our new President, was so sicke hee could neither goe nor stand. But ereall was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickelmore, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore upon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as carelesse as himselfe, were all slaine, onely Jeffrey Shortridge escaped, and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saved a boy called Henry Spilman, that lived many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatanstill as he found meanes, cut off their Boats, denied them trade, so that Captaine West set saile for England. Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne, provision and contribution from the Salvages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs and arrowes; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what lived, our commanders, officers and Salvages daily consumed them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was devoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any thing, wee traded with the Salvages, whose cruell fingers were so oft imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our Governours indiscretion, and the losse of our ships, of five hundred within six moneths after Captaine Smiths departure, there remained not past sixtie men, women and children, most miserable and poore creatures; and those were preserved for the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes, walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish: they that had startch in these extremities,1 made no small use of it; yea, even the very skinnes of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Salvage we slew, and buried, the poorer sort tooke him up againe and eat him, and so did divers || one another boyled and stewed with roots and herbs: And one amongst the rest did kill his wife, powdered her, and had eaten part of her before it was knowne, for which hee was executed, as hee well deserved; now whether shee was better roasted, boyled or carbonado'd, I know not, but of such a dish as powdered wife I never heard of.1 This was that time, which still to this day we called the starving time; it were too vile to say, and scarce to be beleeved, what we endured: but the occasion was our owne, for want of providence, industrie and government, and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally supposed; for till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed us, we had never from England provision sufficient for six moneths, though it seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent us, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners; we as little tasted of the great proportion sent us, as they of our want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they ever over-swayed and ruled the businesse, though we endured all that is said, and chiefly lived on what this good Countrie naturally afforded; yet had wee beene even in Paradice it selfe with these Governours, it would not have beene much better with us; yet there was amongst us, who had they had the government as Captaine Smith appointed, but that they could not maintaine it, would surely have kept us from those extremities of miseries. This in ten daies more, would have supplanted us all with death. The planting Point Comfort. 1609

But God that would not this Countrie should be unplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers with one hundred and fiftie people most happily preserved by the Bermudas to preserve us: strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserved in a leaking ship, as at large you may reade in the insuing Historie of those Ilands.2 The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates.

The Government resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610.

WHEN these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being but strangers in that Countrie, and could understand no more of the cause, but by conjecture of our clamours and complaints, of accusing and excusing one another: They embarked us with themselves, with the best meanes they could, and abandoning James towne, set saile for England, whereby you may see the event of the government of the former Commanders left to themselves; although they had lived there many yeeres as formerly hath beene spoken (who hindred now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being gone.)3 1610. James towne abandoned.

At noone they fell to the Ile of Hogs, and the next morning to Mulbery point, at what time they descried the Long-boat of the Lord la Ware,1 for God would not have it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, then Governour of the Countrie, met them with three ships exceedingly well furnished with all necessaries fitting, who againe returned them to the abandoned James towne.

Out of the observations of William Simmons Doctor of Divinitie.

The government devolved to the Lord la Ware.

HIS Lordship arrived the ninth of June 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine Lawson, and divers other Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he came up with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Commission, and entred into consultation for the good of the Colonie, in which secret counsell we will a little leave them, that we may duly observe the revealed counsell of God.2 Hee that shall but turne up his eie, and behold the spangled canopie of heaven, or shall but cast downe his eie, and consider the embroydered carpet of the earth, and withall shall marke how the heavens heare the earth, and the earth the Corne and Oile, and they relieve the necessities of man, that man will acknowledge Gods infinite || providence: But hee that shall further observe, how God inclineth all casuall events to worke the necessary helpe of his Saints, must needs adore the Lords infinite goodnesse; never had any people more just cause, to cast themselves at the very foot-stoole of God, and to reverence his mercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if God had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within foure daies they had almost beene famished; if God had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to save the Fort from fiering at their shipping,3 for many were very importunate to have burnt it, they had beene destitute of a present harbour and succour: if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and had not so soone returned, questionlesse the Indians would have destroied the Fort, which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them and a terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the vast Ocean, who would have promised they should have incountered the Fleet of the Lord la Ware, especially when they made for New found land, as they intended, a course contrarie to our Navie approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a yeeres provision, what comfort would those poore soules have received, to have beene relanded to a second distruction? This was the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would have his people passe the red Sea and Wildernesse, and then to possesse the land of Canaan: It was divinely spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull, why should man bee over-distrustfull? for he hath so tempered the contrary qualities of the Elements, The arrivall of the Lord la Ware.

\ That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry,
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby,
Yet make they musicall content of contrarietie,
Which conquer'd, knits them in such links together,
They doe produce even all this whatsoever.1

The Lord Governour, after mature deliberation, delivered some few words to the Companie, laying just blame upon them, for their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse, earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate follies, lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Justice, and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw, to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect them from injuries; heartning them with relation of that store hee had brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to rule over them, allotting every man his particular place, to watch vigilantly, and worke painfully:2 This Oration and direction being received with a generall applause, you might shortly behold the idle and restie diseases of a divided multitude, by the unitie and authoritie of this government to be substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to goodnesse before, but cherished singularitie and faction, can now chalke out the path of all respective dutie and service: every man endevoureth to outstrip other in diligence: the French preparing to plant the Vines, the English labouring in the Woods and grounds; every man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of their bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of working, to effect all themselves, or as the Adventurers need desire, required no more paines than from six of the clocke in the morning, untill ten, and from two in the afternoone, till foure, at both which times they are provided of spirituall and corporall reliefe. First, they enter into the Church, and make their praiers unto God, next they returne to their houses and receive their proportion of food. Nor should it bee conceived that this businesse excludeth Gentlemen, whose breeding never knew what a daies labour meant, for though they cannot digge, use the Spade, nor practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any condition, finde how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of counsell, the operation and power of their best breeding and qualities. The houses which are built, are as warme and defensive against wind and || weather, as if they were tiled and slated, being covered above with strong boards, and some matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as are able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Salvages: Our Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. And to leave no discouragement in the heart of any, who personally shall enter into this great action, I will communicate a double comfort; first, Sir George Sommers, that worthy Admirall hath undertaken a dangerous adventure for the good of the Colonie. Sir George Sommers returne to the Bermudas.

Upon the 15. of June, accompanied with Captaine Samuel Argall, hee returned in two Pinaces unto the Bermudas, promising (if by any meanes God will open a way to that Iland of Rocks) that he would soone returne with six moneths provision of flesh; with much crosse weather at last hee there safely arrived, but Captaine Argall was forced backe againe to James towne, whom the Lord De la Ware not long after sent to the River of Patawomeke, to trade for Corne; where finding an English boy, one Henry Spilman, a young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserved from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of those kinde Salvages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne, wherewith he returned to James towne.

The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and his hopefull brother, upon a pleasant plaine, and neare a little Rivilet they call Southampton River; they stand in a wholsome aire, having plentie of Springs of sweet water, they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corne and Gardens; in which Forts it is resolved, that all those that come out of England, shall be at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the Sea, may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie, and Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England. But to correct some injuries of the Paspahegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fiftie or threescore shot, where the Salvages flying, they burnt their houses, tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not long after they slew.1 The building Fort Henry and Fort Charles.

The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate, the forme of government, the condition of our people, their daily invocating of the Name of God being thus expressed; why should the successe, by the rules of mortall judgement, bee disparaged? why should not the rich harvest of our hopes be seasonably expected? I dare say, that the resolution of Cæsar in France, the designes of Alexander, the discoveries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of Emanuel, King of Portugal, in the East, were not encouraged upon so firme grounds of state and possibilitie.

But his Lordship being at the fales, the Salvages assaulted his troopes and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, his Honour growing very sicke, he returned for England the 28. of March; in the ship were about five and fiftie men, but erewe arrived at Fyall,1 fortie of us were neare sicke to death, of the Scurvie, Callenture, and other diseases: the Governour being an English-man, kindly used us, but small reliefe we could get, but Oranges, of which we had plenty, whereby within eight daies wee recovered, and all were well and strong by that they came into England.

Written by William Box.2

The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that returne which they hoped should have defrayed the charge of a new supply, entred into a deep consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to send for them home, and give over the action, and therefore they adjured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with them, who with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed, That all things before reported were true, and that all men know that wee stand at the devotion of politicke Princes and States, who for their proper utilitie, devise all courses to grind our Merchants, and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw from us all manner of gaine by their inquisitive inventions, when in Virginia, a few yeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish all || our defects with honour and securitie.

Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 1610.3

The government left againe to Captaine George Piercie, and the returne of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Councell.

MY Lords, now by accident returned from my charge at Virginia, contrary either to my owne desire, or other mens expectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of dutie, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne, I am forced out of a willingnesse to satisfie every man, to deliver unto your Lordships and the rest of this assemblie, in what state I have lived ever since my arrivall to the Colonie, what hath beene the just cause of my sudden departure, and on what tearmes I have left the same, the rather because I perceive, that since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Adventurers, that some of them seeke to withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported, making this my returne colour1 of their needlesse backwardnesse and unjust protraction: which that you may the better understand, I was welcomed to James towne by a violent ague; being cured of it, within three weekes after I began to be distempered with other grievous sicknesses which successively and severally assailed me, for besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to greater weaknesse; the flux surprised mee, and kept me many daies, then the crampe assaulted my weake body with strong paines, and after, the gout; all those drew me to that weaknesse, being unable to stirre, brought upon me the scurvie, which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse, which never left me, till I was ready to leave the world.2 1611. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The Relation of the Lord la Ware.

In these extremities I resolved to consult with my friends, who finding nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily increasing, gave me advice to preferre a hopefull recoverie, before an assured ruine, which must necessarily have ensued, had I lived but twentie daies longer in Virginia, wanting at that instant both food and Physicke, fit to remedie such extraordinary diseases; wherefore I shipped my selfe with Doctor Bohun and Captaine Argall, for Mevis in the West Indies, but being crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced to shape my course for the Westerne Iles, where I found helpe for my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by the meanes of fresh dyet, especially Oranges and Limons, an undoubted remedie for that disease: then I intended to have returned backe againe to Virginia, but I was advised not to hazard my selfe, before I had perfectly recovered my strength: so I came for England; in which accident, I doubt not but men of judgement will imagine, there would more prejudice have happened by my death there, than I hope can doe by my returne.

