The following text is from the AMERICAN DRAWINGS OF JOHN WHITE, 1577-1590 by Paul Hulton and David Beers Quinn. Copyright 1964 by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher.
ENGRAVING Plate 123 (a)
The plate, entitled 'The arriual of the Englishemen in Virginia', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). It represents a map of the coast of North Carolina, oriented to the west, showing part of Pamlico Sound, Roanoke Island, the mouth of Albemarle Sound and the Alligator River, and part of Currituck Sound with the Carolina Outer Banks, divided into six islands. The mainland, at the top, on the left, is named SECOTAN with, on the shore, an enclosed Indian village, Dasamonquepeuc, cornfields and conventionalized trees. The other side of Albemarle Sound, top right, is named WEAPEMEOC, with an enclosed village, Pasquenoke, near the water's ed ge, fields of maize and similar trees with the addition of grapevines. In the centre, left, Roanoke Island has an enclosed village, Roanoac, with maize fields at the right-hand end (north-east). Indians with bows and arrows are shownemerging from the village against an attacking party, and further to the left, amongst the trees, which are shown over much of the island, is a deer being stalked by an Indian with bow and arrow. Below, a fish-weir extends into the sound. Numerous small islands are shown off the upper and left coastline (south shore) of Roanoke, and on the sounds are a number of fishing canoes (several are also seen in Albemarle Sound). A shoal is indicated across the mouth of Albemarle Sound and extends into Currituck Sound. Along the edge of the shoal an English pinnace is shown making its way towards Roanoke Island. She has three pairs of oars and a steering oar, a flag with the cross of St George at the masthead, while perhaps ten figures are shown standing and seated. The islands of the Carolina Outer Banks extend across the middle of the engraving (from south to north), the name Hatorasck being given to the first island or the first opening. All five openings are marked by shoals, the third being named Trinety harbor. The islands are shown as moderately well-wooded. Conventionalized wrecks (bowsprit and masts appearing above the water) are shown off each of the five inlets through the Banks. Along the bottom, out at sea, a sea monster is shown and two English ships at anchor, the larger on the left.
15.7 x 22.7 cm. or 6 1/8 x 9 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 413-15, no. 32.
Although there is no original drawing for this engraving it is close to the sketch of September, 1585, illustrated above (p. 53, fig. I). It combines the features of the chart and the bird's-eye view and represents a compilation from some of the field sketches made by Hariot and White in their partnership in mapping the area, the final stage of which was the map (no. 111, pl. 59). See also Quinn, pp. 846-7.
The right half of the sketch, roughly corresponding to the area shown in the engraving, represents a very much less-developed stage in the knowledge of the area but a few features are carried over into the engraving, for example the site of the village of 'Pasquenoke' and the occurrence of grape-vines in 'Weapemeoc'. The use of conventionalized drawings of trees as characteristic signs on the map shows that White was following a similar procedure to that laid down for Thomas Bavin in 1582 (see pp. 34-5). Features not found elsewhere include the location of the village on Roanoke Island and, apparently, the channel from 'Trinety harbor' inlet to Roanoke Island.
The text is said by De Bry to have been provided by Thomas Hariot for the Latin edition and to have been translated by Richard Hakluyt for the English edition. It describes the arrival of Amadas and Barlowe with the first expedition in July 1584. White was apparently present on this occasion but did not then make the drawing from which De Bry engraved his plate, while Hariot was not on this voyage. The text describes an entry through the Outer Banks by way of 'Trinety harbor' towards the northern end of Roanoke Island as shown in the engraving. The Indians are said to have raised a great outcry at the sight of the Englishmen but to have been brought to friendly terms by offers of trade. This does not agree with Barlowe's account but an attempt to reconcile the two is made above (p. 3; cf. Quinn, pp. 413-15).
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 31
A bird's-eye view of an Indian village enclosed by a circular palisade of quite irregular light poles, with two entrances, one in the foreground and one in the background at bottom and top left.
The path leading to the front entrance is bordered with hooped sticks. The village consists of eighteen buildings of pole and mat (and perhaps bark) construction, many of them with open ends or sides or both, and some with door openings at the ends, usually off-centre. Most are rectangular in ground-plan, but some may have rounded ends. Several are seen to contain an interior platform along one or both sides and across one end, supported by two rows of posts independent of the house posts. All have simple arched roofs, except the largest, where the cupola-like roof is constructed on ridges springing from the corners and coming to a point in the centre. In three houses the open sides seem to be shaded by an arched section of roof supported on longer vertical poles. The houses are grouped irregularly about a large open space in the centre where a fire is burning and around which a number of apparently naked Indians are sitting with rattles in their hands (see no. 43 (A), pl. 39). Other groups of men, women and children are seen standing or walking near the houses, several of them making signs with their hands towards the fire and one man is splitting timber with an axe, another is carrying wood on his back, yet another carries a bow, while a cloaked figure is dimly seen emerging from a house to the left of the fire. A dog with longish legs and tail is also shown.
Yellow, crimson and gold body-colours, various shades of brown and grey water-colours, touched with black, over black lead; 22.2 x 21.5 cm. or 8 3/4 x 8 1/2 in.
Inscribed in brown ink, at the foot, "The towne of Pomeiock and true forme of their howses, couered | and enclosed some wth matts, and some wth barcks of trees. All compassed | abowt wth smale poles stock thick together in stedd of a wall."
1906-5-9-I (8), L.B. I(7), C-M. & H. 32.
Literature: Quinn, p. 415, no. 33 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 40, no. 32, pl. 31.
The colour has been detached fairly evenly and thinly, the black tints being represented strongly and the brown lightly. The crimson on the cloaked figure emerging from the house is strong and makes the figure in the original rather shadowy.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2 (7).
