First Hand Accounts

Chrles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1907

May it please your Lops1

When last we attended this Honourable Board yor Lops required two things at our hands to be presented this day in writing to your Lops.

The first, our opinion touching the best forme of Government to be made for Virginia; the second, as to such contract touching Tobacco wth his Matie as might both uphold his former Revenue, and not be grievous to the Plantations.

Concerning the former of wch proposicions, wee humbly crave leave thus much to deliver wthout offence, that it came altogether unexpected to us: who brought wth us, a strong and confirmed resolucion, not to intermedle any more in the business of Virginia, so soyled and wronged by the partie opposite, and now reduced to extreame terms allmost past recovery and wherein all our former labours, cares, and expenses had receaved by the practise and procurement of these men, the undeserved reward of rebuke and disgrace.

Notwthstanding, whome wee have alwayes found just and honoble and if happily some good may rebound thereby to that now distressed and languishing Plantation, wch hath bin heretofore so deare unto us, and wch gave so great hope of honour to this Kingdome, and might have bin in these tymes of warrly2 preparations, of so great use and service to his Matie if it had bin so cherished and strengthened by these men, as when they gayned the government, they pretended and promised, we wised3 and designed: We here present in all humbleness our deliberate opinion touching the forme of Government NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 now fittest to be established for the restoring and reviving of that Plantation, if it be possible yet to be recovered. Wherein wee thinke it requisite, that yor Lops in the first place be truly informed, of the state of that Colony, what before it was, and what now it is, according unto the best advertisements from thence received.

The Plantation now in Virginia, began about the yeare 1606 and continued about twelve yeares under the Governemt of the selfe same handes, whereinto it was first intrusted by the Kings Matie the most Royall founder of this noble worke. The perticular carriages of this first Governemt are too long, and would bee too displeasing to yor Lopps eares. But in Generall such it was, as the now Earle of Middlesex then Lo: high Treasurer4 (being an ancient adventurer and councellor for Virginia) informed yor Lops sitting in Counsell the 5th of March, 1622, when he told Alderman Johnson, That in former yeares when he the said alderman was Deputie, and the business was in other hands, it was carried leaudly,5 so that if they should be called to an accompt for it, their Estates would not answere it.

What his Lopp delivered as his owne censure, was truly the opinion of the whole company of Adventurers here in England: And wth them doth the Colonie concure having the last yeare by their Vice admirall sent a writing6 signed by the hands of the Generall Assembly, and directed to his Matie, wherein having declared: The manner of Those Twelve yeares Governemt, they conclude wth these words, full of passion and griefe; and rather then to be reduced to live under the like Government, wee desire his Matie that Commissioners may be sent over with authoritie to hang us. Of this quallitie was the first Governemt And answerable to forme, were the effects, as the Generall Assemblie having by oath examined the particulars, sett downe in their Declaration directed to his late Matie.

1. For People then alive about the nomber of 400.7

2. Very many of them in want of corne, utterly destitute of cattle, swine, Poultry and other provisions to nourish them.

3. As for Fortificacon agaynst a forraigne enemy there was none at all, onely foure pieces mounted, but altogether unserviceable.

4. There was only eight Plantacions, all wch were but poorely housed, and ill fortified agaynst the Savages.

5. Onely one old friggott belonging to the Sumer Ilandes, one shallop, one shippboate, and two small boats belonging to private men.

6. Three ministers in orders and Two wthout.

7. No comoditie on foote save Tobacco.

8. The Indians in doubtful Termes.

This as they report was the true estate of the Plantacons at the Twelve yeares end. To wch being added the other condicon of the colonie, wch in other writinges they expresse:

1. That they lived or rather suffered under Martial lawe.

2. Under a most extorting Governour there whome by 24 bundles of depositions they have accused of strange depredacons.

3. Under most oppressive orders hence, to the breach of all faith and honesty.

4. Wthout confort of wives or servants.

5. Wthout assurance of their estates.

6. There beinge no Dividents of Land laid out.8

7. Wthout assurance of their Libties, being violently deteyned as servts beyond their convenented tymes.

We may truly affirme, that the intencons of the people in Virginia, were no wayes to settle there a colonie, but to gett NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 a little wealth by Tobacco, then in price, and to return for Englande.

As for the Adventurers here the greatest part were long before beaten out as from an hopeless Action. In wch regard there was fifteene thousand pounds of mens subscripcons wch by no means they could bee procured to pay in; sundry of them alleaging in theer answers in chancery upon their oathes, the misimployment of the monyes, and ill keeping of the accounts. Those few that followed the business, upon some hope to reforme it, were (by the Governours here, for their owne perticuler ends as is conceaved, for, to theire owne private benefitt it was only sutable) directed to bestowe their moneyes in adventuringe by way of Magazine,9 upon two comodities onely, Tobacco and Sassafras matters of present profitt, but no wayes foundacons of a future state. Soe that of a merchantlike Trade there was some probbillitie at least for a while; but of a Plantation there was none at all, neither in the course nor in the intencons either of the Adventurers here or the colonies there.

In this estate and condicon was the action lefte by the First to the second Governmt wch began in the yeare 1619 by the choice of Sr Edwin Sandis for Treasurer. To whome the yeare followinge succeedd the Earle of Southampton.

1. Under whose Governmt by Gods blessing the Plantation soe prospered as by the end of the yeare 1621 the nomber of people was encreased, there, to be about Two thousand.

2. The number of Neat cattle, besides Goates and Swine, eight hundred.

3. The number of Housinge was proporcionably encreased, and the manner of building much bettered.

4. The number of Boats was Ten tymes multiplyed, and wch was much more, there were fower Shippes belonging to the Colonie.

5. Ther were sent more than eight able ministers.

6. With great care and cost there were procured men skilfull in sawing Milles from Hambrough.10

7. Vigneroones from Lanquedock:11 In divers places of the Colonie, Vineyards beganne, some of them conteyinge Ten thousand plants.

8. Store of silkeworme-seed sent.

9. And the Iron-workes brought after five thousand pounds expences to that assured perfection, as wth in Three months they promised to send home great quantities.

10. Many new Plantations were made.

11. All men had sufficiency of corne.

12. And many Great plenty of cattle, swyne and Poultrie, and other good provisions.

13. The mortalitie wch had raigned the two first yeares, (wch at that tyme was generall over all America) was at last ceased.

14. Soe that by this sodayne and unexpected advancement of Plantation in these things, together with the redresse of all former Grievances: supplies of young women for wives, and of youthes for servts being sent them.