For the Colony I left it to the charge of Captaine George Piercie, a Gentleman of honour and resolution, untill the comming of Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to bee determined upon the arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the order your Lordships appointed: the number I left were about two hundred, the most in health, and provided of at least ten moneths victuall, and the Countrie people tractable and friendly. What other defects they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates at the Cowes;1 his Fleet was sufficiently furnished with supplies, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates shall arrive in Virginia with the extraordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200. Swine, besides store of other provision, for the maintenance of the Colonie, there will appeare that successe in the action, as shall give no man cause of distrust, that hath already adventured, but incourage every good minde to further so good a worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our || nation, and the comfort of all those that have beene instruments in the furthering of it. 100. Kine and 200. Swine sent to Virginia.

Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published by Authoritie, 1611.2

The government surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, who arrived in Virginia the tenth of May, 1611. out of Master Hamors Booke.3

BEFORE the Lord la Ware arrived in England, the Councell and Companie had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale with three ships, men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie for a yeere; all which arrived well the tenth of May 1611. where he found them growing againe to their former estate of penurie, being so improvident as not to put Corne in the ground for their bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three moneths4 provision; his first care therefore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles, whereby, the season then not fully past, though about the end of May, wee had an indifferent crop of good Corne. 1611. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale.

This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to his under-Officers, to James towne he hastened, where most of the companie were at their daily and usuall works, bowling in the streets; these hee imployed about necessarie workes, as felling Timber, repayring their houses ready to fall on their heads, and providing pales, posts and railes, to impale his purposed new towne, which by reason of his ignorance, being but newly arrived, hee had not resolved where to seat; therefore to better his knowledge, with one hundred men he spent some time in viewing the River of Nansamund, in despight of the Indians then our enemies; then our owne River to the Fales, where upon a high land, invironed with the maine River, some twelve miles from the Fales, by Arsahattock, he resolved to plant his new towne. His preparation to build a new towne.

It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse his severitie and strict imprinted booke of Articles,1 then needfull with all extremitie to be executed; now much mitigated; so as if his Lawes had not beene so strictly executed, I see not how the utter subversion of the Colonie should have beene prevented, witnesse Webbes and Prices designe the first yeere, since that of Abbots, and others, more dangerous than the former.2 Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though not a pardon. This Jeffrey Abbots, how ever this Author censures him, and the Governour executes him, I know he had long served both in Ireland and Netherlands, here hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I never saw in Virginia a more sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent, a better wit, more hardy or industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to abandon the Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully those deserts might bee rewarded, envied or neglected, or his farre inferiors preferred to over-top him, I know not, but such occasions might move a Saint, much more a man, to an unadvised passionate impatience, but how ever, it seemes he hath beene punished for his offences, that was never rewarded for his deserts. And even this Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three more, bending their course to Ocanahowan,3 five daies journey from us, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Salvages, hired by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts: So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor severe by the halfe, as there was occasion, and just cause for it, and though the manner was not usuall, wee were rather to have regard to those, whom we would have terrified and made fearefull to commit the like offences, than to the offenders justly condemned, for amongst them so hardned in evill, the feare of a cruell, painfull and unusuall death more restraines them, than death it selfe.4 Thus much I have proceeded of his endevours, untill the comming of Sir Thomas Gates, in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended. Divers mutinie suppressed.

Now in England againe to second this noble Knight, the Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition prepared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other Cattell, with munition and all other manner of provision that could be thought needfull; and about the first or second of August 1611. arrived safely at James towne.

The government returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 1611.

THESE worthy Knights being met, after their welcoming salutations, Sir Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had done, and what he intended, which designe Sir Thomas Gates well approving, furnished him with three hundred and fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of. In the beginning of September, 1611. hee set saile, and arrived where hee intended to build his new towne: within ten or twelve daies he had invironed it with a pale, and in honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico.1 The next worke he did, was building at each corner of the Towne, a high commanding Watch-house, a Church, and Store-houses; which finished, hee began to thinke upon convenient houses for himselfe and men, which with all possible speed hee could be effected, to the great content of his companie, and all the Colonie. The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates.

This towne is situated upon a necke of a plaine rising land, three parts invironed with the maine River, the necke of land well impaled, makes it like an Ile; it hath three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church, and the foundation of a better laid, to bee built of Bricke, besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like: Upon the verge2 of the River there are five houses, wherein live the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England, and they keepe continuall centinell for the townes securitie. About two miles from the towne, into the Maine, is another pale, neere two miles in length from River to River, guarded with severall Commanders, with a good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed, sufficiently secured to maintaine more than I suppose will come this three yeeres.3 The building of Henrico.

On the other side of the River, for the securitie of the towne, is intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about two miles and a halfe,1 by the name of Hope in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by five of our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charitie Fort, Mount Malado,2 a guest house for sicke people, a high seat and wholesome aire, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Parsonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished.

About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in regard of the injurie done us by them of Apamatuck, Sir Thomas Dale, without the losse of any, except some few Salvages, tooke it and their Corne,3 being but five miles by land from Henrico, and considering how commodious it might be for us, resolved to possesse and plant it, and at the instant called it the new Bermudas, whereunto hee hath laid out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation for ever, many miles of Champian4 and Woodland ground in severall hundreds, as the upper and nether hundreds, Rochdale hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the nether hundred he first began to plant, for there is the most Corne-ground, and with a pale of two miles, cut over from River to River, whereby we have secured eight English miles in compasse; upon which circuit, within halfe a mile of each other, are many faire houses already built, besides particular mens houses neere to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale welnigh foure miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs and Cattell have twentie miles circuit to graze in securely. The building of the Citie is referred5 till our harvest be in, which he intends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie. The building the Bermudas.

About fiftie miles6 from these is James towne, upon a fertill peninsula, which al- || though formerly scandaled7 for an unhealthfull aire, wee finde it as healthfull as any other part of the Countrie; it hath two rowes of houses of framed timber, and some of them two stories, and a garret higher, three large Store-houses joined together in length, and hee hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This Ile, and much ground about it, is much inhabited: To Kecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles,1 where they live well with halfe that allowance the rest have from the store, because of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle and Deere; as you may reade at large in the Discoveries of Captaine Smith.2 And thus I have truly related unto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia wee frequent and possesse.

Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and fortie men; and another since then with the like number and provision, to stay twelve moneths in the Countrie, with Captaine Argall, which was sent not long after. After hee had recreated and refreshed his Companie, hee was sent to the River Patawomeake, to trade for Corne, the Salvages about us having small quarter,3 but friends and foes as they found advantage and opportunitie: But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine Argall, having entred into a great acquaintance with Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, ever since hee discovered the Countrie:4 hard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had beene many times a preserver of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was never seene at James towne since his departure, being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe unknowne, was easily by her friend Iapazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship, for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the Salvage for this Copper Kettle would have done any thing, it seemed by the Relation;5 for though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see one, and that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the poore innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part, the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to have some conference with Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceive hee was any way guiltie of her captivitie: so sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and us, before she ever should see Powhatan, whereat the old Jew and his wife began to howle and crie as fact as Pocahontas,1 that upon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees pacifying her selfe, and Iapazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore, and shee to James towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loved so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, etc. hee trecherously had stolne. 1612. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. Captaine Argals arrivall. How Pocahontas was taken prisoner.

This unwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee loved both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three moneths after erehee returned us any answer: then by the perswasion of the Councell, he returned seven of our men, with each of them an unserviceable Musket, and sent us word, that when wee would deliver his daughter, hee would make us satisfaction for all injuries done us, and give us five hundred bushels of Corne, and for ever be friends with us. That he sent, we received in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should be well used, but we could not beleeve the rest of our armes were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, we would keepe his daughter. Seven English returned from Powhatan prisoners.

This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no more from him a || long time after,2 when with Captaine Argals ship, and some other vessels belonging to the Colonie, Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went up into his owne River, to his chiefe habitation, with his daughter; with many scornfull bravado's they affronted us, proudly demanding why wee came thither; our reply was, Wee had brought his daughter, and to receive the ransome for her that was promised, or to have it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told us, We were welcome if wee came to fight, for they were provided for us, but advised us, if wee loved our lives to retire; else they would use us as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe: We told them, wee would presently have a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among us in the ship. Sir Thomas Dale his voyage to Pamaunke.

Being thus justly provoked, wee presently manned our Boats, went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled all they had we could finde; and so the next day proceeded higher up the River, where they demanded why wee burnt their houses, and wee, why they shot at us: They replyed, it was some stragling Salvage, with many other excuses, they intended no hurt, but were our friends: We told them, wee came not to hurt them, but visit them as friends also. Upon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched messengers to Powhatan, whose answer, they told us, wee must expect foure and twentie houres erethe messengers could returne: Then they told us, our men were runne away for feare we would hang them, yet Powhatans men were runne after them; as for our Swords and Peeces, they should be brought us the next day, which was only but to delay time; for the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans, called Matchot,1 where we saw about foure hundred men well appointed; here they dared us to come on shore, which wee did; no shew of feare they made at all, nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly up and downe amongst us, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his comming in that manner, and to have truce till they could but once more send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their expectation, then they would fight with us, and defend their owne as they could, which was but onely to deferre the time, to carrie away their provision; yet wee promised them truce till the next day at noone, and then if they would fight with us, they should know when we would begin by our Drums and Trumpets. A man shot in the forehead.

Upon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came unto us to see their sister, at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the contrarie, they much rejoiced, promising they would perswade her father to redeeme her, and for ever be friends with us. And upon this, the two brethren went aboord with us, and we sent Master John Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the businesse; kindly they were entertained, but not admitted the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechancanough, his brother and successor; hee promised to doe the best he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill, and time to prepare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to James Towne, promising the forbearance of their performing their promise, till the next harvest. Two of Powhatans sonnes come to see Pocahontas.

Long before this, Master John Rolfe, an honest Gentleman, and of good behaviour, had beene in love with Pocahontas, and she with him, which thing at that instant I made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, wherein hee intreated his advice,2 and she acquainted her brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approved: the brute3 of this mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation thereof, as his deputie; which was accordingly done about the first of Aprill: And ever since wee have had friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatanhimselfe, as all his subjects. The mariage of Pocahontas to Master John Rolfe. 1613. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie and a daring people, free of themselves. These people, so soone as they heard of our peace with Powhatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas Dale, and offered them his service, excusing all former injuries, hereafter they would ever be King James his subjects, and relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be called Tassantessus,1 as they call us, and Sir Thomas Dale there Governour, as the Kings Deputie; onely they desired to be governed by their owne Lawes, which is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted, and appointed the day hee would come to visit them. The Chicahamanias desire friendship.