B. SLOANE COPY Plate 81
The drawing is much larger and clearly from a different version of the original. Outside the stockade, in the top right-hand corner, is a group of three ponds (apparently dug for drinking water) beside which two Indians with bows are standing. Down the right-hand side and along the top are fields of sketchily indicated fully grown maize, and showing at top left a path cut through the stalks. On the left-hand side a field of sprouting maize is shown. The entrances into the stockade and the path to the one in the foreground are as in the original, though the poles and stakes are somewhat shorter. The foreground is bare soil except for a few conventionalized plants growing in the lower right-hand corner. There is an area of widely but regularly spaced conventionalized plants. The houses (nineteen, not eighteen) are disposed similarly to those in the original, but there are many differences in detail, of which the most striking is that a large house, immediately behind the fire, with a curving roof rising to a central point, and apparently with a hexagonal ground-plan, is shown open. A man and a woman, perhaps intended to represent the chief and his wife, are sitting on benches inside, each with arms extended, probably waving rattles. The logs of the central fire project from it like spokes and the figures round the fire are more widely spaced and are clothed. There are a few people dispersed among the houses, the man with the dog and the one carrying wood not being represented. A naked figure carrying a baby is added to the right foreground. The matting along the centre of the curved roofs seems to have been laid over the constructional matting and usually hangs down in flaps over the ends. The colour and markings of the walls of the large building with a cupola-like roof suggest panels of bark, rather than the mat covering of the other buildings.
Pen and brown ink and crimson body-colour, yellow, light blue, greyish and various shades of brown watercolours, touched or heightened with black, over black lead outlines; within a border, 33.6 x 46.2 cm. or 13 1/4 x 18 1/8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, above the border, "POMEIOOC "
P. & D., 199.a.3 (formerly Sloane MS. 5270), ff. 2 v. and 3 r., L.B. 3 (I).
Literature: Quinn, p. 416, no. 33 (b) (as 'without inscription'); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 61.
C. COPY FROM B
B.M., Dept. of MSS., Add. (formerly Sloane) MS. 5253, no. 14.
D. ENGRAVING Plate 134
The plate, entitled 'The Tovvne of Pomeiooc', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). There are few important variations in the village itself, but the rear entrance to the palisade is missing, its poles are larger, more regular, and considerably taller, and the house with the cupola is shown with a hexagonal ground-plan. The Indians differ as to numbers and occupations only to a minor degree. A landscape background has been added, of trees, part of a cornfield on the left, sunflowers and a small pond on the right, from which three Indians are taking water. This last feature relates the engraving more closely to the lost variant from which (B) was made. Two of these Indians are using hemispherical vessels with loop handles (not shown elsewhere) to dip and carry water. The plate also shows a ridge in the foreground with plants growing on it.
29.5 x 22.6 cm. or 11 5/8 x 8 3/4 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 416, no. 33 (c); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 40, no. 32.
We can locate this village between the present Lake Landing and Wyesocking Bay. 1 Hariot's caption notes that the palisade poles were not very strong and that the entrance (he mentions only one) was very narrow. The houses, he says, were those of 'the kinge and his nobles'. The large building with cupola shown in all three versions is identified as the temple 'couered with skynne matts', and with a door (which is not shown). The largest house (so shown in (A) and (D) but not (B)) is identified as that of the 'king'. Some houses are said to be covered with mats which are turned up as desired to let in light, and others (not shown) with 'boughes of trees'. The pond of the engraved version was dug, according to Hariot, to serve as a source of water.
The 1585 sketch-map of Raleigh's Virginia 2 (p. 53, fig. I) indicates Pomeiooc with a conventionalized representation of a palisade with one overlapping entrance. Hariot describes Carolina Algonkian palisades consisting merely of close-set upright poles, and Barlowe says that the Indian village of Roanoke was fortified with sharp stakes with an 'entrance into it made like a turne pike very artificially'. 3 Palisaded villages were not unusual (although not universal) in this and neighbouring regions as Mook 4 has shown. The illustration of Secoton (no. 38 (B), pl. 135) and Hariot's caption thereto, indicate that unpalisaded towns were also present among the Carolina Algonkians. Stewart, after analysing the historical and archaeological evidence, suggests that palisades may have been more common among the Carolina Algonkians than among their Virginia relatives. 5 Willoughby has summarized the historical evidence for palisades in New England, noting that while the smaller ones had a single entrance, larger towns had palisades with two entrances, on opposite sides; the dimensions of many of these palisaded towns were also comparable with those shown for Pomeiooc. 6 However, these descriptions confirm one's suspicion that while the sizes of the poles drawn by White are approximately correct, he has shown them too widely spaced--evidently to allow the enclosed scene to be shown easily. A summary of the distribution of palisades in the north-east is given by Flannery, and in the south-east by Swanton. 7 The New England Algonkian descriptions sound more like White's depiction than do most of the others, many of which pertain to much stronger and more complex arrangements than were seen in coastal North Carolina.