15. The bloudy Lawes being silenced and their Governemt ordered like to that of this Kingdom.

16. Provisions being made for the mayntennce of Offices that they should not need to prey upon the people: And the like done for the ministers:

17. The libertie of a Generall assembly being granted them, whereby they find out and execute those things as might best tend to their good.

18. The Estates of Land by just Dividends being surely conveyed:

19. A free Trade from hense for all sorts of people being permitted, whereby they were even to superfluity furnished wth all necessaries:

The Colony grewe into an opinion that they were the happiest people in the world, wch meeting here at home wth the experience of most Noble Demeanor on the Companies part, NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 agaynst wch Envy itselfe could not finde any shadowe of calamny or offence: the reputacion of this action grew to such an height, as not only the old Adventurers renewed their zeale of their first Loves, but great numbers of new came dayly in wth assurance to expend large somes in the business.

And for the Plantrs to goe in person, not only here at home Thousands of choise people offred themselves: but out of Ireland went divers shipps, and more were followinge: Three hundred ffamilies French and Dutch in the yeare 1621 made request to the state, that they might plant in Virginia; whither not long before, condempned persons had refused to go with pardon of their Lives.

The great amendment in this and in all other parts of this Action, made the Earle of Middlesex say at yor honoble Board, That in these latter tymes the Plantation by the good carriage had thriven and prospered beyond beliefe and allmost miraculouslie.

This wee cannot but esteeme an honoble testimony proceeding from our most heavy enemy, who had himselfe layde in or way soe many great Rubbs and Difficulties, as hee might well say, It was by miracle wee over passed them.

The first yeare, directly agaynst his Mats L'res Pattents, and consequently against Laws, by the judgment of the then Attorney-Generall, exceedingly over burdeninge our Commoditie:

The second yeare to the Kings great dammage and abuse of the whole Kingdome procuringe an utter banishment of our Tobacco:

And the third yeare enforcinge us to bring all in, onely to the enrichmt of his private friends. But besides these; we were continually struglinge wth a most malicious faction wthin 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY our owne Body here; yet through all these difficulties did we wrestle by Gods blessing, with the expence of lesse then ffower and twenty thousands pounds of the Public stock. For how-so-ever your Lops have been enformed, the very thruth wch we shall alwayes make good is, that there was not receaved from the Lottaries in the tyme of this latter Governemt any more than Twenty one thousand seaven hundred sixty six poundes nyne shillings Two pence. By the expence of wch some together wth about Three thousand pounds receaved from the Collections, wee brought the Colony to those Termes wee have related. And if in the Declaration sent to his Matie the last yeare, the colony have made a right and perfect calculacon, wee affirme unto yor Lops that in the first Three yeares of this latter Governement the company sent as many shipps in nomber, but of greater burthen; as many people in nomber, but much better provided, as were sent in the first Twelve years. Yet had the latter Governemt under Twenty fower Thousand poundes, and Sr Thomas Smith receaved above Three score and fifteene thousand pounds, of publique stock. Soe that wee may truly affirme through Gods blessing wth a Third part of the money, and in a fourth part of the tyme, wee brought the Plantation to foure tymes the nomber of men that Sr Thomas Smith left it in, and in all other parts incomparably better.

The Plantation being growne to this height by the end of the year 1621, it pleased God in his secrett judgment to give leave to the enemies thereof, by many powerfull and most wicked meanes to bring it downe agayne to the ground. The first Blowe was a most blowdy massacre, when by the Treacherous cruelty of the savages about 400 of or People were slayne, upon the 22th of March 1621.13 The terror whereof wth the losse of much cattle and other substance, and a sodayne alteracon of the state of all things, so dismaide the whole Colony, as they allmost gave themselves for gone. But then appeared both the love of the Company to the Plantation and their great abilettie NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 to goe through therewith: when in supply of this Loss, and for the encouragement of the Colony, they did send that yeare to Virginia 16 ships and 800 people and that altogether at the charges of private Adventurors. For the publique stock being utterly exhaust the yeare before was not able to contribute 500 l. towards all this charge.

But this cruell Tragedy of the massacre was secondd by Two other sharpe Calamities in the very neck one of another:

First, scarcitie in the Colony by being putt off from their Grounds prepared, together wth the losse of their season and much seed; besides that through the troublesomnes of those tymes, they could not freely imploy themselves in plantinge thereof, no not in those their scanted grounds, many Plantacions being drawne into few places for their better defence. Wch pestringe of themselves did likewise breed contagious sicknesse; wch being encreased by the Infection brought in by some shipps, there dyed that yeare of mortallitie neere upon 600 more: and the Colony passed much hardnesse in their victuall, by reason of the miscarriage of one of their shippes, wch the Company sett forth wth above 500 l. worth of meale and other provisions: But the shipp being blowne up wth Powder at the Summer Islandes, the Provisions were lost, and never came to Virginia.

Notwithstanding these things were most grievous to the Company here; yett were they no wayes of Discouragement, but rather seemed to add heat to their former zeale: so as by the beginning of the year 1623 there appeared in readinesse and preparation to go to Virginia, double that nomber of people and Adventurers that any former yeare had carried. When on a sodayne the Plantation itselfe was by Captaine Butler in a certayne writinge Intituled The unmaskinge of Virginia, soe fowly disgraced, and the present miseries thereof so farr amplified above Truth, and the future hopes there of so belowe all good meanings derided and villified by divers ill willers of the Action especially some discontented members of the Company, as the greatest part of the intended supplies for New Plantations, gave over, as some of themselves will 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY testify to yor Lops, yet notwthstandinge, the united Body of the Company did even that year, 1623, send out eleven Shipps, stored wth supplies of victuall and provisions: although by many cruell encounters of the opposites, they were so hindered and dejected, directly wth Intentions to make them abandon the busines. But the welfare of the Plantacon and the mayntennce of their own honour and credit, did prevaile so wth the company that though wth certainty of their owne extreame loss, they passed in the aboundance of supply, not only the necessitis of the Colony, but even the unreasonable demaunds of their opposite: Having in fower days space that was given them after the notice of the Colonies want, procured the underwriting of fower thousand pounds Adventure: wch the Honoble Board of the privy Counsell was pleased wth much Noble favour highly to approve.

As for the people that went that yeare in those eleven ships the nomber was not above 260, and those procured not wthout difficulty, so much had the disgrace of the Plantation spread amongst the comon sort of people.