When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to Chickahamania, where wee found the people expecting our comming, they used us kindly, and the next morning sate in counsell, to conclude their peace upon these conditions:2

First, they should for ever bee called Englishmen, and bee true subjects to King James and his Deputies. Articles of Peace

Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor cattell, but bring them home.

Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish us with three hundred men, against the Spaniards or any.

Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they are new Englishmen.

Fiftly, that every fighting man,3 at the beginning of harvest, shall bring to our store two bushels of Corne, for tribute, for which they shall receive so many Hatchets.

Lastly, the eight chiefe men should see all this performed, or receive the punishment themselves: for their diligence they should have a red coat, a copper chaine, and King James his picture, and be accounted his Noblemen.

All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great shout to confirme it: then one of the old men began an Oration, bending his speech first to the old men, then to the young, and then to the women and children, to make them understand how strictly they were to observe these conditions, and we would defend them from the furie of Powhatan, or any enemie whatsoever, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets; but all this was rather for feare Powhatanand we, being so linked together, would bring them againe to his subjection; the which to prevent, they did rather chuse to be protected by us, than tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant. And thus wee returned againe to James towne.

When our people were fed out of the common store, and laboured jointly together, glad was he could slip1 from his labour, or slumber over his taske he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take so much true paines in a weeke, as now for themselves they will doe in a day, neither cared they for the increase, presuming that howsoever the harvest prospered, the generall store must maintaine them, so that wee reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now three or foure doe provide for themselves. To prevent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted every man three Acres of cleare ground,2 in the nature of Farmes, except the Bermudas, who are exempted, but for one moneths service in the yeere, which must neither bee in seed-time, nor harvest; for which doing, no other dutie they pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe of Corne (from all those Farmers, whereof the first was William Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious man, and hath continued from 1607. to this present)3 from those is expected such a contribution to the store, as wee shall neither want for our selves, nor to entertaine our supplies; for the rest, they are to worke eleven moneths for the store, and hath one moneth onely allowed them to get provision to keepe them for twelve, except two bushels of Corne they have out of the store; if those can live so, why should any feare starving, and it were much better to denie them passage, that would not erethey come, bee content to ingage themselves to those conditions: for onely from the slothfull and idle || drones, and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia innocently hath undergone; and therefore I would deter such from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, except they will undergoe much punishment and penurie, if they escape the skurvie: but for the industrious, there is reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is nothing but bread, I referre you to his relations that discovered the Countrie first.4 The benefit of libertie in the planters. Ensigne Spence the first Farmer in Virginia.

The government left to Sir Thomas Dale upon Sir Thomas Gates returne for England.

SIR Thomas Dale understanding there was a plantation of Frenchmen in the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of 45. sent Captaine Argall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux, where finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come from France, wherein was much good apparel, and other provision, which he brought to James towne, but the men escaped, and lived among the Salvages of those Countries.1 Capaine Argals voyage to Port Royall.

It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to England, because I would be able to speake somewhat of my owne knowledge, to give mee leave to visit Powhatanand his Court: being provided, I had Thomas Salvage with mee, for my Interpreter, with him and two Salvages for guides, I went from the Bermuda in the morning,2 and came to Matchot the next night,3 where the King lay upon the River of Pamaunke; his entertainment was strange to me, the boy he knew well, and told him; My child, I gave you leave, being my boy, to goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres I have not seene you, nor heard of my owne man Namontack I sent to England, though many ships since have beene returned thence: Having done with him, hee began with mee, and demanded for the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his first arrivall, which was a token betwixt them, when ever hee should send a messenger from himselfe to him, he should weare that chaine about his necke, since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to binde him and send him home. 1614. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gave his Page order to give it me, but he forgot it, and till this present I never heard of it, yet I replyed I did know there was such an order, but that was when upon a sudden he should have occasion to send an Englishman without an Indian Guide; but if his owne people should conduct his messenger, as two of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient; with which answer he was contented, and so conducted us to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bow-men, that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did, he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and unknowne sonne,1 and how they lived, loved and liked; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not live againe with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my comming: I told him my message was private, and I was to deliver it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my guides that was acquainted with it; instantly he commanded all out of the house, but onely his two Queenes, that alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on. Master Hamars journey to Powhatan.

I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent you two pieces of Copper, five strings of white and blue Beads, five woodden Combes, ten Fish-hookes, a paire of Knives, and that when you would send for it, hee would give you a Grind-stone; all this pleased him: but then I told him his brother Dale, hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring in any case he would send her by me unto him, in testimonie of his love, as well for that he intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her, because being now one people, and hee desirous for ever to dwell in his Countrie, he conceived there could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship, than in such a naturall band of an united union.2 His message to Powhatan.

I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting mee in my speech, and presently with much gravitie he thus replyed.

I gladly accept your salute3 of love and peace, which while I live, I shall exactly keepe, his pledges thereof I receive with no lesse thanks, although they are not so ample as formerly he had received; but for my daughter, I have sold her within this few daies to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three daies journie from me. I replyed, I knew his greatnesse in restoring the Rewrenoke, might call her againe to gratifie his brother, and the rather, because she was but twelve yeeres old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, hee should have for her, three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, etc. His answer was, he loved his daughter as his life, and though hee had many children, hee delighted in none so much as shee, whom if he should not often behold, he could not possibly live, which she living with us he could not do, having resolved upon no termes to put himselfe into our hands, or come amongst us; therefore desired me to urge him no further, but returne his brother this answer: That I desire no former assurance of his friendship, than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she lives shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall have another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to bereave me of my two children at once. Farther, tell him though he had no pledge at all, hee need not distrust any injurie from me or my people; there have beene too many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occasion there shall never be more, (I which have power to performe it, have said it) although I should have just cause, for I am now old, and would gladly end my daies in peace; if you offer me injurie, my countrie is large enough to goe from you: Thus much I hope will satisfie my brother. Now because you are wearie, and I sleepie, wee will thus end. So commanding us victuall and lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came to visit us, and kindly conducted us to the best cheere1 hee had. Powhatans answer.

While I here remained, by chance came an Englishman, whom there had beene surprized2 three yeeres agoe at Fort Henry, growne so like, both in complexion and habit like a Salvage, I knew him not, but by his tongue: hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre urged Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You have one of my daughters, and I am content, but you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you must have him away, or breake friendship; if you must needs have him, you shall goe home without guides, and if any evill befall you, thanke your selves: I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee must expect a revenge, and his brother might have just cause to suspect him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then gave me such as hee had with a cheerefull countenance: About midnight hee awaked us, and promised in the morning my returne with Parker; but I must remember his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a Shaving-knife, a Frowe,3 a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such toies; which lest I should forget, he caused me write in a table-booke he had; how ever he got it, it was a faire one, I desired hee would give it me; he told me, no, it did him much good in shewing to strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, having furnished us well with provision, he gave each of us a Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter: And so we returned to James towne. William Parker recovered.

Written by Master Ralph Hamor and John Rolph.4

I have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a third by Master John Rolfe;1 how carefull they were to instruct her in Christianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof, after she had beene some time thus tutored, shee never had desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the society of her owne nation: the true affection she constantly bare her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured for her love, as he deeply protested, was wonder- || ful, and she openly renounced her countries idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized, but either the coldnesse of the adventurers, or the bad usage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight to write thus. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen ingage themselves, and thereby intermedling herein, have caused a number of soules transport themselves, and be transported hither? Why should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action: for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to persevere; if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant; howsoever they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These are the things have animated me to stay a little season from them, I am bound in conscience to returne unto; leaving all contenting pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile, which I will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King and Country dishonoured, and these poore soules I have in charge revived, which would quickly happen if I should leave them; so few I have with me fit to command or manage the businesse: Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that were so hot against the surplice and subscription come hether, where neither is spoken of. Doe they not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe themselves at home, for feare of losing a few pleasures; be there not any among them of Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ, but I refer them to the Judge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward every one according to his talent. From a letter of Sir Thomas Dale and Master Whitakers.

From Virginia, June 18. 1614.

The businesse being brought to this perfection, Captaine Argall returned for England, in the latter end of June, 1614. ariving in England, and bringing this good tidings to the Councell and company by the assistances of Sir Thomas Gates, that also had returned from Virginia but the March before; it was presently concluded, that to supply this good successe with all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawne with all diligent conveniency, and that posterity may remember upon occasion to use the like according to the declaration, I thinke it not amisse to remember thus much.1

The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published by the Counsell.2

IT is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclamations, we manifested our intents, to have drawn out the great standing Lottery long before this, which not falling out as we desired, and others expected, whose monies are adventured therein, we thought good therefore for the avoiding all unjust and sinister constructions, to resolve the doubts of all indifferent minded, in three speciall points for their better satisfaction. 1615. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

But ereI goe any farther, let us remember there was a running Lottery, used a long time in Saint Pauls Church-yard, where this stood, that brought into the Treasury good summes of mony dayly, though the Lot was but small.3

Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Adventurers came in so slackly for the yeere past, without prejudice to the generality, in losing4 the blankes and prises, we were forced to petition to the honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to further this Plantation, have recommended their Letters to the Countries, Cities, and good townes in England, which we hope by sending in their voluntary Adventurers, will sufficiently supply us.

The second5 for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet wee have not failed in our Christian care, the good of that Colony, to whom we have lately sent two sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with more hands, wee should soone resolve the division of the Country by Lot, and so lessen the generall charge.

The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are so farre ingaged || to the honourable Lords and the whole State, for the drawing this great Lottery, which we intend shall be1 without delay, the 26. of June next, desiring all such as have undertaken with bookes to solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their monies till the last moneth be expired, lest we be unwillingly forced to proportion a lesse value and number of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter followeth.

Welcomes.
Crownes.
To him that first shall be drawne out with a blanke, 100
To the second, 50
To the third, 25
To him that every day during the drawing of this Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, 10
Prizes.
Crownes.
1 Great Prize of 4500
2 Great Prizes, each of 2000
4 Great Prizes, each of 1000
6 Great Prizes, each of 500
10 Prizes, each of 300
20 Prizes, each of 200
100 Prizes, each of 100
200 Prizes, each of 50
400 Prizes, each of 20
1000 Prizes, each of 10
1000 Prizes, each of 8
1000 Prizes, each of 6
4000 Prizes, each of 4
1000 Prizes, each of 3
1000 Prizes, each of 2
Rewards.
Crownes.
To him that shall be last drawne out with a blanke, 25
To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, under one name, 400
To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300
To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200
To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100
If divers be of equall number, their rewards are to be divided proportionally.