For the houses, we have a short description by Harlot of Carolina Algonkian houses constructed of small poles bent and fastened together at the top (see no. 41 for the method of lashing), covered usually with bark, sometimes with rush mats, with floor plans ranging from 36 feet by 18 feet to 72 feet by 36 feet; the proportions of White's largest house can be calculated at 30:15:25 (length:breadth:height). 8 There is one reference to a house at Roanoak with five rooms, 9 but nothing comparable is shown by White. It is noteworthy that there is no mention of smoke holes here, nor do any of White's houses have them; yet Beverley's modification of this illustration shows them, following his text, 10 and they are mentioned in the earlier accounts of the Powhatan 11 as well as in many other regions where comparable houses occurred. It is possible that movable small mats were used in Carolina to cover the smoke holes, as they were for the mat-covered southern New England and Menomini houses, 12 and that these were in place during the summer when White probably made his drawings--but White draws no such small mats on the roofs, nor does he show any fires or fire pits within the houses with the siding removed. 13
Most of the houses shown by White here and elsewhere can be classified as longhouses--markedly longer than they are broad. There are a few, especially in (B) above, which approach the domed, oval or round, mat-covered houses known in New England and the Great Lakes region and elsewhere. 14 Perhaps both forms occurred, as they did in New England. 15 White's peculiar cupolas and arched roofsections are apparently without parallels. Both the domed round or oval houses and the longhouses were evidently here at or near their southern limits. The appearance and descriptions agree well with houses of the Powhatan and the groups from there north to above the St Lawrence River, while to the south and south-west house types were different. The most southerly longhouse so far known archaeologically is one near Wrightsville, Pennsylvania, on the Susquehanna River, which measures some 92 feet by 24 feet. 16
The small platforms along the interior walls of the houses were primarily sleeping benches, as Beverley remarks of those in his version of this illustration. He describes them as platforms of boards, sticks or reeds, on forked posts, covered with mats or skins. 17 This agrees well with other descriptions for the Powhatan, and for many of the tribes of the south-east. 18 Barlowe tells of food being served on these benches at Roanoke. 19
The hemispherical vessels shown for dipping and carrying water are too small for clear determination, but they perhaps represent gourds with open tops and loop handles, such as Speck reports for the modern Pamunkey and Mattaponi of Virginia. 20
Unfortunately the axe used for chopping wood is indistinct in form, although in (B) it seems to be triangular in outline. Hariot mentions axes of 'gray stone like unto marble' used by these Indians for chopping wood. Holmes noticed the illustration, but evidently missed Hariot's remark, since he suggested that this may have been an English trade axe. It has been pointed out that suitable stone does not occur in this region, although a stone axe apparently predating the English settlement was found during recent archaeological work at Roanoke Fort. 21
The illustration of the dog is important, small and indistinct though it is. Study of American Indian varieties of dogs is dependent almost entirely on archaeological skeletal evidence, since the earliest descriptions are generally inadequate, and later descriptions and illustrations are unreliable evidence because crossing with European dogs must have begun almost immediately on contact, and the results may have spread ahead of the advancing exploration and settlement. 22 Given White's accuracy and the unlikelihood of European influence on Indian dogs this early, the illustration is important for what it shows of the non-osteological traits of the animal. The variety may be Allen's 'Small Indian Dog or Techichi'; 23 the illustration apparently shows a solid brown dog about the size of a fox, with short hair, long snout, a rather long raised tail, and perhaps prick ears.
1 See pl. 123 (a) and Quinn, pp. 416-17, 870 and map.
11 John Smith, Works, 1608-1631 , ed. Edward Arber (1884), pp. cvi-vii, 67; W. Strachey, The historie of travell into Virginia Britania, ed. L. B. Wright and V. Freund (London, Hakluyt Soc., 2nd s., vol. CIII, 1953), p. 78.
12 F. G. Rainey, 'A compilation of historical data contributing to the ethnography of Connecticut and southern New England Indians', Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of Connecticut, no. 3 (1936), p. 30; A. Skinner, 'Material culture of the Menomini', Indian Notes and Monographs [Misc. no. 20] (New York, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1921), p. 247.
16 Flannery, Analysis, pp. 65-6; Rainey, 'Compilation', pp. 28-30; Willoughby, Antiquities , pp. 289-93; Swanton, Indians , pp. 386-415; W. F. Kinsey, 'A Susquehannock longhouse', American Antiquity, vol. XXIII (1957), pp. 180-1.
22 See G. M. Allen, 'Dogs of the American aborigines', Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard , vol. LXIII (1920), pp. 431-517; W. G. Haag, 'An osteometric analysis of some aboriginal dogs', University of Kentucky Reports in Anthropology, vol. VII (1948), pp. 107-264; G. Friederici, 'Der Indianerhund von Nordamerika', Globus , vol. LXXVI (Brunswick, 1899), pp. 361-5; E. M. Butler and W. S. Hadlock, 'Dogs of the northeastern woodland Indians', Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society, vol. X (1949), pp. 17-35.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 32
A woman is standing to the front with her head turned half-right and with a child standing at her left side, facing half-left. The woman is wearing an apron-skirt of fringed skin of which only the part in front is visible, edged at top and bottom with a single row of white beads. Her hair is fringed in front, long behind and caught up at the nape of her neck. A headband, probably of woven beadwork, is shown running across her forehead and under the hair at each side. A close-fitting three-string necklace with a pendant is either worn or suggested by painting or tattooing on the skin. She also wears a long three-strand bead necklace hanging to her waist, through which her right hand is thrust. Painted or tattooed decoration is visible on her forehead, cheek and chin and on her upper arms. She holds in her left hand a large bottle-shaped gourd vessel. The girl's head reaches almost to the woman's waist and her hair is fringed on the forehead, hanging free at the sides and back. She wears a necklace of at least three strands of red and blue or black beads, with a tongue-like pendant which she is holding in her right hand. Her sole article of clothing is a thong or string passing round the waist, where it is tied in front, and through her crutch where it secures a small pad. In her left hand she holds a doll dressed in Elizabethan female costume.
Black, various shades of grey and brown water-colours, touched with white and crimson body-colours, over black lead; 26.3 x 14.9 cm. or 10 3/8 x 5 7/8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "A cheife Herowans wyfe of Pomeoc. | and her daughter of the age of .8. or. | .10. yeares. "
1906-5-9-I (13), L.B. I (14), C-M. & H. 33.
Literature : Quinn, p. 417, no. 34 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 40-41, no. 33, pl. II.
The darker tints have offset evenly, and the lighter tints less strongly, the description being barely visible.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2 (14).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 126 (a)
The plate, entitled 'A cheiff Ladye of Pomeiooc', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The woman's stance is slightly modified, her left foot being behind her right and the girl is running towards her from the right, holding up in her right hand an English rattle, with the doll in her left. The figures are set against a landscape background of shoals with Indians fishing from canoes, and low tree-crowned hills. There are a number of minor differences in the figures: the woman has no headband, there are no tattoo marks on her chin but they appear on her calves, the smaller 'necklace' is definitely simulated; the girl's necklace is two-string without a pendant.
14.8 x 21.6 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 1/2 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 417-18, no. 34 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 40-1, no. 33.