Neither could it be prevented by the companie although they used all possible dilligence; solliciting the Comissionrs then appointed by his Matie by a publique examinacon of Captayne Butlers reporte, to clear the truth. But they would by no meanes bee drawne thereunto. As for the companie it selfe, their proceedings and demeanours were so approbriously calumniatd as deprived them both of abillitie and credite to doe any good herein: but wth much sorrowe to behold how sencibly and dangerously the good opinion of this Action decayed; so that Preachers of note in the Cittie that had begun in this latter Governemt to pray continually for Virginia, lefte quite the remembrance of it; finding the Action to growe either odious or contemptible in mens minds: wch yet but a little before was of that esteeme as divers on their death beds gave great Lagacies to the furtherance thereof; and even from the East Indies by way of contribucon, hath bin sent by the factors and poore marriners above 1000 marks, so farr was the reputacon of this action spread, by the prosperinge thereof NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 under the latter Governemt and by their zealous and sollicitious endeavours. Wch although by the continuall encrease of further suffringes, their pattent being called in question, receaved a sore check: yet not wthstanding their owne Innocencie giving them courage and hope that they should overcome all wth honour and thanks of the state: there were five shipps provided for this last yeare, 1624, whereof one of them since the Companies disolucon hath given over her voyage: the other foure have proceeded, although wth much difficulty, in regard that a great part of the Passengers that afore intended to goe, fell off. Whereby two of the shippes wch had their comissions from the late companie in May last could not gett away till the end of this last yeare, the one in February, the other in March last.14

Thus have wee given yor Lops a true Informacon, both of the growth and languishinge of the Virginia Plantacion, in these five latter yeares Governemt: wherein no incombrances, no calamities whatsoever could keepe it soe downe, but that it did yearely advance itselfe wth a most remarkable growth whilst the carefull Nurse and tender mother the Company was permitted to governe it.

Though contagion and sword destroyed many people: yet whilst the nomber of new did doubly supply those that fayled it cannot be said, but the action was in a thriving, in a prosperous course; though not in a cleare or easy. Then began it to stand when the Companie was troubled; to stagger, when they were disgrac'd and discountenanced; to sinck, when they were terrifyed wth affreightment of dissolucon; since wch tyme there hath bin nothing at all done towards the recovery of helping it forward, but much towards the hindrenge and bringing it lower.

The poor supply of people and shippes that are gone, are but the remaynder of the late Companies cares and loves. The settlers out of the best of them doe affirme, that if they had not been so farr engaged before the unexpected dissolucon of the late Companie, they would have drawne back their 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY adventures and People. When they shall arive in Virginia they will not bring eith comfort or supply to the Colonie: but only add to their Calamitie, to their grief.

The first Shipp went in August, victualled only for Three months; the next in October; neither of them were arived the 25th of ffebruary last. Whereby they must needs come into Virginia in most miserable distresse.

The other two went out soe meanly providd that however their voyage shal be, they cannot but prove an insupported charge to the Colony, much disfurnished by the victualling of divers shipps lately returned thence, and so ill provided by a deceptfull cropp, wch seemed large, but proved scant, as wee dare not acquaynt yor Lops what experience perswades us, That there is like to followe in the Colonie some great distresse for victualls except by speedy supply hence they be relieved.

There is likewise in the Colony a most dangerous want of Powder, so great, as if the savages should but knowe advantage they have thereby they might easily in one day destroy all or people.

There is most extreame want of hose, shoes, and all apparell, even to a dangerous empeachement of their healthes: and that so generall, as the provisions carried in these late shipps, will not as farr as wee cann learne, supply the Tenth part of their necessities. The want of such wonted supplies, will undoubtedly much dismay and deject the Colony. But when they shall understand of the Companies dissolucon, for the continuance of whose Governemt and the Liberties they enjoyed under them, they were most importunate suitors to his Matie and that they are returned under those handes wch they so much abhorred:15 Wee doubt no possible meanes will be found to keepe the greatest and best part of the Colonie from imediatly cominge away. For wee are credibly informed, that some of the chiefs, have allready by sellinge of their Estates, made preparacon upon the first notice of the change, to leave the Country. But when further they shall heare the newes NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 of the late contract,16 whereby all their hopes shal be quite extinguished and all possibilitie of subsistance taken from them, wee cannot thinke that any will stay behinde that shall not be kept by force.

But howsoever it shall happen: sure we are that by these alteracons and courses, the mindes of the Planters wil be filled wth such Jealousies and suspicions as it wil be a long while ere they wil be reduced to a firm resolucon of setting up the Rest of their Lives and hopes, in the Colony: which wth all humble duty we are bold to say hath bin and will ever bee a disposition most pernicious to the establishing of the Plantation: And the overcoming thereof by the Company, we hold to have bin one of the greatest services that they did. This wee conceave to be the state of the Colonie in Virginia wch though they should be persuadd or forced to stay yet wthout supply of others sent hence, they must needs come to nothinge in a very short space, although they had noe other enemy.

As for adventuringe hence, what by the disgracinge of the Action itselfe, and the undeserved suffrings of the late Companie, the businesse is brought to such a stand, as seemes incredible: there being no preparacon that wee can heare of not only of any shipp, but of any man to goe to Virginia whereas comonly for divers yeares before, there were foure or five shipps in readinesse, and as many hundreds of men, at this tyme of the yeare.

So that even in that reguard also the Colony will find themselves both in great discomfort and in great danger. For although formerly they had no Forte on the Land to hinder a forraigne enemy: yet especially in the latter tymes, there was such a boundance of shipping comminge and goinge continually to Virginia that there hath bin sometymes told seaventeene sayle 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY together in James River. Whereby besides that it was a continuall terror to the Natives it would have bin a difficult thinge to endamage the Colonie, wthout the power both of many shipps, and many souldiers, Wch was amongst divers others, a very mayne securitie and encouragement to persuade men boldly to goe to Virginia. But that and all other helpes being now foyled or much empayred although the nomber of men be at least Three tymes as many as when wee undertooke the Governemt; yet will wee Ingenuously yield, that equall thanks and equall honour wil be due to them, who shall now recover and restore it to that prosperous and flourishing estate to wch by Gods blessinge or cares and labours had brought it, untill it was marred by them, who as appeares never loved it, but for their owne indirect ends, wch they have industriously pursued. Thus much touching the present estate of the Plantation, and the late generall decay thereof.