Addition of new Rewards.
Crownes.
The blanke that shall bee drawne out next before the great Prize shall have 25
The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the said great Prize 25
The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly before the two next great Prizes, shall have each of them 20
The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 20
The severall blankes next before the foure great Prizes, each shall have 15
The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 15
The severall blankes next before the six great Prizes, each shall have 10
The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 10

The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike of the plate or goods, he shall have mony, abating only the tenth part, except in small prizes of ten Crownes or under.

The mony for the Adventurers is to be paied to Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or such Officers as he shall apoint in City or Country, under the common seale of the company for the receit thereof.

All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where ever they dwell, shall of the Treasurer have present pay, and whosoever under one name or poesie1 payeth three pound in ready money, shall receive six shillings and eight pence, or a silver spoone of that value at his choice.

About this time2 it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and againe before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their boat, as desirous of a Pilot. Captaine James Davis the governor, immediatly gave them one, but he was no sooner in the boat, but a way they went with him, leaving three of their companions behind them; this sudden accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examination of those three thus left, yet with as good usage as our estate could afford them. They only confessed having lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts, and two of them were Captaines, and in chiefe authority in the fleet, thus they lived till one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the Spaniards Pilot for England in 88. and having here induced some male-contents, to beleeve his projects, to run away with a small barke, which was apprehended, some executed, and he expecting but the Hangmans curtesie, directly confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discover the estate of the Colony, but their Commission was not to be opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that of any thing more he was utterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last dyed, the other was sent for England, but this reprieved, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged him at Sea in his voyage homeward; the English Pilot they carried for Spaine, whom after a long time imprisonment, with much sute was returned for England. A Spanish Ship in Virginia.

Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, having setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice of one Master George Yearly,1 to be Deputy Governour in his absence, and so returned for England, accompanied with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her husband, and arrived at Plimmoth the 12. of June. 1616. 1616. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

The government left to Captaine Yearly.

NOW a little to commentary2 upon all these proceedings, let me leave but this as a caveat by the way; if the alteration of government hath subverted great Empires, how dangerous is it then in the infancy of a common-weale? The multiplicity of Governors is a great damage to any State, but uncertaine daily changes are burdensome, because their entertainments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sunne doth shine, how ever it shall faire with the generality. A digression.

This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, hath onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended at the first, the first undertakers should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first adventurers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most neglected; and those that never adventured a groat, never see the Country, nor ever did any service for it, imploied in their places, adorned with their deserts, and inriched with their ruines; and when they are fed fat, then in commeth others so leane as they were, who through their omnipotency doth as much. Thus what one Officer doth, another undoth, only ayming at their owne ends, thinking all the world derides his dignity, cannot fill his Coffers being in authority with any thing. Every man hath his minde free, but he can never be a true member to that estate, that to enrich himselfe beg- || gers all the Countrie. Which bad course, there are many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and worth as much scornes it, as the others loves it; for the Nobilitie and Gentrie, there is scarce any of them expects any thing but the prosperitie of the action: and there are some Merchants and others, I am confidently perswaded, doe take more care and paines, nay, and at their continuall great charge, than they could be hired to for the love of money, so honestly regarding the generall good of this great worke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it but a shilling, or extort upon the common souldier a penny. But to the purpose, and to follow the Historie.

Master George Yearly now invested Deputie Governour by Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part in planting Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they could devise for a present gaine, so that every man betooke himselfe to the best place he could for the purpose: now though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abundance of corne to be planted, that every man had sufficient, yet the supplies were sent us, came so unfurnished, as quickly eased us of our superfluitie. To relieve their necessities, he sent to the Chickahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred of his best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania; the people in some places used him indifferently, but in most places with much scorne and contempt, telling him he was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his Master according to condition, but to give any to him they had no such order, neither would they obey him as they had done his Master; after he had told them his authoritie, and that he had the same power to enforce them that Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their insolencies, made no great difficultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to incounter him: but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt, they put themselves in the same order they see us, lead by their Captaine Kissanacomen, Governour of Ozinies, and so marched close along by us, each as threatning other who should first begin. But that night we quartered against Mamanahunt, and they passed the River. The next day we followed them; there are few places in Virginia had then more plaine ground together, nor more plentie of Corne, which although it was but newly gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where we could not finde it: a good time we spent thus in arguing the cause, the Salvages without feare standing in troupes amongst us, seeming as if their countenances had beene sufficient to dant us: what other practises they had I know not; but to prevent the worst, our Captaine caused us all to make ready, and upon the word, to let flie among them, where he appointed: others also he commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners; all which being done according to our direction, the Captaine gave the word, and wee presently discharged, where twelve lay, some dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground, twelve more we tooke prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two of their eight Elders, the one tooke by Sergeant Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian; Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a reward, but it was not performed: now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captaine for the subjecting of those people, that neither hee nor Powhatan could ever bring to their obedience, and that he should make no peace with them without his advice: in our returne by Ozinies with our prisoners wee met Opechankanough, who with much adoe, fained with what paines hee had procured their peace, the which to requite, they called him the King of Ozinies, and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as they had; here as at many other times wee were beholding to Captaine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman had lived long time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner among the Salvages, and done much good service, though but badly rewarded. From hence we marcht towards James towne, we had three || Boats loaded with Corne and other luggage, the one of them being more willing to be at James towne with the newes than the other, was overset, and eleven men cast away with the Boat, Corne and all their provision; notwithstanding this put all the rest of the Salvages in that feare, especially in regard of the great league we had with Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in such securitie, that divers Salvages of other Nations, daily frequented us with what provisions they could get, and would guide our men on hunting, and oft hunt for us themselves. Captaine Yearly had a Salvage or two so well trained up to their peeces, they were as expert as any of the English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him fowle.2 There were divers others had Salvages in like manner for their men. Thus we lived together, as if wee had beene one people, all the time Captaine Yearley staied with us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased among our selves, that upon the arrivall of Captaine Argall, sent by the Councell and Companie to bee our Governour, Captaine Yearley returned for England in the yeere 1617. The government of Captaine Yearley.1 Twelve Salvages slaine, twelve prisoners taken, and peace concluded. Eleven men cast away. A bad president.1

From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey.

During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master John Rolfe her husband and his friends, was taught to speake such English as might well bee understood, well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very formall and civill after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she loved most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and it, besides there were divers persons of great ranke and qualitie had beene very kinde to her; and before she arrived at London,1 Captaine Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queenes most excellent Majestie and her Court, and writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene: An abstract whereof followeth. Pocahontas instructions.

To the most high and vertuous Princesse Queene Anne of Great Brittanie.


Most admired Queene,

 The love I beare my God, my King and Countrie, hath so oft emboldened mee in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestie doth constraine mee presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to present your Majestie this short discourse: if ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must bee guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee thankfull. So it is,

 That some ten yeeres agoe being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatantheir chiefe King, I received from this great Salvage exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I ever saw in a Salvage, and his sister Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloved daughter, being but a childe of twelve or thirteene yeeres of age, whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her: I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants ever saw: and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks1 fatting amongst those Salvage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine, and not onely that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to James towne, where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories of Virginia, such was the weaknesse of this poore Common-wealth, as had the Salvages not fed us, we directly had starved. A relation to Queene Anne, of Pocahontas.

 And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought us by this || Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jarres have beene oft appeased, and our wants still supplyed; were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure; when her father with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee, having but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies gave me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his furie; which had hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. James towne with her wild traine2 she as freely frequented, as her fathers habitation; and during the time of two or three yeeres, she next under God, was still the instrument to preserve this Colonie from death, famine and utter confusion, which if in those times had once beene dissolved, Virginia might have line3 as it was at our first arrivall to this day. Since then, this businesse having beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at: it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colonie, all which time shee was not heard of, about two yeeres after shee her selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the Colonie by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at last rejecting her barbarous condition, was maried to an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian ever of that Nation, the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a childe in mariage by an Englishman, a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well understood, worthy a Princes understanding.

 Thus most gracious Lady, I have related to your Majestie, what at your best leasure our approved Histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Majesties life, and however this might bee presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I never begged any thing of the state, or any, and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert, your birth, meanes and authoritie, hir birth, vertue, want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majestie to take this knowledge of her,1 though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her fit to attend your Majestie: the most and least I can doe, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her stature: if she should not be well received,2 seeing this Kingdome may rightly have a Kingdome by her meanes; her present love to us and Christianitie, might turne to such scorne and furie, as to divert all this good to the worst of evill, where finding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to your servants and subjects, would so ravish her with content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your Majestie and all the Kings honest subjects most earnestly desire: And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands.

 Being about this time preparing to set saile for New-England,3 I could not stay to doe her that service I desired, and she well deserved; but hearing shee was at Branford4 with divers of my friends, I went to see her: After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humour her husband, with divers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to have writ she could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done: saying, You did promise Powhatanwhat was yours should bee his, and he the like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you: which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings daughter;1 with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people (but mee) and feare you here I should call you father; I || tell you then I will, and you shall call mee childe, and so I will bee for ever and ever your Countrieman. They did tell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth; yet Powhatandid command Uttamatomakkin to seeke you, and know the truth, because your Countriemen will lie much. Pocahontas meeting in England with Captaine Smith.

 This Salvage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst them held an understanding fellow; the King purposely sent him, as they say, to number the people here, and informe him well what wee were and our state. Arriving at Plimoth, according to his directions, he got a long sticke, whereon by notches hee did thinke to have kept the number of all the men hee could see, but he was quickly wearie of that taske: Comming to London, where by chance I met him, having renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to heare and see his behaviour, hee told me Powhatandid bid him to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, and Prince, I so much had told them of: Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the King I heard he had seene, and the rest hee should see when he would; he denied ever to have seene the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had: Then he replyed very sadly, You gave Powhatana white Dog, which Powhatanfed as himselfe, but your King gave me nothing, and I am better than your white Dog. Uttamaco- mack,2 observations of his usage.

 The small time I staid in London, divers Courtiers and others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great hand in her conversion, and they have seene many English Ladies worse favoured, proportioned and behavioured, and as since I have heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes Majestie honourably to esteeme her, accompanied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and divers other persons of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would have deserved,1 had she lived to arrive in Virginia. Pocahontas her entertainment with the Queene.

The government devolved to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617.