Hariot's caption for the engraving (B) mentions the woman's hair knot, and also specifies that her skin is tattooed ('pownced'). Her necklace is described as five or six strands of large pearls or copper or bone beads. The skirt in front is of deerskin, he says, but she is 'almost altogither naked behinde'. He was evidently not very familiar with the use of gourd containers, as he says this one is 'full of some kinde of pleasant liquor'. The girl's slight clothing was the type worn by girls less than ten years old (older children wore adult clothing), according to Hariot. The string is leather, and the pad over the genitalia is 'mose of trees'. The doll and rattle were 'brought oute of England'; in another place Hariot includes dolls among the 'trifles' handed out by the English on their first arrival at Roanoke. 1
The appearance of the woman's necklace (in (A), not (B)) suggests a woven strip of beads, rather than several separate strands. The blue colour may indicate shell beads, rather than Hariot's pearls, copper or bone. Beverley reproduces De Bry's engraving with this figure almost unchanged, and describes the necklace as of 'peak'-i.e. cylindrical white or purple shell beads. Pearls from mussels are however frequently mentioned among these Indians and others in the south-east. 2 Copper beads are mentioned by others for this region. The metal was obtained by trade from the interior; although Swanton suggested that it may have derived ultimately from the Great Lakes region, there are other sources of native copper much closer. 3 The child's necklace may contain beads received from the English--so the red colour indicates, unless this is meant to represent copper. Beverley interprets this necklace as consisting of 'runtees'-shell beads either oval and drilled longitudinally, or flat and circular drilled edgewise. 4
The woman's hairdress is definitely the more common of the two types depicted by White (see no. 37 for the other); it seems not to be mentioned for the Carolina Algonkians except in Hariot's caption to this illustration, but it was also one of the types used by Virginia Indian women, and is one of the many forms which can be inferred from early accounts of the south-eastern tribes. It is also mentioned for the Delaware. 5
John Gerard, evidently depending on verbal information from members of Raleigh's expedition, describes milkweed, Asclepias syriaca, as yielding a 'silke...vsed of the people of Pomeioc, and other of the prouinces adioining (being parts of Virginia) to couer the secret parts of maidens that neuer tasted man, as in other places they vse a white kinde of mosse'. 6 John Lawson, writing of the North Carolina Indians in the first decade of the eighteenth century, says that women past puberty always wore under their aprons of skin or cloth 'a small String round the Waist, to which another is tied and comes between their Legs, where always is a Wad of Moss against the Ospubis'. Similar clothing of young girls occurred among the lower Mississippi tribes. 7
Speck reproduces this engraving as the frontispiece in his work on Gourds of the southeastern Indians. Water containers of large, necked bottle-gourds (Lagenaria siceraria) were common in the south-east, although Speck illustrates no modern ones with precisely this form; later he added references to gourd water containers among the Mahican and Montauk in the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries. 8
5 Percy, in Smith, Works, pp. lxix-lxx; Beverley, Virginia, pp. 159-62; Swanton, Indians, pp. 498-504; W. W. Newcomb, Jr., The culture and acculturation of the Delaware Indians' (Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, no. X (1956)), p. 26.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 33
The man is standing to the front, his face half-left, with feet apart. His greying hair is drawn flat at the sides and caught up in a knot at the back, leaving a roach down the middle of his head. Some facial hair is visible on his chin, cheeks, and upper hp. He wears a large fringed deerskin mantle thrown over his left shoulder and reaching below the knee, leaving the right shoulder bare, with the top edge turned down to reveal the hairy side. A neat seam is visible down the left side. His right hand lies across his body clasping his mantle, his left is extended at the side and points down with the index finger. He is perhaps wearing an ear ornament.
Black, touches of brown body-colour, various shades of brown and grey water-colours, heightened with white (partly oxidized), especially along the edges of the feet, hands and shoulder, all over black lead outlines; 26.1 x 15 cm. or 10 1/4 x 5 7/8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, along the top, "The aged man in his wynter garment. "
1906-5-9-1(19), L.B. I (20), C-M. & H. 34.
Literature: Quinn, p. 418, no. 35(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 41, no. 34.
The figure is incomplete, the face lacking definition. The black of the hair and mantle has offset strongly, the brown tightly and irregularly.
P. & D.,199.a.2, L.B. 2 (20).
B. SLOANE COPY Plate 83 (b)
The man has been substantially modified, particularly in his facial expression and physique, although the stance and costume are similar. He is wearing a feather stuck upright on his forehead, while another appears at the right-hand side of his face. He has also a three-strand bead necklace, most of which is hidden beneath his mantle, and there is a suggestion of an ornament on the left wrist. The foreground is more definitely indicated in greenish-yellow wash. The colour in general is lighter, pinkish rather than brown, and brownish-grey rather than grey; the white has been omitted.
Black, various shades of brown, brownish-grey, pink and greenish-yellow water-colours, over black lead outlines.
P. & D., 199.a.3 (formerly Sloane MS. 5270), f. 10v., L.B. 3 (7).
Literature: Quinn, p. 419, no. 35 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 64.
C. COPY FROM B
B.M., Dept. of MSS., Add. (formerly Sloane) MS. 5253, no. 16.
D. ENGRAVING Plate 126 (b)
The plate, entitled 'An ageed manne in his winter garment', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The figure is set on a ridge above a landscape background showing the village of Pomeiooc surrounded by fields of maize (one on the right containing the raised field watcher's but from the Secoton illustration), and beyond, a belt of trees and shoals with Indians fishing from canoes. The figure itself shows a few variations: the overlap of the mantle reveals more fur on the inside, a wider flap or tail in the centre of the upper fringe is more clearly shown, no seam is indicated and no ear ornament is precisely defined, but a pair of moccasins is worn without visible fastenings; the hooked nose and high cheek bones of the original have been Europeanized and the index finger of the left hand is hardly pointing.
15.5 x 21.5 cm. or 6 1/8 x 8 1/2 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 419, no. 35 (c); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 41, no. 34.