Wherein wee hope yor Lops will excuse both our playnes17 and prolixitie, tending to no other end, but only to present unto yor Lops viewe the cleare state and true neture of the Disease; that so yor Lops in yor great wisdome may the better discerne and provide the proper remedies. Towards wch since yor Lops have bin also pleased to require some preparative as it were of or opinions: wee will now humbly apply our selves to that consideration wthout wch all the rest were but griefe and labour.

And here first wee are in duety forced to deliver unto yor Lops, that the restoring, supporting and re advancemt of that Plantation, wee hold to bee a worke, though of great necessitie for the honour, yea and service of his Matie, these tymes considered: yet wth all of soe extreame difficultie, that it is not to be rashly and unadvisedly undertaken, but wth great circumspection, care, and preparacon, with assurance also of great assistance.

For not to insist much, upon the nature and greatnes of the worke, so remote from the favourers, so vicine18 to mighty maligners of it: and inded fitter for the power and purse of a NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 Great Prince and State, then of private Adventurers, and those allready exhaust and tyred; the wounds wch since that great wound of the Massacre, it hath more lately receaved, from their handes whome it least beseemed, are still so wide and bleedinge, that unlesse his Matie, and yor Lops as deputed from him, shall vouchsafe to apply a soveraine hand for the healing of them, wee are resolute of opinion, that it is impossible, the Plantation carried as formerly by private persons, should either prosper or long subsist: Those woundes wee conceave are these. First the generall disreputacon of the Business (Reputation being a principall pillar of all great actions) and that partly by some errors, neglects and disasters, but principally by the late faction, though of a few and small Adventurers yet strongly and strangely inanimated and supported agaynst the great Body of Companie: whereof in fien also by undermining misinformacons they have wrought the Disolucon; and consequently lefte all, both Adventurers and Planters, in an utter uncertaynty of their Rights, Titles and Possessions: though promise was made that they should be reassured to them, wch these men have neglected to see performed.

Secondly the great discouragemt of sundry not of the meanest both Adventurers and Planters, some of them persons, and others also of good qualitie: by whose cares and labours, together wth their friends and purses, the Plantation having formerly receaved no small encrease and benefit, to the Planters great comfort and content (wch they have not forborne from tyme to tyme to declare): yet have they by the unjust calumnies and clamors of these men, bin continually prosecuted wth all variety of extremitie, to the rewarding of them with evill for their good deservings, and to the disheartening of all other, to succeed in like care and industry.

Thirdly the present extreame povertie and consumpcon of the Plantacion being for want of the accustomed yearly supplies, reduced to that paucetie of men and want of all sorts well neere of necessary provision, that it cannot be restored but wth an huge expence, no less allmost then to sett up a new Plantation.

Nowe touching the disreputacon of the Action, and the generall dishearteninge of the Adventurers and Planters, such especially as have spared neither paynes nor expence, for the recovering, supporting and advancinge the Plantation: We humbly crave yor Lops favourable patience, though wee somewhat enlarge our selves in this place, to present in part the Injustice and greaveousnes of those wounds to the honoble minds and skillfull hands of yor Lops: Seeing that in our understandinge the curing of them by yor Lops, may be a meanes to revive agayne the generally deaded hearts of both Adventurers and Planters and to adde a new lustre and grace to the Action.

Amongst the many glorious workes of the late Kinge, there was none more eminent, then his Gracious enclination, together wth the propagation of Christian Religion, to advance and sett forward a new Plantacion in the new world, Wch purpose of his continued till the last, manifested by his Mat many publique and private speeches by divers L'res of his, and by his sundry Proclamacons, so that their faults are farr the greater, who, as imediatly shal be declared, did malitiously and cunningly pervert those Gracious intencons of his Matie by scandalizing the Government as it then stood, as neither convenient here nor likely there to advance the prosperitie of the Colonie; and by insinuating assurances, that they themselves would mayntayne that worke by better meanes. Which his Matie conceavinge (as it was reason) they would not so boldly have promised of themselves, being so great a worke unlesse they had had both knowledge and meanes to goe thorough wth it; did also believe: and so they became the undertakers. And now, as it hath bin ever farr from or practize and agaynst or present desires to fall upon the persons of any men, where necessitie and justice of the cause doth not necessarilie require it: yet at this tyme it is impossible to cleare this pointe to yor Lops without naming some of their persons and particularizing their Actions. About six yeares agoe, when by reason of the apparent misprosperinge of the Plantation, and the fowlnes of the Accounts here, (the then Treasurer being Governour NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 of fower or five other Companies,19 wch excused his neglect of attending this business,) the Governmnt of the Companie was translated from Sr Thomas Smith and Alderman Johnson, into Sr Edwin Sandis, and after into the Earle of Southampton's hands and their deputies: it is notoriously knowne how they wth Captayne Argoll and other friends, partly peradventure through discontent for being removed from their places, but principally through feare, (their accounts, depredacons, Piracies and misgovernemt being now questioned before the Counsell and in the Companies Courts) perpetuall disturbed and disgraced by severall wayes, both to his Matie and to the world, all the present proceedings of the Companie, to the great disheartninge of the Companie here, and no small disadvantage of the Colonie. And of this, and of the bad effects of it, all our bookes and memories are full. But yet by God's assistance, and the unwearied courage of the Companie; wee ridd out this storme. The next blowe, as wee had reason to believe, proceeding by their underhand raysinge of new spiritts, drawne to disturbe us for their owne gayne was the bringing in of new and severall projects concerning Tobacco: wch was for the instant the only comoditie whereby the Planters mayntayned themselves, and so under colour of advancing profitt to his Matie sometimes (as hath been before touched) wee were forbidden to bring in any Tobacco, sometimes to bring in but a small quantitie, and sometimes comaunded to bring in all. Wch varying directions did so distract and confound the Adventurers and Planters, that it had in a manner ruyned the Plantation.

But yet by Gods assistance, and the constancy of the Companie, wee ridd out this storme also. The instruments in this worke that especiallie appeared, were the then Sr Lionell Cranfield,20 Mr. Jacob and some others: to the damage of the Company, enrichement of themselves, and deceyt of his Matie as was at large expressed and offered to be proved in the 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY last Parliament. Thirdly by the procurement of that part, divers scandalous peticons agaynst the company in generall, and many in perticuler did putt us to much vexacon and trouble. But their accusacons were so fals, that wee also overcame this Third assault.