THE Treasurer, Councell and Companie, having well furnished Captaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God at Gravesend to take this young Lady to his mercie, where shee made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than joy to the beholders, to heare and see her make so religious and godly an end.2 Her little childe Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. Captaine Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arrived at James towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley and his Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand file was led by an Indian. In James towne he found but five or six houses, the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge3 in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled; the Store-house they used for the Church, the market-place, and streets, and all other spare places planted with Tobacco, the Salvages as frequent in their houses as themselves, whereby they were become expert in our armes, and had a great many in their custodie and possession, the Colonie dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. Captaine Argall not liking those proceedings, altered them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best order he could for repairing those defects which did exceedingly trouble us; we were constrained every yeere to build and repaire our old Cottages, which were alwaies a decaying in all places of the Countrie, yea, the very Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the Palizado's not sufficient to keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage: we found there in all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and fourescore and eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and good || plentie of Corne in some places, yet the next yeere the Captaine sent out a Frigat and a Pinnace, that brought us neere six hundred bushels more, which did greatly relieve the whole Colonie: For from the tenants wee seldome had above foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the store, and there was not remaining of the Companies companie,1 past foure and fiftie men, women and Children. 1617. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The death of Pocahontas. 1000. bushels of Corne from the Salvages.

This yeere having planted our fields, came a great drought, and such a cruell storme of haile, which did such spoile both to the Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit, the Magazine that came in the George, being five moneths in her passage, proved very badly conditioned, but ereshe arrived, we had gathered and made up our Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteene pence. 1618. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

To supply us, the Councell and Company with all possible care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fiftie tunne, with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set saile in Aprill, and tooke their course by the westerne Iles, where the Governour of the Ile of Saint Michael received the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted him, with all the content hee could give him. Going from thence, they were long troubled with contrary winds, in which time many of them fell very sicke, thirtie died, one of which number was that most honourable Lord Governour the Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous disposition, is well knowne to his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse for his Countries good:2 Yet this tender state of Virginia was not growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure as was fit for such a personage, with so brave and great3 attendance: for some small number of adventrous Gentlemen to make discoveries, and lie in Garrison, ready upon any occasion to keepe in feare the inconstant Salvages, nothing were more requisite; but to have more to wait and play than worke, or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers was not so necessarie: for in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that can use a Pick-axe and spade, is better than five Knights, although they were Knights that could breake a Lance; for men of great place, not inured to those incounters; when they finde things not sutable, grow many times so discontented, they forget themselves, and oft become so carelesse, that a discontented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much miserie. At last they stood in for the coast of New-England, where they met a small Frenchman, rich of Bevers and other Furres. Though wee had here but small knowledge of the coast nor countrie, yet they tooke such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well refreshed themselves there with wood and water, as by the helpe of God thereby, having beene at Sea sixteene weekes, got to Virginia, who without this reliefe had beene in great danger to perish. The French-men made them such a feast, with such an abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all admired, and little expected that wild wildernesse could affoord such wonderfull abundance of plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men, but very little provision, and the ship called the Treasurer came in againe not long after with fortie passengers; the Lord la Wares ship lying in Virginia three moneths, wee victualled her with threescore bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victuall she spent whilest they tarried there: this ship brought us advice that great multitudes were a preparing in England to bee sent, and relied much upon that victuall they should finde here: whereupon our Captaine called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England the estate of the Colonie, and what a great miserie would insue, if they sent not provision as well as people; and what they did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes to set their Ploughs on worke, having as good ground as any man can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen, but they wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had sowne with one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it was most shaken,1 and the rest spoiled with the || Cattell and Rats in the Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie. The death of the Lord la Ware. They are relieved on New-England.

Richard Killingbeck2 being with the Captaine at Kekoughtan, desired leave to returne to his wife at Charles hundred, hee went to James towne by water, there he got foure more to goe with him by land, but it proved that he intended to goe trade with the Indians of Chickahamania, where making shew of the great quantitie of trucke they had, which the Salvages perceiving, partly for their trucke, partly for revenge of some friends they pretended should have beene slaine by Captaine Yearley, one of them with an English peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Salvages assaulted the rest and slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had: But fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause them to suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villanie; for presently they robbed their Machacomocko3 house of the towne, stole all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods, as other Indians related. On Sunday following, one Farfax1 that dwelt a mile from the towne, going to Church, left his wife and three small children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth: she supposing praier to be done, left the children, and went to meet her husband; presently after came three or foure of those fugitive Salvages, entred the house, and slew a boy and three children, and also another youth that stole out of the Church in praier time, meeting them, was likewise murdered. Of this disaster the Captaine sent to Opechankanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it, at the same time the Salvages that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much feared the English would bee revenged on them, so that Opechankanough sent to Captaine Argall, to assure him the peace should never be broken by him, desiring that he would not revenge the injurie of those fugitives upon the innocent people of that towne, which towne he should have, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession given of it, and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these robbers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he never performed it. Richard Kiliingbeck and foure other murdered by the Salvages. Their Church and Storehouse. Farfax, three children and two boyes also murdered.

Samuel Argall, John Rolfe.

A relation from Master John Rolfe, June 15. 1618.2

CONCERNING the state of our new Common-wealth, it is somewhat bettered, for we have sufficient to content our selves, though not in such abundance as is vainly3 reported in England. Powhatan died this last Aprill, yet the Indians continue in peace. Itopatin4 his second brother succeeds him, and both hee and Opechankanough have confirmed our former league. On the eleventh of May, about ten of the clocke in the night, happened a most fearefull tempest, but it continued not past halfe an houre, which powred downe hailestones eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe out of their doores, and though it tore the barke and leaves of the trees, yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast; it fell onely about James towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West there was no haile at all. Thus in peace every man followed his building and planting without any accidents worthy of note. Some private differences happened betwixt Captaine Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the Companie here in England; but of them I am not fully informed, neither are they here for any use, and therefore unfit to be remembred.1 In December one Captaine Stallings,2 an old planter in those parts, being imployed by them of the West countrie for a fishing voyage, in New-England, fell foule of a Frenchman whom hee tooke, leaving his owne ship to returne for England, himselfe with a small companie remained in the French barke, some small time after upon the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia. Powhatans death. Haile-stones eight inches about.

The government surrendred to Sir George Yearley.3

For to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619.4 there arrived a little Pinnace privatly from England about Easter for Captaine Argall, who taking order for his affaires, within foure or five daies returned in her, and left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell. On the eighteenth of Aprill, which was but ten or twelve daies after, arrived Sir George Yearley, by whom we understood Sir Edwin Sands was chosen Treasurer, and Master John Farrar his Deputy, and what great supplies was a preparing to be sent us, which did ravish us so much with joy and content, we thought our selves now fully satisfied, for our long toile and labours, and as happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident hapned Captaine Stallings, the next day his ship was cast away, and he not long after slaine in a private quarrell.5 Sir George Yearly to beginne his government, added to be of his councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine Nathaniel Powell, Master John Pory, Master John Rolfe, and Master William Wickam, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to have a generall assembly with all expedition.6 Upon the twelfth of this Moneth, came in a Pinnace of Captaine Bargraves,7 and on the seventeenth Captaine Lownes, and one Master Euans, who intended to plant themselves at Waraskoyack, but now Ophechankanough will not come at us, that causes us suspect his former promises. 1619. Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer. Master John Farer Deputie. Waraskoyack planted.

In May came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure and thirty men, all well and in health, and also many devout gifts, and we were much troubled in examining some scandalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country with barrennesse, to discourage the adventurers, and so bring it and us to ruine and confusion; notwithstanding, we finde by them of best experience, an industrious man not other waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of Corne, and 1000. plants of Tobacco, and where they say an aker will yeeld but three or foure barrels, we have ordinarily foure or five, but of new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrell of Pease and Beanes, which we esteeme as good as two of Corne, which is after thirty or forty bushels an aker, so that one man may provide Corne for five, and apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco; they say also English Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker, and we have reaped thirty: besides to manure the Land, no place hath more white and blew Marble than here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs, and skilfull men that know how to use them, and traine up our cattell to draw them, which though we indevour to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to perfection but planting Tobaco, and yet of that many are so covetous to have much, they make little good; besides there are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England, were it never so bad, they would sell it for Verinas,1 and the trash that remaineth should be Virginia, such devilish bad mindes we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare, not onely to the businesse, but also to our mother England her selfe; could they or durst they as freely defame her. A barrell they account foure bushels.

The 25. of June came in the Triall with Corne and Cattell all in safety, which tooke from us cleerely all feare of famine; then our governour and councell caused Burgesses to be chosen in all places, and met at a generall Assembly, where all matters were debated thought expedient for the good of the Colony,2 and Captaine Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of May, but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt: the George also was sent to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant, there she bought fish, that defraied her charges, and made a good voyage in seven weekes. About the last of August came in a dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars, and Iapazous King of Patawomeck, came to James towne, to desire two ships to come trade in his River, for a more plentifull yeere of Corne had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious,1 and by the trechery of one Poule, in a manner turned heathen, wee || were very jealous the Salvages would surprize us. The Governours have bounded foure Corporations; which is the Companies, the University, the Governours and Gleabe land: Ensigne William Spencer, and Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient Planters being set free,2 weare the first farmers that went forth, and have chosen places to their content, so that now knowing their owne land, they strive who should exceed in building and planting. The fourth of November the Bona nova came in with all her people lusty and well; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some of Plimoth for New-England, arrived in a Barke of five tunnes, and returned the next Spring; notwithstanding the ill rumours of the unwholsomnesse of James towne, the new commers that were planted at old Paspaheghe,3 little more then a mile from it, had their healths better then any in the Country. In December Captaine Ward returned from Patawomeck, the people there dealt falsly with him, so that hee tooke 800. bushels of Corne from them perforce. Captaine Woodliffe of Bristol came in not long after, with all his people lusty and in health,4 and we had two particular Governors sent us, under the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to have charge of the Colledge Lands, the other of the Companies: Now you are to understand, that because there have beene many complaints against the Governors, Captaines, and Officers in Virginia, for buying and selling men and boies,5 or to bee set over from one to another for a yeerely rent, was held in England a thing most intolerable, or that the tenants or lawfull servants should be put from their places, or abridged their Covenants, was so odious, that the very report thereof brought a great scandall to the generall action. The Councell in England did send many good and worthy instructions for the amending those abuses, and appointed a hundred men should at the Companies charge be allotted and provided to serve and attend the Governour during the time of his government, which number he was to make good at his departure, and leave to his Successor in like manner, fifty to the Deputy-Governour of the College land, and fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the Treasurer, to the Secretary five and twenty, and more to the Marshall and Cape merchant; which they are also to leave to their successors, and likewise to every particular Officer such a competency, as he might live well in his Office, without oppressing any under their charge, which good law I pray God it be well observed, and then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy people in the world. Their time of Parlament. Foure corporations named. Captaine Wards exploit.

By me John Rolfe.