According to Hariot, this is a man of Pomeiooc, and the garment shown is of skin, 'Dressed with the hair on, and lyned with other furred skinnes', tied on one shoulder. Elsewhere Hariot specifies deerskins. The hairdress is described-a knot at the back with a 'crest' on top-and facial hair, although sparse, is mentioned as a trait of older men; young men plucked their beards. 1
Three other White illustrations clearly show this type of robe: with the right arm free as here (nos. 42 (A), (B), 44 (A), (B)), or with the left arm free (no. 43 (A), (B)). One of these (no. 42) is worn by a woman, and the robe is there belted (as Beverley says they sometimes were in Virginia), 2 but not in the other instances (the woman in no. 44 (A), (B), as well as the man may be wearing such a robe).
None of the illustrations show the knot on the shoulder. A similar garment was worn by the Virginia Algonkians in whose language it was called matchcore 3 or mantchcor. 4 The Delaware evidently had a winter garment similar to the Carolina and Virginia robe. The type was widespread in eastern North America. Many of the early descriptions mention the fur being worn next to the body and the right arm left bare. 5
The engraving (D), and a man and woman shown in the engraving, no. 42 (B), supply the only evidence for moccasins among the Carolina Algonkians, although they would be expected here as elsewhere in the east. 6 However, De Bry's form is without parallel, but Beverley's derivative 7 adds a puckered seam up the toe which converts the form to a type in Hatt's series I or II, common in eastern North, America. 8 If De Bry was here copying a lost variant of White's, we may safely assume that he omitted the seam up the toe of the moccasins.
Depilation of the naturally scant facial hair was normal practice with men of many American Indian tribes. However, there were several exceptions in the east, among older men as here. 9
4 Apparently mantchcor on the photo copy of the Strachey vocabulary in J. P. Harrington, 'The original Strachey vocabulary of the Virginia Indian language', Anthropological Papers, no. 46, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 157 (1955), sheet 4, although this was read mantchoor by Harrington, and by Wright and Geary in Strachey, Historie of travell, p.180 (the variation between mantchcor and matchcore reflects a dialect difference in Virginia Algonkian noted by Geary in Strachey, p. 210). This is the source, by folk etymology, of the English term 'Match coat', widely used in colonial North America for a short Indian coat (including trade items) (G. Friederici, 'Amerikanistisches Wörterbuch', Universität Hamburg, Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde, Bd. 53 -Reihe B. Völkerkunde, Kulturgeschichte and Sprachen, Bd. 29, 1947 pp. 400-1).
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 34
The woman is standing to the left, her back to the observer, her head turned towards the front, looking over her left shoulder. She carries a naked child on her back who grips her shoulders with both arms and whose left leg is tucked under and through her left arm, while the right hangs down. Her hair forms what now appears to be a grey cap (almost as if it were a wig--an effect caused by the removal of the surface wash by water) and from it some straggling hairs emerge in a fringe at the front and loosely at the neck. Her upper arms are decorated with bands of zigzag and other patterns, either painted or tattooed. She wears a double apron-skirt of fringed skin which reaches half-way down her thighs.
Black, brown and grey water-colours in several shades, touched with white (partly oxidized), over black lead; 25.7 x 14.1 cm. or 10 1/8 x 5 5/8 in.
Inscribed in brown ink, along the top, "The wyfe of an Herowan of Pomeiooc. "
1906-5-9-1 (15), L.B. I (16), C-M. & H. 35.
Literature: Quinn, p. 419, no. 36 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 41-2, no. 35.
The dark colours, especially of the child's hair and the woman's skirt, have been transferred more strongly than the brown tints. The face and inscription are imperfectly offprinted.
P. & D.,199.a.2, L.B. 2 (16).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 127 (a)
The plate, entitled 'Their manner of careynge ther Childern and a tyere of the cheiffe Ladyes of the towne of Dasamonquepeuc', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). It is in reverse of (A). The figure is duplicated to give a front view and a landscape background has been added, of shoals with Indians fishing from canoes and low treelined hills. There are few significant variations in the figure: she has ear ornaments of three pendant spheres, there are tattoo marks on the cheek and (from the front view) she is seen to have a simulated two-strand necklace.
15 x 21.4 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 1/2 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 420, no. 36 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 41-2, no. 35.
Hariot's caption to the engraving (B) explains that women of Dasemunkepeuc were dressed and tattooed ('pownced') like those of Roanoke, except that they did not wear headbands nor tattoo their thighs. Hariot also remarks on the method of carrying children as typical, and contrasting with the English custom. 1
The woman's simple hairdress is one of the two types depicted by White (see no. 35 for the other). It was paralleled in Virginia and was apparently one of the more common modes among south-eastern Indians. 2
The method of carrying a child shown here is described by Beverley in the caption accompanying his slightly modified copy of De Bry's engraving as typical for summertime; in the winter, Virginia Indian babies were carried in their mothers' robes at the back. But Beverley also illustrates (crudely) and describes a cradleboard, which he says was used to hold and carry younger babies. 3 Cradleboards were general throughout the south-east and north-east. 4 Swanton suggests that White here illustrates the method for carrying children who had outgrown the cradleboard; 5 yet it is curious that there is no evidence for the cradleboard in White's illustrations nor in the documents on the Roanoke voyages; the only written reference to child carrying is White's mention of a Croatoan woman with 'her childe at her backe' 6 -perhaps in the manner shown here. Certainly the exotic object, if present, should have been noticed. Detailed information on methods of carrying children too old for the cradleboard is difficult to locate; however, the position shown here can be interpreted as a variant or misapprehension of the hip-straddling method used by modern Florida Seminole mothers-where the cradleboard is also unknown. 7
4 Swanton, Indians, pp. 562-3; Flannery, Analysis, pp. 91-2; 0. T. Mason, 'Cradles of the American aborigines', Report of the U.S. National Museum (Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1887, pt. 2 (1889)), pp. 204-8.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 35
A bird's-eye view of an unenclosed Indian village of thirteen houses of light pole and mat construction. At the top, a path leads from water (a stream or pond) to the main group of houses where it widens into a central thoroughfare running down through the settlement. On the street, in the centre of the main group of houses, a spoke-shaped fire attended by two Indians is burning and below, further down the path, are shown mats spread out on which are three large circular eating vessels and six small objects of indefinite form. One squatting and two sitting figures are seen eating and one man armed with a bow stands by. To the right of the path and street are three cornfields each at a different stage of growth. The top field of ripe maize contains a small hut, open at one side, which may shelter a seated figure and is mounted on a platform with four legs. A path to the right separates this field from the two lower ones in which crops of unripe and very young maize are growing. The last has faint indications perhaps representing hills around the bases of the plants. To the left of the unripe maize is a house with a small fenced yard before the door which is in the centre of the end wall. The houses to the left of the road are set among (or near to) birch-like trees. Among the trees to the left are two houses with three figures nearby, two of them apparently carrying bows. Four other figures are to be seen among the main group of houses, which are shown with open ends, several revealing the pole framework and side platforms, while a few have small window-like openings. At the bottom right a path separates the lowest cornfield from the ceremonial area and is bordered by a row of seven posts. Below this is a circle of seven posts, the tops of which are possibly carved in the form of human heads, and on a path around it nine Indians (apparently all men), with feathers in their hair and waving gourd rattles, are dancing. Some wear a single apron-skirt and others apparently are naked or wear breech-clouts only. One Indian crouches beside a post outside the circle to the right and six others squat or sit in line on the roadway to the left. A further path is indicated at the bottom right, below the dancers. To the left of the roadway, opposite the circle, a path surrounds four posts within which a spoke-shaped log fire is burning, a fifth post being seen to the right near where the path joins the road. The heads of the posts are again possibly carved like the others. To the left of the fire is a but with the end covered and below, at the bottom left, is a house taller than the rest which may have openings in the end wall. A short path leads from it to the road.