After this another stratagem was obtruded upon us, under pretence of friendship and love of the Plantation. The Earle of Middlesex then Lo: high Treasurer of England who in respect of his place, was to take into his consideracon all thinges that had relacon to his Mats revennue, did first propound to Sr Edwin Sandis, and afterwards to the Ea: of Southampton, the Lo: Cavendish and Sr Edwin Sandis together that the King, he knewe, had by Sr Thomas Smithes meanes and Alderman Johnsons, and some great friends and instruments of theires bin strangely possessed agaynst the forme of our Government, and the consequences of it: and particularly that they had made such advantage by traducing the names of the Earle of Southampton and Sr Edwin Sandis, that the business of the Plantacon fared the worse for their sakes. That he had already in Generall spoken wth his Matie and assured him, that the whispers and relacon of those men, had an eye to their owne safetie, and not the Colonie's good; and that thereupon the King referred the whole consideracon of the Plantation, and what was best to be done, to his care.

Upon this he propounded unto those before named, that the best way to engage the Kinge in his care of the Plantations, and to make it impossible for any hereafter to disturbe the Companie, as they had formerly done, was to thinke of some such meanes, whereby the profit of his Matie, and the good of the Plantation, might hand in hand goe together. And to speake truth; though those he spoke wth all, were at first very unwilling to swallowe this guilded pill, as having heard of the stile he used in negotiating other businesses of this nature: yet he was so full of protestacons in it, ever pretending the Companies good, and wth all procured further intimacon to the Earle of Southampton, that no service of his could be more acceptable to his Matie then this now propounded: that upon NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 these protestacons and assurance they engaged themselves to treat of a contract between his Matie and the companies. In the making whereof, the said Earle of Midd. remembered not his promised care of the Plantations; but in truth from one degree to another, wrested us to such condicons and such a rate, as was very dammeagh to the Plantacions. But upon serious debate in maney and full Courts, upon the whole matter wee were resolved, considering the protection of the Colonies, and favour promised; and to be free from those frequent projects that in former tymes had soe much wronged and disturbed us, to accept an hard bargayne: conceavinge that though it were not so good as wee desired, and was fitt to have bin offered; yet by it we shall be in a better case and way of benefitting the Plantations, then formerly wee were.

And so in Michealmas terme, 1622, this contract wch began to be treated of in Easter terme, was concluded by the subscription of the Earle of Middlesex his hand, and by sending the company word, that that day the whole Counsell board had given their assent thereunto, wch was the first tyme the Company understood that they had heard of the matter. The contract thus concluded, a great Tempest arose by what secrett cause and underhand procurement, wee may guess, but not affirm. But in a Court of the Company upon the 4th of December following, one Mr. Wrote21 Cosen Germane to the Earle of Middlesex, (discontentd also that he was passed over in the election of Officers) did wth a passionate and blasting speech, inveigh agaynst the proceeding in the Treaty of it, as that it had bin unduly and unjustly carried, that men had bin overawed, and that it had bin procured to private ends. Whereof not being able to make any shadowe of proofe and persisting still in his violent and contemptuous Demeande, upon a full hearinge he was thrust out of the Companie, and upon that ground joyned himself to Sr Thomas Smith, Alderman Johnson 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY and that opposite party and drewe also with him Two more of his Companions, and so now made shewe of a formall party agaynst the Company. But for all this, wee still mayntayned the reputacon of or proceedings. The next of or troubles in order, (proceeding from what secrett cause, that wch follows will give yor Lops more reason of conjecture, then wee will now affirme) was, that this opposite party then attayned to about 25 in nomber, had some secrett encouragemt or other given them, directly to oppunge the Contract; wch as is before declared was so formally made: and gave some reasons in writing agaynst it to the then Lord Trer; who receaving them, gave the company first suspicion of double intelligence and indirectness in his dealinges.

But howsoever, the Earle of Southampton, the Lo: Cavendish, Sr Edwin Sandis, and some other, being called by the Earle of Middlesex to his Chamber at Whitehall, then thought, that they had given such answers to them, as that his Lopp rested satisfied. But his Lopp after, speaking wth the Earle: of Southampton and the rest before named, told them that they that had opposed, were a clamorous Company, and that to make the business goe current, it were best that their objections and or answers should be heard at the Counsell table. And upon hearing thereof, their accusacons, and or answers, the Earle of Middlesex, who assumed the chief knowledge and care of that business, did in the close of that hearinge use the words formerly rehearsed, of the leaud22 carriage in former tymes, and of the latter in a manner miraculous recoverie.

A greater testimony of or integritie and their guilt, could not be given. But as the sequall will manifest, and as wee have since found in other of his Lops proceedings, he meant to loose nothing by those words. Howsoever it was, and whatsoever wee suspect, not intending now to dive into those misaries, from that day forward, to the Conclusion of this business he professedly made himselfe the patron to that side, and enemy to the company, for wch wee appeal to yor Lops better knowledge. Afterwards about that Contract were divers meetings NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 before the Lords, where it was principally inveighed agaynst by S'r Nathaniell Rich; speaking agaynst the injustice and unconscionablenes of it; protesting that he had ever sold his Tobacco for five shillings a pound one wth another, and that every pound cost him Two shillings six pence in the Sumer Islands: and now to give a Third away to the King and peradventure the price not to be much higher was agaynst justice and conscience. And here by the way, wee humbly crave leave to say thus much, that his conscience now serves him in this new Contract, to force the Planter and the Adventurer to sell their Tobacco, the best sort 2s 4d and the second sort at sixteene pence a pound. But upon that former Demonstrative Argument of his, though it were so fully answered as nothing could be more, yet the Earle of Middlesex took his ground to condemn the contract he had signed, as hurtfull to the Plantacions; and to commaund the companies to thinke of propounding a better, and to bring it in writing wthin Two daies: wch was accordingly done: and therein shewed that the hardnesse of this contract, was not by the Companies proposition, but by his Lops pressure. And therefore urged what had bin offered to his Lops at the first; that his Matie would be contented wth a fourth and not require a third of or Tobacco. To wch in great scorne his Lopp replyed that take Two pence out of six pence their would remayne a Groat. But the last Parliament saw that his best invention, was by adding 3 l to 40s to make up five pounds. But in conclusion that Contract was dissolved, and a commaund laid upon the Companies by his Lops procurement to bring all or Tobaccoes in, under colour that Three pence custom was abated; whereas in truth by his admitting also of all Spanish Tobacco, upon S'r John Wolstenholmes23 motion wee could not vent a third part of it here: and so by computacon, in respect of the quantitie unvented, wee paid neere doouble as much as before: wch was his only favour to the Plantations.