There went this yeere by the Companies records,1 11. ships, and 1216. persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the Governors land fourescore, besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make wives ninety, servants for publike service fifty, and fifty more whose labours were to bring up thirty of the infidels children, the rest were sent to private Plantations. The number of Ships and men.

Two persons unknowne have given faire Plate and Ornaments for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation gave two hundred pound. And another unknowne person sent to the Treasurer five hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing up of the salvage children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will given three hundred pounds to the College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Salvages placed in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound yeerely to bee distributed unto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to bring up three wilde young infidels in some good course of life, also there were granted eleven Pattents, upon condition to transport people and cattle to increase the Plantations. Gifts given. But few performe them.

A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and a small English ship, at the Ile of Dominica going to Virginia, by Captaine Anthony Chester.1

HAVING taken our journey towards Virginia in the beginning of February, a ship called the Margaret and John, of one hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers besides Sailers; After many tempests and foule weather, about the foureteenth of March we were in thirteene degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we descried a ship at hull; it being but a faire gale of wind, we edged towards her to see what she was, but she presently set saile, and ran us quickly out of sight: This made us keepe our course for Mettalina,2 and the next day passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. Six French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe came aboord us; they told us a Spanish man of Warre but seven daies before was seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At Mevis we intended to refresh our selves, having beene eleven weeks pestered in this unwholsome ship; but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders colours, but necessitie forcing us on shore, we anchored faire by them, and in friendly manner sent to hale them: but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such a volley of shot after us, that shot the Boat, split the Oares, and some thorow the clothes, yet not a man hurt; and then followed with their great Ordnance, that many times over-racked our ship, which being so cumbred with the Passengers provisions, our Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should have beene. But perceiving what they were, we fitted our selves the best we could to prevent a mischiefe, seeing them warp themselves to windward, we thought it not good to be boorded on both sides at an anchor, we intended to set saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so hard our star-boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered their unkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculvering, that shot her betweene wind and water, whereby she was glad to leave us and her Admirall together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Holland flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so haled us. 1620. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer, and Master John Ferrar Deputy. A French-man cast away at Guardalupo. The Spaniards begin. The ViceAdmirall shot betweene wind and water.

We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee were, and whither bound, relating the effect of our Commission, and the cause of our comming thither for water, and not to annoy any of the King of Spaines Subjects, nor any. She commanded us amaine for the King of Spaine, we replied with inlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our Masters were, and as we would doe no wrong, we would take none. They commanded us aboord to shew our Commission, which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to us willingly they should see it. But for answer they made two great shot at us, with a volley of small shot, which caused us to leave the decks; then with many ill words they laid us aboord, which caused us to raise our maine saile, and give the word to our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort, they quickly retired. The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we had beene invironed with fire and smoke, untill they discovered the waste of our ship naked, where they bravely boorded us loofe for loofe, hasting with pikes and swords to enter, but it pleased God so to direct our Captaine, and encourage our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly placed under our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for that purpose under the Port holes, encountred them so rudely, that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse intercepted, and their whole company beaten backe, many of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one. The manner of their fight.

In the end they were violently repulsed, untill they were reinforced to charge || againe by their commands, who standing upon their honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second beating backe: whereat the Captaine grew inraged, and constrained them to come on againe afresh, which they did so effectually, that questionlesse it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, had not taught us to tosse our Pikes with prosperous events, and powred out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby that valiant Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers dropped downe likewise on the top of the hatches. This we saw with our eies, and rejoyced with it at our hearts, so that we might perceive good successe comming on, our Captaine presently tooke advantage of their discomfiture, though with much comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely plied them againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot under the Pikes, which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddennesse. The Captaine slaine.

Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must not be forgotten, who perceiving a way how to annoy them; As they were thus puzled and in a confusion, drew out a Minion under the halfe decke, and there bent it upon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones and peeces of Iron fell upon them so thick, as cleared the decke, and slew many, and in short time we saw few assailants, but such as crept from place to place covertly from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs: for although as far as we may commend our enemies, they had done something worthy of commendations; yet either wanting men, or being overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our men, they now began to shrinke, and give us leave to be wanton with our advantage. Yet we could onely use but foure peece of Ordnances, but they served the turne as well as all the rest: for she was shot so oft betweene wind and water, we saw they were willing to leave us, but by reason she was fast in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to doe, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing us. Having beene aboord us two hours and an halfe, seeing her selfe cleere, all the shot wee had plaied on both sides, which lasted till we were out of shot, then we discovered the Vice-Admirall comming to her assistance, who began afarre off to ply us with their Ordnances, and put us in minde we had another worke in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and were so well incouraged wee waifed them amaine.1 The Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not come within Falcon shot, where she lay battering us till shee received another paiment from a Demiculvering, which made her beare with the shore for smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they both came up againe with us, as if they had determined to devour us at once, but it seemed it was but a bravado, though they forsooke not our quarter for a time within Musket shot; yet all the night onely they kept us company, but made not a shot. During which time we had leasure to provide us better than before: but God bethanked they made onely but a shew of another assault, eresuddenly the Vice-Admirall fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left us. The fight continued six houres, and was the more unwelcome, because we were so ill provided, and had no intent to fight, nor give occasion to disturbe them. As for the losse of men, if Religion had not taught us what by the providence of God is brought to passe, yet daily experience might informe us, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tempests, shipwracks, encounters with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds, long voiages, unknowne shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred inconveniences, of which humane pollicies are not capable, nor mens conjectures apprehensive. We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman, (a long time brought up amongst the most learned Surgeons, and Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second journey to Virginia:) and seven slaine out right, two died shortly of their wounds; sixteene was shot, whose limbs || God be thanked was recovered without maime, and now setled in Virginia: how many they lost we know not, but we saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with bloud, they were about three hundred tunnes apeece, each sixteene or twentie Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight had behaved himselfe like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious souldier, as also our honest and valiant master, did still so comfort and incourage us by all the meanes they could, at last to all our great contents we arrived in Virginia, and from thence returned safely to England. A worthy exploit of Lucas. The event2 of the fight.

The Names of the Adventurers for Virginia, Alphabetically set downe, according to a printed Booke, set out by the Treasurer and Councell in this present yeere, 1620.1

That most generous and most honourable Lord, the Earle of South-hampton, being pleased to take upon him the title of Treasurer, and Master John Farrar his Deputy,2 with such instructions as were necessary, and admonitions to all Officers to take heede of extortion, ingrosing commodities, forestalling of markets, especially to have a vigilant care,3 the familiarity of the Salvages living amongst them made them not way to betray or surprize them, for the building of Guest-houses to relieve the weake in, and that they did wonder in all this time they had made no discoveries, nor knew no more then the very place whereon they did inhabit, nor yet could ever see any returne for all this continuall charge and trouble, therefore they sent to be added to the Councell seven Gentlemen, namely Master Thorp,4 Captaine Nuce, Master Tracy, Captaine Middleton, Captaine Blount, Master John Pountas, and Master Harwood, with men, munition, and all things thought fitting, but they write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred with diseased people, and thronged together in their passage, there was much sicknesse and a great mortality, wherfore they desired rather a few able sufficient men well provided, then great multitudes, and because there were few accidents of note, but private advertisements by letters, we will conclude this yeere, and proceed to the next.

Collected out of the Councels letters for Virginia.1

The instructions and advertisements for this yeere were both from England and Virginia, much like the last: only whereas before they had ever a suspicion of Opechankanough, and all the rest of the Salvages, they had an eye over him more then any, but now they all write so confidently of their assured peace with the Salvages, there is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or trechery, so that every man planteth himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth his businesse securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being neere expired, the Councel here || made choise of a worthy young Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat2 to succeed him, whom they forthwith furnished and provided, as they had done his Predecessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times had acquainted them for the conversion of the Salvages, the suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne, not depending continually to be supplied by the Salvages, but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long erethis, it hath beene promised and expected should have beene fed and relieved by the English, not the English by them; and carefully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse mortality of their people, and by all diligence seeke to send something home to satisfie the Adventurers, that all this time had only lived upon hopes, grew so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must maintaine their proceedings, and not letters, excuses and promises; seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselves, as to spend after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay some 2000. or 3000. pounds yearely, that were not worth so many pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselves either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity, within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly, and consuming Gallants here in England, which cannot possibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the Comminalty there, or deceiving the generality here (or both.) 1621. The Earle of South-hampton Treasurer. Master John Farrar Deputy. The election of Sir Francis Wyat Governour for Virginia. Notes worthy observation.

Extracted out of the Councels Letters for Virginia.

From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, and many I have conferred with, that came from thence hither, I have much admired to heare of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth abound in, and yet could never heare of any returne but Tobacco, but it hath oft amazed me to understand how strangely the Salvages hath beene taught the use of our armes, and imploied in hunting and fowling with our fowling peeces, and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like Swine; besides that, the Salvages that doe little but continually exercise their bow and arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our men that practised little but the Spade, being so farre asunder, and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of armes used, Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation nor provision to prevent a forraine enemy, much more the Salvages howsoever; for the Salvages uncertaine conformity I doe not wonder, but for their constancy and conversion, I am and ever have beene of the opinion of Master Jonas Stockam2 a Minister in Virginia, who even at this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Salvages at the point of conversion, against all their Governours and Councels opinions, writ to the Councell and Company in England to this effect. A degression.1

May 28.

We that have left our native country to sojourne in a strange land, some idle spectators, who either cowardly dare not, or covetously will not adventure either their purses or persons in so commendable a worke; others supporting Atlas of this almost unsupportable burdens as your selves, without whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which some) and I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Starres, though there be many Italiannated and Spaniolized Englishmen envies our prosperities, and by all their ignominious scandals they can devise seekes to dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further this glorious enterprize, to such I wish according to the decree of Darius,3 that whosoever is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by getting monipolicall patents,1 or by forging unjust tales to hinder our welfare, that his house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place. Master Stockams relation.

As for those lasie servants, who had rather stand all day idle, than worke, though but an houre in this Vineyard, and spend their substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury, I leave them as they are to the eternall Judge of the world. But you right worthy, that hath adventured so freely, I || will not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or your desire of gaine, which it may be you expect should flow unto you with a full tide, for the conversion of the Salvages: I wonder you use not the meanes, I confesse you say well to have them converted by faire meanes, but they scorne to acknowledge it, as for the gifts bestowed on them they devoure them, and so they would the givers if they could, and though many have endevoured by all the meanes they could by kindnesse to convert them, they finde nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We have sent boies amongst them to learne their Language, but they returne worse than they went; but I am no States-man, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Bookes, but I can finde no probability by this course to draw them to goodnesse; and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerva goe hand in hand, they will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in their lives, and till their Priests and Ancients have their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conversion.