Black, crimson and brown body-colours, brown, yellow, grey and blue water-colours, heightened with white (partly oxidized) and gold, over black lead outlines; some running of the colours as a result of water damage; 32.4 x 19.9 cm. or 12 3/4 x 7 3/4 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, in the top right-hand corner, on the first field of maize, "Their rype corne" .; below, on the second field, "Their greene corne" .; on the third field, "Come newly sprong" . In the centre, below the eating figures, "their sitting at meale" . In a semi-circle about the fire, near the bottom left-hand corner, "The place of solemne prayer" and below, above the hut, "The house wherein the Tombe of their Herounds standeth" . To the right, on the street, below the line of squatting figures, "SECOTAN" ., and to the right again, below the dancing figures , "A Ceremony in their prayers wth | strange iesturs and songs dansing | about post carved on the topps | lyke mens faces" .
1906-5-9-1 (7), L.B. 1(6), C-M. & H. 36.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 420-1, no. 37(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 42, no. 36.
The right and centre part of the drawing has offset lightly and evenly, the left side irregularly and with considerable water stains.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2(6).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 135
The plate, entitled 'The Tovvne of Secota', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The disposition of the huts and main groups of figures is as in the drawing, though more huts are visible among the trees in the left background and more Indians near the food bowls. The plate also shows a large plot of tobacco to the right of the trees in the left background and another, together with sunflowers, on the left, towards the foreground. To the left of the lowest field of maize is a border of pumpkins. The ripe ears of maize in the top field are wrongly shown without husks. There are only six posts round the dance circle.
30.9 x 23.2 cm or 12 1/8 x 9 1/8 in.
Literature : Quinn, pp. 421-3, no. 37(b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 42, no. 36, pl. VI.
Secotan was probably located on the south side of the Pamlico River, perhaps near the present Bonnerton, North Carolina. 1
Hariot's caption to the engraving (B) specifies that this was one of the towns lacking a palisade, whereas others had them. He implies that the houses were more widely and irregularly spaced in such villages. The letters on the engraving are keys to descriptions in the caption: A, charnel house, the interior being shown in no. 41, B, 'wher they assemble themselues to make their solemne prayers, (cf. the captions to nos. 42 (B) and 43 (B)); C, dance ground, as shown in no. 42; D, 'a place. . . whear after they have ended their feaste [i.e., dance, as in no. 42] they make merrie togither'; E, two gardens of tobacco; F, a half-round hut on a 'scaffold', where someone is placed to watch the maize field and 'maketh continual cryes and noyse' to scare away 'fowles, and beasts'; G, field of ripe maize; H, field of newly planted maize; I, garden of 'pompions'; K, 'a place . . . wherin the make a fvre att their solemne feasts' (elsewhere in the caption: '. . . they solemnise their feasts in the nigt, and therfore they keepe verye great fyres to auoyde darkenes'); L, a nearby river 'from whence they fetche their water'. 2
It has been stated that this scene was probably drawn by White on July 15-16th , 1585. 3 The three stages of maize shown agree well with this date, since, according to Barlowe, 4 the Carolina Algonkians planted three crops per year, in May (harvested in July), June (harvested in August), and July (harvested in September). 5 The ripe maize shown may be the variety which, according to Hariot, was 10 feet high when ripe at fourteen weeks (there were two other varieties which ripened in ten to twelve weeks, when they were 6-7 feet tall). 6
Planting of maize in small hills (or hilling earth around the bases of partly grown plants) was widespread in the east--it is mentioned at least for New England, the Iroquois, the Delaware, the Virginia Algonkian, and the Chickasaw or a neighboring tribe, and there are archaeological traces in various places. 7 However, maize hills are not mentioned in the description of Carolina Algonkian agricultural methods, and the uncertain indications in this illustration would not be so interpreted were it not for the comparative evidence.
According to Hariot intercropping was the usual practice here: maize, beans, pumpkins, gourds, and melden 8 were planted together in the same plot; but tobacco was grown separately. However, these plants were also grown 'sometimes in groundes apart and seuerally by themselves', as shown here. 9 Beverley writes that the Virginia Indians planted maize and beans together, but more often in separate patches. 10
The larger and more detailed Secoton watch-house in a maize field is probably the original of the ones shown in the background of the engraving of the old man of Pomeiooc (no. 36) and near the village of Roanoke in the view of the arrival of the Englishmen in Virginia (no. 33). Apparent parallels are recorded for the seventeenth-century Narragansett and for the Chickasaw (or some nearby group) in the eighteenth century. 11 Although there are only three references here, they are widely spaced; probably such watch-houses were relatively common in aboriginal eastern North America.