The contract thus dissolved as publiquely damageable by the incouragement of the Earle of Middlesex, and industry of 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY the five and twenty before menconed, (that so place might be made for this latter contract, so privately beneficiall, for so by the effect it hath appeared): the Governmt was now likewise to be questioned and altered, or else they compassed not their ends. Which to bring about, these two wayes were used. First a peticon was delivered to his Maty by Alderman Johnson, in the name of the rest, inveighing against the latter Governmt and magnifying the former. And in the end, desiring a commission to examine the proceedings of those last ffower.

This peticon was by the Company at large answered to his Matie and wee joyned in the point of having or actions examined by the Comission: but wch all thought it just, and desired, that their Twelve years Government before might be also examined: wch accordingly was ordered. The second means used by them, was to rayse up Captayne Butler, who hasting from the Summer Islands to Virginia, where he stayed but a few weeks, upon his returne delivered to his Matie a paper called The unmasking of Virginia. The substance of wch was first the dispraise of the country and making of it an unfit place for any English Colony; and next scandalizing the Governmt of it, both here, and there. What concerned the colonie, was proved to be false by fforty witnesses: who chaunced to be in Towne then, and had bin often and long in the Colonie: And was endeavoured to be mayntayned by him by two meanes only: one by practizing to gett the hands of Two men unto it, to whome he owned money and deferred payment: who when they heard it read in Cort, protested that they never saw what they sett their hands to, and that Capt: Butler told them it was a Paper, wch he would shew the King for the good of the Plantation: and desired the companies pardon; for whatever was there said was false. Secondly, he would made it to have bin better believed, by a forged Lre wch hee brought to Sr. John Bourchire from his daughter Mrs. Whittakers:24 who NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 knew it was not her hand. This was alleddged at the counsell Table: and Capt: Butler answered that she was sick and dictated it to him, and he wrote it. But since, both shee and her husband being come over, they bothe forsweare it, and say it was none of her doing nor direction. But howsoever, by these meanes the opposite party thus farre obteyned their ends, that by the Defamation, and this trouble ensuinge, a very great nomber that intended to have gone over, were descouraged.

But yet for all this, the Companie knewe their cause to be just and justifiable, that they did not abandon it: but prepared themselves to give divers charges before the commissionrs, agaynst divers of the partie opposite; and professed themselves ready to make their owne defence whensoever they should be charged. But whilst the comission sate farther to descourage us, first all or Bookes, and after the minutes of them were sent far away from us; that none of the L'res that then came from Virginia were to be seene by us, being all seazed on by the Comissionrs. But touching the rest of the caridge of that comission, because it was at large delivered in Parliament, and offered to be proved, if further proceedinge in that businesse had not bin forborne upon a L're written to the house from His Matie wee will now to yor Lops say only this: That whatsoever was brought by us concerninge accounts, depredacon, misgovernment, and divers other crimes, agaynst perticular persons, was by this comission, (especially directed by the Earle of Midd.) shuffled of for all the tyme, till the comission was even at the end nothing done upon them. And on the contrary, whatsoever could be gathered out of the fragments of L'res from discontented persons in Virginia concerning either the place, or governemt was diligently collected by them, and receaved by the Earle of Middlesex as a great testimony agaynst us; and would not take those other L'res for proof wch wee ever guided or selves by; and came from the Governour and counsell there. And lastly some three dayes before their Comission ended, they putt us on a sodayne to answere to 39 Articles, or else they would take them pro 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY confesso. This they thought for us impossible to doe. But wee deceaved their expectacon; and they could not find in the least perticuler, any just ground to make any report agaynst us.25

By all this the Earle of Middlesex and that partie, perceaving the companie would not be beaten off a good cause; there was a practise to try whether wee had rather part from the business, or from our mony. Where upon wee were called before the Counsell agayne , and there that side as compassionate affecters of the Plantation, urged the want of corne and other necessaries there, and that they were like to perish for want of provisions. The Earle of Midd. replied, it was a matter of so great importance, and concerned the lives of so many of the King's subjects, that if the Companie would not presently take order for sending supplies, the state would call in their Pattent. Whereupon the Companie conceaving that if they did send supplyes, their Pattent would not be taken from them, underwritt to a Roule (though they knewe the necessity was nothing so great) foure thousand and odd pounds, wch was paid and sent: and those Gentlemen that before seemed so zealous, subscribed Twelve pounds, and paid it not. Upon wch comparison wee leave it to yor Lops to judge wch party was the true father of this child. This then not succeeding according to their desires, certayne obscure persons were found out by the Earle of Midd., to be sent into Virginia, as Comissionrs for these two ends, as wee have since found. First to sifte out what they could agaynst the forme of or Governmt here and there: and next to persuade the people to become peticon to his Matie for a newe26 Wch succeeded not according to their expectacon. For by the Colonies Peticons, answeres to those papers that had bin delivered agaynst them, and divers other remonstrances to his Matie from a Generall Assembly there they shewed the misery wherein they lived, or rather languished NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 in S'r Thomas Smithe's tyme; and their happy estate in this latter Government: concludinge that if his Matie intended to alter the Government, and put it into the former hands, their humble suite to him was; That Comissionrs might be sent over to another purpose before declared. The writinges themselves will manifest this more at large. These comissioners thus sent to Virginia, the Earle of Midd. and the rest were not idle in further distractinge the Companie, to give their assent for surrendring their Pattent, and altringe the forme of Governmt; and a newe one was proposed. Wch accordinge to order they takinge into consideracon, wth duetie refused: rendring also in writing the reasons of their refusall. Whereupon a Quo Warranto was directed by the Earle of Midd. suggestion for the calling in of their Pattent.

In the meanetime, to affright men, both from cominge to and much more from speaking in Courts, mens wordes were then carped at and complayned of: and their persons by the Earle of Midd. prosequution, were upon quick hearinge sent to prison.