The government of Sir Francis Wyat.

ABOUT October arrived Sir Francis Wyat, with Master George Sands, appointed Treasurer, Master Davison Secretary, Doctor Pot the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgian,2 but much provision was very badly conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that Corne they brought, which was a great cause of their sicknesse and mortality, and whatsoever is said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it doth better nourish than any provision is sent thither; the Sailers still they complaine are much to blame for imbesling the provisions sent to private men, killing of Swine, and disorderly trucking; for which some order would be taken. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat.

In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat not one Passenger died, at his arrivall he sent Master Thorpe to Opechancanough, whom hee found much satisfied with his comming, to confirme their leagues as he had done his Predecessors, and so contented his people should coinhabit amongst them, and hee found more motions of Religion in him than could be imagined: every man betaking himselfe to his quarter, it was ordered, that for every head they should plant but 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and upon each plant nine leaves, which will be about 100. weight, the Corne being appointed but at two shillings and six pence the bushell, required such labour, it caused most men neglect it, and depend upon trade; where were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, every man would indevour to have plenty to sell to the new commers, or any that wanted, and seldome any is transported from England, but it standeth in as much, besides the hazard and other necessaries, the Ships might transport of that burden. The 22. of November arrived Master Gookin1 out of Ireland, with fifty men of his owne, and thirty Passengers, exceedingly well furnished with all sorts of provision and cattle, and planted himselfe at Nuports-newes: the Cotten trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man: here any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no place better. For the mortality of the people accuse not the place, for of the old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries, onely the want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases. And so wee will conclude this yeere with the shipping and numbers sent. Master Gookins Plantation.

Out of the Councels Letters from Virginia.

This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that imployed more than 400. sailers and 1300. men, women and children of divers faculties, with fourescore cattle; the Tiger fell in the Turkes hands, yet safely escaped, and by the returne of their letters from thence, the company is assured there can bee no fitter place of Mines, Wood and Water for Iron than there; and the French men affirme no Country is more proper for Vines, Olives, Silke, Rice and Salt, etc. of which the next yeere they promise a good quantity.2 The number of Ships and men

Gifts

THE Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall James from the East-Indies, gave towards the building of a free Schoole 70. pound, eight shillings, and six pence; and an unknowne person to further it, sent thirtie pounds; and another in like manner five and twentie pounds; another refusing to be made knowne, gave fortie shillings yeerely for a Sermon before the Virginia companie: also another that would not be knowne, sent for the College at Henrico, many excellent good religious bookes, worth ten pound, and a most curious Map of al that coast of America. Master Thomas Bargrave their Preacher there deceased, gave a Librarie valued at one hundred Markes: and the Inhabitants hath made a contribution of one thousand and five hundred pounds, to build a house for the entertaining of strangers. This yeere also there was much suing for Patents for Plantations, who promised to transport such great multitudes of people: there was much disputing concerning those divisions, as though the whole land had beene too little for them: six and twentie obtained their desires,1 but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man; notwithstanding many of them would have more, and are not well contented; whom I would intreat, and all other wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest Claudius. Gifts given. Patents granted.

\ See'st not the world of Natures worke, the fairest well, I wot,
How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-loves knot.
Nor seest how th' Elements ayre combin'd, maintaine one constant plea,
How midst of heaven contents the Sunne, and shore containes the sea;
And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths frame,
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaves the same.2

The observations of Master John Pory Secretarie of Virginia, in his travels.

HAVING but ten men meanly provided to plant the Secretaries land3 on the Easterne shore neere Acomack, Captaine Wilcocks plantation, the better to secure and assist each other. Sir George Yearley intending to visit Smiths Iles, fell so sicke that he could not, so that he sent me with Estinien Moll a French-man, to finde a convenient place to make salt in. Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came to us to seeke for Thomas Salvage our Interpreter. Thus insinuating himselfe, he led us into a thicket, where all sitting downe, he shewed us his naked brest; asking if we saw any deformitie upon it, we told him, No; No more, said hee, is the inside, but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to my Countrie and welcome: which wee promised wee would within six weekes after. Having taken a muster of the companies tenants, I went to Smiths Iles, where was our Salt-house: not farre off wee found a more convenient place, and so returned to James towne. My journey to the Easterne shore. A good place to make salt in

Being furnished the second time, wee arrived at Aquohanock, and conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing Russels Ile and Onancoke, we arrived at Pawtuxunt: the discription of those places, you may reade in Captaine Smiths discoveries, therefore needlesse to bee writ againe.1 But here arriving at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacus and Wamanato, his brother, long wee staied not erethey came aboord us with a brasse Kettle, as bright without as within, ful of boyled Oisters. Strict order was given none should offend2 us, so that the next day I went with the two Kings a hunting, to discover what I could in their confines. Wamanato brought mee first to his house, where hee shewed mee his wife and children, and many Corne-fields; and being two miles within the woods a hunting, as the younger conducted me forth, so the elder brought me home, and || used me as kindly as he could, after their manner. The next day he presented me twelve Bever skinnes and a Canow, which I requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keepe them whilst hee lived, and burie them with him being dead. Hee much wondered at our Bible, but much more to heare it was the Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Genesis expounded of Adam and Eve, and simple mariage; to which he replyed, hee was like Adam in one thing, for he never had but one wife at once: but he, as all the rest, seemed more willing of other discourses they better understood. The next day the two Kings with their people, came aboord us, but brought nothing according to promise; so that Ensigne Salvage challenged Namenacus the breach of three promises, viz. not in giving him a Boy, nor Corne, though they had plentie, nor Moutapass a fugitive, called Robert Marcum,3 that had lived 5 yeeres amongst those northerly nations, which hee cunningly answered by excuses. Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse of this falshood, because hee staied alone when the rest were gone. I asked him if he desired to bee great and rich; he answered, They were things all men aspired unto: which I told him he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he gave me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him confident the messenger could not abuse us. The King of Pawtuxunts entertainment.

Some things being stolne from us, he tooke such order that they were presently restored, then we interchanged presents: in all things hee much admired our discretions, and gave us a guide that hee called brother, to conduct us up the River: by the way we met with divers that stil tould us of Marcum: and though it was in October, we found the Countrie very hot, and their Corne gathered before ours at James towne. The next day we went to Paccamaganant, and they directed us to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old quarrell with Ensigne Salvage, but now seeming reconciled, went with us, with another Werowance towards Mattapanient, where they perswaded us ashore upon the point of a thicket; but supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our boat: farre we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Salvages sallied out of the wood, with all the ill words and signes of hostilitie they could. When wee saw plainly their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances at libertie, that all this while had line in the Cabbin, as not taking any notice of their villanie, because we would convert them by courtesie. Leaving them as we found them, very civill and subtill, wee returned the same way wee came, to the laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who told us plainly, Namanicus would also have allured him into his Countrie, under colour of trade to cut his throat. Hee told us also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to kill Salvage, because he brought the trade from him to the Easterne shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne, and some thirteene of his people before one hundred of those Easterlings in rescuing Thomas Graves1 whom they would have slaine, where hee and three more did challenge the thirteene Pamaunkes to fight, but they durst not, so that all those Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more. The trecherie of Namanicus.

This Thomas Salvage, it is sixteene yeeres since he went to Virginia, being a boy, hee was left with Powhatan, for Namontacke, to learne the language, and as this Author affirmeth, with much honestie and good successe hath served the publike without any publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot through his body in their service.2 This laughing King at Accomack, tels us the land is not two daies journy over in the broadest place, but in some places a man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many people, so that by the narrownesse of the Land there is not many Deere, but most abundance of Fish and Fowle. Kiptope1 his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe onely to husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree, nor is hee carelesse of any thing concernes the state, but as a vigilant and faithfull Counceller, as hee is an affectionated || Brother, bearing the greater burden in government, though the lesser honour, where cleane contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge, and the elder the dignitie. Those are the best husbands2 of any Salvages we know: for they provide Corne to serve them all the yeare, yet spare; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. They are the most civill and tractable people we have met with, and by little sticks will keepe as just an account of their promises, as by a tally. In their mariages they observe a large distance, as well in affinitie as consanguinitie; nor doe they use that devillish custome in making black Boyes.3 There may be on this shore about two thousand people: they on the West would invade them, but that they want Boats to crosse the Bay, and so would divers other Nations, were they not protected by us. A few of the Westerly Runnagados had conspired against the laughing King, but fearing their treason was discovered, fled to Smiths Iles, where they made a massacre of Deere and Hogges; and thence to Rickahake,4 betwixt Chissapeack and Nansamund, where they now are seated under the command of Itoyatin, and so I returned to James Towne, where I found the government rendred to Sir Francis Wyat.5 In February6 also he travelled to the South River Chawonock, some sixtie miles over land, which he found to be a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two harvests in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken of, was kindly used by the people, and so returned. Thomas Salvages good service.

Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Countrey.

IT was no small content to all the Adventurers to heare of the safe arrivall of all those ships and companies, which was thought sufficient to have made a Plantation of themselves: and againe to second them, was sent Captaine Each1 in the Abigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes, who hath undertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster banks, that shall secure the River. The furnishing him with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds; but the whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere two thousand pounds. In her went Captaine Barwicke2 with five and twentie men for the building ships and Boats, and not other waies to be imploied: and also a selected number to build the East Indie Schoole,3 but as yet from Virginia little returnes but private mens Tobacco, and faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy conversion of the Salvages, that at first were much discouraged from living amongst them, when they were debarred the use of their peeces; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State, whether such as would live amongst them should use them or not, as a bait to allure them; or at least such as should bee called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it was a great trouble for all causes to be brought to James Towne for a triall, Courts were appointed in convenient places to releeve them: but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified here; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted here without their consents, because they onely feele them, and must live under them. Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must be had by Trade, and how unwilling any Officer when he leaveth his place, is to make good his number of men to his Successor, but many of them during their times to help themselves, undoes the Company: for the servants you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their private Lands, not upon that belongeth to their office, which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which are your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them up and downe, whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are those officers the ablest or best deserving, but make their experience upon the companies cost, and your land lies unmanured to any purpose, and will yeeld as little profit to your next new officers. 1622. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer, and Nicolas Farrar Deputy. Five and twentie sent only to build Barks and Boats.