The sunflowers shown here are identified by Heiser as 'excellent drawings' of the giant sunflower, Helianthus annuus, var. macrocarpus (DC.) Cockerell, widely cultivated for its seeds in aboriginal North America, where it was broughtunder domestication. 12 Hariot says that the Carolina Algonkians planted sunflowers between the maize plants, and used the seeds in bread and soup. Virginia Algonkian sunflower seed bread is mentioned by Beverley. 13
The tobacco plants illustrated seem to be Nicotiana rustica Linn. rather than the N. tabacum Linn. of modern commerce, 14 which agrees with the generally accepted view that N. rustica was the species cultivated by the Indians of eastern North America, whereas N. tabacum was introduced here in colonial times. 15 Setchell identified Strachey's description of Virginia Indian tobacco as referring to N. rustica. 16 Hariot well describes the Carolina Indian uses of tobacco. 17
The pumpkins are identified by Hugh Cutler as Cucurbita pepo Linn.; the leaves of C. moschata Duch., the other possibility for this region, are not so deeply lobed. 18
5 However, there is some disagreement in the sources. Hariot (Quinn, p. 343) says that planting was at any time from mid-March until the end of June, while Lane (Quinn, pp. 279-80, 284) mentions a planting in late April, at the demand of the English, for harvest in early July, with a second panting in May.
7 Willoughby, Antiquities, p. 296; Rainey, 'Compilation', p. 12; A. C. Parker, 'Iroqious uses of maize and other food plants', New York State Museum Bulletin CXIIV (1910), p. 27; Newcomb, Delaware Indians, p. 14; Smith, Works, p. 62, Strachey, Histoire of travel, p. 119; Beverley, Virginia, p. 144; Adair in Swanton, Indians, p. 310; P. Weatherwax, Indian corn in old America (New York, 1954); pp. 70-2/
8 This is a Dutch name given by Hariot. Swanton (Indians, p. 244), evidently following a suggestion of the botanist E. P. Killip, tentatively identified Hariot's description as referring to Atriplex hastate, orache or salt-bush. There does not seem to be other evidence that this genus was cultivated by North American Indians. Perhaps for this reason, Weatherwax (p. 61) suggested that Hariot's meldon 'may have been a species of Atriplex or Amarantiius'. Amaranths were used, and perhaps cultivated, aboriginally in south-western North America, and were widely cultivated by the Indians of Mexico, and elsewhere in the world, as a grain, pot-herb, and for other uses. There is an archaeological record for the Ozarks, but it is doubtful whether these seeds are from cultivated seeds (J. 1). Sauer, 'The grain Amaranths', Annals of the Missouri Botanical Garden, vol. XXXVII (1950), p. 563; M. R. Harrington, The Ozark bluff dwellers, Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. XII (Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation (1960)), p. 152. Still a third possibility (Willoughby, 'Virginia Indians', p. 83) is a member of the genus Chenopodium, pigweed or goosefoot, which is closely related to Atriplex; seeds of this plant have been found archaeologically in the Ohio River basin and the Ozarks, and some have suggested that this was a cultigen of the prehistoric Indians of the east (G. R. Willey, 'Historical patterns and evolution in native New World culture', pp. 114-41 in S. Tax, ed., Evolution after Darwin, wol. II (Chicago, 1960), p. 128; Harrington, Ozark bluff dwellers, p. 152; R. M. Godin, 'Food of the Adena people', ch. IV in W. S. Webb and R. S. Baby, The Adena people, no. 2 (Columbus, Ohio, 1957). M. L. Fernald and A. C. Kinsey discuss the edibility of the leaves of plants of these three genera, and of the seeds of Chenopodium and Amanranthus (Edible wild plants of eastern North America (Cornwall-on-Hudson, N.Y., 1943), pp. 177-82, 184-5).
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 36
The woman is standing, facing half-right with arms folded. Her hair is fringed in front and hangs in wisps at the side and back and is secured by a headband of twisted material. There is a suggestion of an ear ornament. She is wearing a double apron-skirt of fringed skin, ornamented with a double row of beads or pearls. The tassels of the fringe below the waist are heightened, as they are on the lower fringe, with white (oxidized) and show traces of gold. The skirt reaches nearly half-way down the thighs. She is elaborately painted or tattooed with bluish lines on her cheeks, forehead and chin, a simulated necklace ending at a point between her breasts, and patterns on the upper and lower arms and on the calves and instep.
Black, blue and crimson body-colours, brown and various shades of grey water-colours, heightened with white (oxidized) and touched with gold, over black lead outlines.
26 x 13.9 cm. or 10 1/4 x 5 1/2 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 423, no. 38 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 43, no. 37.
The transfer has been rather uneven, the black heavily offprinted, the grey and brown lightly and the blue heavily on the left arm and lower legs, more lightly elsewhere.
B. SLOANE COPY Plate 82(a)
The woman is as in (A) but the face, right arm and feet are disfigured by white paint which has oxidized and may be a later addition. The colour of the skin is slightly more pink and that of the skirt is brownish-grey rather than grey. The skirt lacks the bead trimmings and there is no overhanging top fringe. The tattooing throughout is sharply defined in a darker blue, carefully executed, on the upper part of the body, crudely on the legs. The foreground is done in a heavy dark yellow.
Black, crimson body-colour, blue, various shades of brown, brownish-grey and yellow water-colours, heightened with white (oxidized), over black lead outlines; enclosed within a double ruled ink border; 25.6 x 13.1 cm. or 10 1/8 x 5 1/2 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, above, "Of Secoton "
P. & D., 199.a.3 (formerly Sloane MS. 5270), f. 5r., L.B. 3 (8).
Literature: Quinn, p. 423, no. 38 (b) (as without inscription); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 61.
C. ENGRAVING Plate 124 (a)
The plate, entitled 'On of the chieff Ladyes of Secota', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape of shoals and Indians fishing from canoes, with low tree-lined hills beyond. The details of the figure are very close to the original even down to the pattern of the tattoo or painted marks on the cheeks, forehead, neck, arms and calves. The ear ornament is defined as four beads on a pendant attached to the lobe. The feet have been much reduced in size.