Yet for all this the Compn stood to their owne Justificacon, and defence of their Pattent. Now Mr. Atturney,27 according to the duty of his place and instructions given him, urged the misgovernemt of the Companie, and consequently the ruyne of the Plantation. To wch point we were willinge to joyne issue. But afterwards in or reply to his pleadinge wthout further enquiry of the former allegation, advantage was taken upon or mispleading, and in fine wthout any farther ground that wee knowe of, the Patent was Trinity terme following, condemned: But for anything that we have yet seene no judgment entered. Yor Lops by the perticulers before related do see by what courses wee were reduced to this extremitie. One thinge yet wee thinke most necessary to adde; It hath bin said by many, and perticulerly by some principall persons of the opposite partie, that the dissolutions of these Plantacons was part of the Count of Gondomars Instructions. And 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY certaynely wee found his activenes in negotiatinge here, such, that in bringing about his owne ends, he could create here, instruments of orselves agaynst our selves. Wee say not that he and other Spanish Ministers practised thus amongst us. These two only perticulers, wee crave leave to offer unto yor Lops Judgemts. When S'r Samuell Argoll some six or seaven yeares since, was vehemently complayned agaynst by Padre Maestro and the Spanish secretarie then here for Piracie agaynst the Kinge of Spaines subjects in the West Indies he no sooner came home from Virginia, and appeared an opposite to the present Company, who questioned him for divers misdemeanors and amongst others for this; but the heate of the Spanish accusacon did presently cease. Our second observacon is this, yor Lops cannot but remember, wth what extreame earnestnes the Count of Gondomar and afterwards Don Carlo di Coloma,28 inveighed agaynst Capt. Butler whilst he was in Summer Islands about the Spanish wrack. And so violent were they about it that the Lo: Stewart, now wth God, and the Lo: Chamberlaine, were entreated to come on purpose to the Sumer Islands company, about that business. And a comission was directed by the Lords of the Counsell , to examine the truth of the cause in the Sumer Islands. Wch Captain Butler having been forewarned by some friends of his left his Government before he had leave, and before the arrivall of the Comission: Having first there endeavoured to alienate the minds of the people from the forme of Government here. But he was no sooner come home, and delivered to his Matie The unmasking of Virginia before spoken of, but there was an end of Don Carlo Di Colomas prosecution. Wee have related the particulars; and make no application.

As for the late Comission,29 wch hath suceeded in the place of the Companies; if wee might have seen the business seriously NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 taken into the Grave cares and prosequuted wth the Noble paynes of those most honoble personages, whose names are inserted in the sayd Comission: wee should have hoped to have seene some good effect befitting their great and eminent worth. But whilst their more weighty affairs have hindered them the business hath bin principally carried only by those persons that were the chiefe opposers of the late Comp: for although there be named divers worthy Gentlemen, and Citizens likewise, in the Comission: yet as wee undertand, the most of them have forborne altogether to appeare at any meeting. Wherefore when either in or wordes or thoughts, wee complayne of any proceedings of the late Comission wee alwayes except both all the persons of Honour and indifferency: and only intend those others, whose stomacks were so great, as they durst undertake the overthrowinge of the late Companie; and yet their harts so narrow, as they have not dared to adventure all of them during these Nyne moneths, so far as wee can learne, one five pounds to the advancemt or subsistance of the Plantation.

By the publique L'res of the Governour, delivered them in July last, they understood of the extreame want of Powder in the Colonie: and were often told from us of the great danger that might ensue thereby: Yet did they neglect the sending of any in the shipp or in the second: but about Christmas, and since in March they have sent a small quantitie, obteyned by his late Mats guifts (as wee heare) out of the Tower.

This did not the late Company: who upon notice of the massacre, did by the first ship send 42 Barrels of Powder; for halfe whereof the Officers having disturbed the money, are yet unsatisfied.

Whereas all the fower shippes now sent, were prepared in the Compns tyme; these last Comissioners callinge in the Comissions graunted them by the late Company, made them take new as from themselves that so they might glory upon anothers foundacon. But whilst they thus hunted after windy ambition, hindringe the two first shipps from takinge a faire winde; they have bin the causes of all the lamentable 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY calamities and distresses, wch in so long voyages must needs befall them.

The principal scope of his late Mats comission to them, as wee understand was that they should finde a better forme of Governmnt for the Plantacions advancement; and therein is especially promised the conservacon of every mans right. Intentions worthy the wisedome and Justice of so great a Prince. But as farr as wee can understand these comissioners have done nothing towards either of these ends: But quite contrary to the second.

By an unknown contract, wch themselves will not so much as declare much less are able to defend; they have sought to have amongst themselves, twice as much upon every mans goods, as they will leave to the Owner thereof. And although they say only three of them are Contractors yet wee cannot believe it, having observed the ends of some of them for many years, to have constantly bin bent to the compassinge of some such advantage, as they have now by this bargayne gayned. It is constantly reported that they have liberally given that wch was not their owne, to those who have no right thereto; as namely the Colonies kine to S'r Samuell Argoll and Mr. Woodall surgeon to S'r Thomas Smith. But this and all their other proceedings are kept in great secrett: wch breeds suspicon that they have not bin good: else why doe they fly the Light? This is cleane contrary to the use of the late Company: who did all things in publique wch was a cause of as great satisffacon, as this of distaste.

And as in this, so in all other thinges do they proceed cleane contrary to all right in or understandinge. They publish their Intention of employinge S'r Samuell Argoll and Captaine Butler for Governours agayne in the Plantations agaynst whome the Colony hath professed open enmity. How they should make the Colony encrease by these means, wch will bring home most of them that are there allready wee cannot imagine.

Neither are S'r Thomas Smith nor Alderman Johnson fitt or likely men to reunite the late Companie, or to drawe them NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 onto any thing for the Plantations advancement, since as the whole world knowes the late Company have not only allwayes conceaved extreamly ill of them but in the yeare 1623 putt up publique accusations agaynst them, of very dangerous Consequence. As for the Colony yor Lops have formerly heard their like opinions.

Nor cann the late Companie conceave Mr. Wrote a fitt Instrumt to sett forward the business; whome they thought unworthy to bee of their Societie.

Nor that those who out of pretence for New Englands good, have truly wronged Virginia should now runne right way for the behalfe thereof. Nor in sum that those who have little or no interest in the Plantation should be so sensible of it as were fitt. In wch number wee accompte S'r Nathaniell Rich; who to our knowledge hath not adventured any thinge for the good thereof but contrary wise hath been so perpetuall a hinderer and disturber of the Action, that the body of the Company, addressed a Peticon of Complainte, to the last Parliament, cravinge justice against him, for his injurious and most unworthy practices.

Nor that they that meane not to adventure anythinge, will be able to persuade others to doe that wch themselves forbeare.