The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March.1

THE Prologue to this Tragedy, is supposed was occasioned by Nemattanow, otherwise called Jack of the Feather, because hee commonly was most strangely adorned with them; and for his courage and policy, was accounted amongst the Salvages their chiefe Captaine, and immortall from any hurt could bee done him by the English. This Captaine comming to one Morgans2 house, knowing he had many commodities that hee desired, perswaded Morgan to goe with him to Pamaunke to trucke, but the Salvage murdered him by the way; and after two or three daies returned againe to Morgans house, where he found two youths his Servants, who asked for their Master: Jack replied directly he was dead; the Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing him weare his Cap, would have had him to Master Thorp:3 But Jack so moved their patience, they shot him, so he fell to the ground, put him in a Boat to have him before the Governor, then seven or eight miles from them. But by the way Jack finding the pangs of death upon him, desired of the Boyes two things; the one was, that they would not make it knowne hee was slaine with a bullet; the other, to bury him amongst the English. At the losse of this Salvage Opechankanough much grieved and repined, with great threats of revenge; but the English returned him such terrible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signes he could of love and peace, yet within foureteene daies after he acted what followeth. The death of Nemattanow, writ by Master Wimp.

Sir Francis Wyat at his arrivall was advertised, he found the Countrey setled in such a firme peace, as most men there thought sure and unviolable, not onely in regard of their promises, but of a necessitie.4 The poore weake Salvages being every way bettered by us, and safely sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely follow our businesse: and such was the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldome or never a sword, and seldomer a peece, except for a Deere or Fowle, by which assurances the most plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly, as a choice veine of rich ground invited them, and further from neighbours the better. Their houses generally open to the Salvages, who were alwaies friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bed-chambers, which made the way plaine to effect their intents, and the conversion of the Salvages as they supposed. Security a bad guard.

Having occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle of March, hee used the Messenger well, and told him he held the peace so firme, the sky should fall or he dissolved it; yet such was the treachery of those people, when they had contrived our destruction, even but two daies before the massacre, they guided our men with much kindnesse thorow the woods, and one Browne1 that lived among them to learne the language, they sent home to his Master; yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselves over the River, to consult on the devillish murder that insued, and of our utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of themselves converted to Christianitie) prevented, and as well on the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and twentieth of March, as also in the evening before, as at other times they came unarmed into our houses, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other provisions to sell us, yea in some places sat downe at breakfast with our people, whom immediatly with their owne tooles they slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or childe, so sudden in their execution, that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction: In which manner also they slew many of our people at severall works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their familiaritie with us, for the effecting that great master-peece of worke their conversion; and by this meanes fell that fatall morning under the bloudy and barbarous hands of that per- || fidious and inhumane people, three hundred forty seven men, women and children, most by their owne weapons, and not being content with their lives, they fell againe upon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead carkases into many peeces, and carying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph. The manner of the massacre.

Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest well knowne unto them, from whom they had daily received many benefits, but spightfully also massacred them without any remorse or pitie; being in this more fell then Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which have preserved their Benefactors; such is the force of good deeds, though done to cruell beasts, to take humanitie upon them, but these miscreants put on a more unnaturall brutishnesse then beasts, as by those instances may appeare. Their cruelty.

That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorp, Deputie to the College lands, sometimes one of his Majesties Pensioners, and in command one of the principall in Virginia; did so truly affect their conversion, that whosoever under him did them the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought nothing too deare for them, he never denied them any thing, in so much that when they complained that our Mastives did feare them, he to content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would have had all the rest guelt1 to make them the milder, might he have had his will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after the English fashion, in which he tooke such pleasure, especially in the locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and unlocking his doore a hundred times a day, he thought no device in the world comparable to it. The murder of Master Thorp.

Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings favour for his religious purpose, he conferred oft with him about Religion, as many other in this former Discourse had done, and this Pagan confessed to him as he did to them, our God was better then theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies; yet this viperous brood did, as the sequell shewed, not onely murder him, but with such spight and scorne abused his dead corps as is unfitting to be heard with civill eares. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman upon his fatall houre, was warned by his man, who perceiving some treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to himselfe, and withall ran away for feare he should be apprehended, and so saved his owne life; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so void of suspition and full of confidence, they had slaine him, or2 he could or would beleeve they would hurt him. Captaine Nathaniel Powell3 one of the first Planters, a valiant Souldier, and not any in the Countrey better knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of an over-conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities, they not onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like hagled their bodies, and cut off his head, to expresse their uttermost height of cruelty. Another of the old company of Captaine Smith, called Nathaniel Causie,4 being cruelly wounded, and the Salvages about him, with an axe did cleave one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he escaped: for they hurt not any that did either fight or stand upon their guard. In one place where there was but two men that had warning of it, they defended the house against 60. or more that assaulted it. Master Baldwin at Warraskoyack, his wife being so wounded, she lay for dead, yet by his oft discharging of his peece, saved her, his house, himselfe, and divers others. At the same time they came to one Master Harisons house, neere halfe a mile from Baldwines, where was Master Thomas Hamer1 with six men, and eighteene or nineteene women and children. Here the Salvages with many presents and faire perswasions, fained they came for Captaine Ralfe Hamer to go to their King, then hunting in the woods, presently they sent to him, but he not comming as they expected, set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it; all the men ran towards it, but Master Hamer not suspecting any thing, whom || the Salvages pursued, shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer having finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back, which caused him returne and barricado up the doores, whereupon the Salvages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy finding his Masters peece loaded, discharged it at randome, at which bare report the Salvages all fled, Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Master Hamer with two and twentie persons thereby got to his house, leaving their owne burning. In like manner, they had fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest there about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation. The slaughter of Captaine Powell. A Salvage slaine. Master Baldwines escape. Master Thomas Hamer with 22 escapeth.

Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, comming to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt with the King, meeting the Salvages chasing some, yet escaped, retired to his new house then a building, from whence he came; there onely with spades, axes, and brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company till the Salvages departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent six Musketiers, with which he recovered their Merchants store-house, where he armed ten more, and so with thirtie more unarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest at Baldwins: Now seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to James Towne with their best expedition; yet not far from Martins hundred,2 where seventy three were slaine, was a little house and a small family, that heard not of any of this till two daies after. Captaine Ralfe Hamer with forty escapeth.

All those, and many others whom they have as maliciously murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes, that thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as miscreants be corrected by Justice: to which leaving them, I will knit together the thred of this discourse. At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships in James River, and one in the next, and daily more to come in, as there did within foureteene daies after, one of which they indevoured to have surprised: yet were the hearts of the English ever stupid, and averted from beleeving any thing might weaken their hopes, to win them by kinde usage to Christianitie. But divers write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great worke in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honor and glory to his name, and a more flourishing estate and safetie to themselves, and with more speed to convert the Salvage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously hath preserved the English; there being yet, God be praised, eleven parts of twelve remaining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes to have beene the greatest cause of their destructions: yet you see, God by a converted Salvage that disclosed the plot, saved the rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamaunkes River, whereof (say they) though our sinnes made us unworthy of so glorious a conversion, yet his infinite wisdome can neverthelesse bring it to passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we thinke most unlikely: for in the delivery of them that survive, no mans particular carefulnesse saved one person, but the meere goodnesse of God himselfe, freely and miraculously preserving whom he pleased. The Salvages attempt to surprise a ship.

The Letters of Master George Sands, a worthy Gentleman, and many others besides them returned, brought us this unwelcome newes, that hath beene heard at large in publike Court, that the Indians and they lived as one Nation, yet by a generall combination in one day plotted to subvert the whole Colony, and at one instant, though our severall Plantations were one hundred and fortie miles up on River on both sides.

But for the better understanding of all things, you must remember these wilde naked natives live not in great numbers together, but dispersed, commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company. Some places have two hundred, few places more, but many lesse; yet they had all warning given them one from another in all their habitations, though farre asunder, to meet at the day and houre appointed for our destruction at al our several Plantations; some directed to one place, some to another, all to be done at the time appointed, which they did accordingly: Some entring their houses under colour of trading, so tooke their || advantage; others drawing us abroad under faire pretences, and the rest suddenly falling upon those that were at their labours.

Six of the counsell suffered under this treason, and the slaughter had beene universall, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian,1 who lying in the house of one Pace, was urged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with him the night before to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry which was his friend, being so commanded from their King; telling him also how the next day the execution should be finished: Perrys Indian presently arose and reveales it to Pace, that used him as his sonne; and thus them that escaped was saved by this one converted Infidell. And though three hundred fortie seven were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus preserved, for which Gods name be praised for ever and ever. Six of the Councell slaine.

Pace upon this, securing his house, before day rowed to James Towne, and told the Governor of it, whereby they were prevented, and at such other Plantations as possibly intelligence could be given: and where they saw us upon our guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away; but the rest were most slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes and Munition as they found they tooke away, and some cattell also they destroied. Since wee finde Opechankanough the last yeare had practised with a King on the Easterne shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in his Country to poison us. But of this bloudy acte never griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselves, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presenting of a staffe in manner of a peece, nor an uncharged peece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors, though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them had better spirits.) How it was revealed.

Thus have you heard the particulars of this massacre, which in those respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now we have just cause to destroy them by all meanes possible: but I thinke it had beene much better it had never happened, for they have given us an hundred times as just occasions long agoe to subject them, (and I wonder I can heare of none but Master Stockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreover, where before we were troubled in cleering the ground of great Timber, which was to them of small use: now we may take their owne plaine fields and Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. Besides, the Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceedingly increase if we beat the Salvages out of the Countrey, for at all times of the yeare they never spare Male nor Female, old nor young, egges nor birds, fat nor leane, in season or out of season with them, all is one. The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they have used to kill eight in tenne more then we, or else the wood would most plentifully abound with victuall; besides it is more easie to civilize them by conquest then faire meanes; for the one may be made at once, but their civilizing will require a long time and much industry. The manner how to suppresse them is so often related and approved, I omit it here: And you have twenty examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies, and forced the treacherous and rebellious Infidels to doe all manner of drudgery worke and slavery for them, themselves living like Souldiers upon the fruits of their labours. This will make us more circumspect, and be an example to posteritie: (But I say, this might as well have beene put in practise sixteene yeares agoe as now.) Memoran- dums.1 Captaine Smith.

Thus upon this Anvill1 shall wee now beat our selves an Armour of proofe hereafter to defend us against such incursions, and ever hereafter make us more circumspect: but to helpe to repaire this losse, besides his Majesties bounty in Armes, he gave the Company out of the Tower, and divers other Honorable persons have renewed their adventures, we must not omit the Honorable Citie of London, to whose endlesse praise wee may speake it, are now setting forward one hundred person