Nor that ever they will do the adventurers of the late Companie, right, in matters of their Estates, that have so violently endeavoured to do them wrong in their Honors Reputacons, having intended as themselves wright, a Reformacon and correction of the Original court bookes of the late Companie then possessed by them, if they could have gott into their hands certayne copies of them wch Mr. Necholas Ferrar late Deputy at his owne charges caused to be transcribed.30 But before there severe order came to him he had delivered his copys to the Earle of Southampton: who sent the comissioners word, that 1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY he would as soone part wth the evidences of his Land, as wth the said Copies, being the evidence of his honour in that Service: So by this meanes have the Original Court bookes yet escaped purging: And wth all duety wee humbly beseech yor Lops that they may hereafter be protected from it: And that howsoever yor Lops shall please for the future to dispose of the Companie, that the records of their past Actions may not be corrupted and falsified.

As for their resolucions of orderinge the business, wee cannot say anythinge, because wee heare nothing, and we doubt they meane nothinge ffor all that wee heare tends only to nothing. They dislike the sending of nombers of men. They professe the reducinge of all trading to a Joynt stock or Magazine: wch courses in or judgements tend directly to the subversion of the Plantation at least to the appropriating of it to themselves which to have bin the mayne end of some of them, the late Counsell and Companie for Virginia, have upon strong presumpcon bin long agoe induced to believe: and therefore have now thought themselves bound to declare it, that yor Lops in yor Noble wisedomes may make such due prevencon as shall be fitt: Humbly beseechinge, that this perticular examinacon of their Actions and persons, may not be interpreted to proceed from private spleene, but only from a sincere desire of the Plantations advancement.

Wee doubt and feare, that we have wearied yor Lops wt the large relation of the proceedings of these men, wee meane the partie opposite to the late Companie and Colonie. Whereby as they have laid all kind of Disreputacion upon the Action, and made that in the estimacon of the world vilde and contemptible, wch before was held worthy, benficiall, and honourable: so by their manifold and incessant practises, to wrong and oppress, to defame and disgrace, by unjust and unworthy aspirsions, and contumelies, (and that by word and writing over all the kingdome) the innocency of men zealous for the good of Virginia, for no other fault save only for their love of right and justice; they have bredd a great disheartninge and discouragemt of many the most forward and most constant adventurers NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 whose industry also and labours bin of great use to the Plantation, All wch being wearied out with the mallice and injuries and loath to spend more of their lives in so unthankfull a service, are humble suitors unto yor Lops, that they may be spared from all farther employment in this Action. And that if these men will now at length apply themselves seriously to the busines of the Colonies both wth their paynes and purses, wch they have hitherto spared and undertake, (wch they owe to his Matie and the State) the repairinge those ruynes of the Plantation, whereof they have bin the chiefe cause and instruments: the Government thereof may, as it is, be continued in them, giving fitt securitie for so great a debt and duty. For wee protest unto yor Lops upon our truth and fidelitie that if his Maty may be served, the Colony secured and cherished, justice duly administered, mens rights and states preserved, innocent men not oppressed, and malefactors not protected and rewarded: wee shall be so farr from envying the glory of their Governement, that extinguishinge for ever the memory of all their former inguries, wee will be ready to doe them all fitt service that they shall require.

{1} Lordships.

{2} Warlike. England was then at war with Spain.

{3} Wished.

{4} Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, lord high treasurer from 1621 to his impeachment in 1624.

{5} Lewdly.

{6} This was the paper entitled The Tragical Declaration.

{7} At Easter, 1619, about the time Sir George Yeardley arrived, there were one thousand people in Virginia--four hundred on the public plantations and six hundred on the private.

{8} The joint-stock partnership expired November 30, 1616, and Captain Samuel Argall was sent to Virginia with instructions to give every settler his own private dividend. But Argall disregarded his orders and kept the people in servitude until he was superseded by Yeardley. Sir Thomas Smith was, therefore, not fairly responsible for the whole dismal picture drawn above.

{9} Particular merchants would make up a fund and send over a ship with goods to exchange for tobacco and sassafras. This was called a magazine.

{10} Hamburg.

{11} Vinedressers from Languedoc.

{12} They were Walloons, Huguenots, driven from Europe by persecution. Not liking the terms offered by the Virginia Company, they entered into negotiation with the Dutch West India Company, and in 1623 went to New York. Some few, nevertheless, came to Virginia. Among these was Nicholas Marlier (generally rendered Martian), who was the first patentee of the land where Yorktown is now located. He was an ancestor of George Washington.

{13} At this time it was usual in England to regard the new year as beginning on March 25. We should date the massacre March 22, 1622.

{14} I.e., in 1625.

{15} I.e., under the control of Sir Thomas Smith, the chief manager of the company during the first twelve years.

{16} The reference here is to a contract authorized by the king, with a Mr. Ditchfield, by which the crop of tobacco, for the first two years, was to be limited to 200,000 pounds, for which he was to pay the planters at the rate of 2s. 4d. per pound for the higher grades, and 1s. 4d. for the lower. Four hundred thousand pounds were not deemed enough at these rates. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, I. 278.

{17} Plainness.

{18} Neighboring.

{19} Sir Thomas Smith was presiding office of the East India, Muscovy, Northwest Passage, and Somers Islands companies, as well as of the Virginia Company.

{20} Afterward Earl of Middlesex and lord high treasurer.

{21} Samuel Wrote was son of Robert Wrote of Gunton, in Suffolk, England. He was a leading opponent of the Sandys-Southampton faction, and because of his violent language was suspended by them from the company.

{22} Lewd.

{23} A leading member of the company.

{24} Probably the wife of Jabez Whittaker, a member of the council of Virginia and brother of Rev. Alexander Whittaker, formerly of Coxendale on James River.

{25} The answer was prepared by Sir Edwin Sandys, Nicholas Ferrar, and Lord Cavendish, who scarcely slept in the interval. Carter's Ferrar, p. 71.

{26} Form of government.

{27} Thomas Coventry, knighted in 1617, appointed attorney-general January 11, 1621, lord keeper in 1625, and died in 1640.

{28} Spanish ambassabor after Gondomar.

{29} On June 24, 1624, shortly after the decision of Chief-Justice Ley revoking the charter, the king appointed a commission of sixteen persons, among whom were Sir Thomas Smith and other opponents of Sandys and Southampton, to take charge temporarily of Virginia affairs; and on July 15, 1624, he enlarged this commission by forty more persons.

{30} These copies are the identical volumes now possessed by the Library of Congress (having come to it from the library of President Jefferson) and recently put into print.