15.1 x 21.3 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 3/4 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 423-4, no. 38 I; Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 43, no. 37.
This illustration provides one of the clearest examples of the double-apron skirt, one of the two variants of women's garment which can be clearly distinguished in the original drawings. The drawing (A) confirms the more detailed engraving (C). Harlot's caption is not very specific, merely referring to a dressed deerskin garment hanging down both in front and behind. He also mentions the hairdress: cut short in front, the rest long and hanging to the shoulders, with a 'wreath' on top. 1 Beverley published a modification of this engraving, specifying that 'a wreath of Furs' is shown. 2 According to Hariot the ear ornament was of pearls or 'smooth bones' (the suggestion of shell beads instead of the latter seems reasonable). Hariot explained that the woman's forehead, cheeks, chin, arms and legs are tattooed ('pownced'), whereas the neck ornament may be either tattooed ('pricked') or painted. 3
ENGRAVING Plate 136
The plate is entitled 'Ther Idol Kivvasa' but the engraver is not indicated. It represents an idol seated in a circular hut. The image has the hair tied in a knot above the head, while the face shows signs of tattooing. It is wearing a close-fitting jerkin, open at the front to reveal some type of undergarment, and tight-fitted sleeves. At the waist is a fringed skin apron-skirt. The knees are extended and the hands are resting on them. Tight-fitting boots are shown reaching to the calves, the tops of which are decorated with three zigzag lines and one straight line of beads or pearls. It is wearing a four-strand necklace of long and spherical beads and there are two strings of beads above each knee. It is seated on a two-step dais covered with matting. The roof is composed of segments of woven cane or matting secured at the centre and has a vertical border from which matting hangs down to the ground, drawn away from the opening to reveal the image.
15.8 x 21.5 cm. or 6 1/4 x 8 1/2 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 424-5, no. 39; Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 43, no. 38.
A rather similar idol is shown in the charnel house (no. 41). The character of the headdress and the costume makes the authenticity of the above doubtful.
In his caption Hariot describes this 'idol' as carved of wood, about 4 feet high, with a head 'like the heades of the people of Florida', all black except for a flesh-coloured face, white breast, and white spots on the thighs. The necklace consisted of white beads alternating with spherical copper beads. This image was kept in the charnel house at Secoton, 'as the keper of the kings dead corpses'. Other 'churches' had two, or a maximum of three, set in a dark corner. 1
'Idols'--i.e. human figures represented in the round, used for religious purposes--are mentioned by many sources on the Carolina and Virginia Algonkians, and in many other regions in the south-east. 2 The references are all early, and the precise meanings and functions of these figures are obscured by the distortion introduced by the European reporters' dualistic emphasis on God and the Devil. 3 However, the Carolina and Virginia association with charnel houses is clear.
The use of such figures was characteristic of the south-east but rare in the north-east.4
Archaeological examples occur in the south-east, but normally they are of stone and smaller than the one at Secoton; the functions of these specimens, which usually portray seated figures, are of course uncertain. Two examples (one from Tennessee) have pointed topknots roughly comparable to that in this illustration (and in no. 41). Perhaps the closest archaeological parallel is a much-eroded wooden figure of a seated man, about 2 1/2 feet high, found in a Kentucky cave in 1869. Other fairly close parallels of wood come from the Spiro mound in Oklahoma. 5
The hairdress shown here is, as Hariot comments, like that of the Florida Timucua men. In fact it is identical with forms shown in engravings after Le Moyne, published by De Bry with this one--more like them than like White's Timucua drawing (no. 112 (A)) . This hairdress has been interpreted as evidence for diffusion from the south. 6 However, it seems much more probable that the resemblance is an artifact of the engraver, perhaps based on a pointed original like the two archaeological examples mentioned. The small image in White's charnel house (no. 41) has a hat-like pointed top vaguely indicated, which was converted by the engraver into a hairdress like that shown here.
There are a number of other suspicious elements in this engraving: the structure disagrees with the buildings shown elsewhere, especially the charnel house in which the image was kept (nos. 38, 41); the figure is much too naturalistic in the European manner, bearing no resemblance to any eastern North American (or other Indian) art style; 7 the very high decorated tops on the moccasins, the beads around the thighs, and the neatly tailored jacket are all unparalleled in this region and almost certainly go back ultimately to painted or carved designs with different significance in the original carving.
4 Although there are a few early references for the Iroquois: W. M. Beauchamp, 'Aboriginal use of wood in New York', N.Y. State Museum Bulletin, no. LXXXIX (Archeology, no. XI (1905)), pp. 173-4; M. H. Deardorff, 'The religion of Handsome Lake', Bureau of American. Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 149 (1951), p. 85; A. F. C. Wallace, ed., Halliday Jackson's Journal to the Seneca Indians, 1798-1800 [Harrisburg, Pa.?], [1952?], p. 26.
5 References to archaeological examples are given by W. S. Webb and D. L. Dejarnette, 'An archeological survey of the Pickwick Basin', Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 129 (1942), pp. 296-7; illustrations are in E. L. Fundaburk and M. D. F. Foreman, eds., Sun circles and human hands(Luverne, Ala., 1957), pls. 97-8, 141 (the examples with topknots on pl. 98) and in H. W. Hamilton, 'The Spiro mound', Missouri Archaeologist, vol. XIV (1952), pls. 25-6. The Kentucky specimen, now catalogue number 4/8069 in the Museum of the American Indian, New York, is illustrated by W. K. Moorehead, The Stone Age in North America(Boston and New York, 1910), Vol. II, p. 27--but his description of it as having ears pierced for earrings and wrists grooved for bracelets is imaginative. The most detailed description in the early records is Beverley's account of his examination of three bundles hidden in a Virginia temple. One of these contained what he took to be a disassembled 'idol'. A board about 3 1/2 feet long with a notch or fork at one end for the head (which was missing), attached hoops to form the body, mid jointed boards forming legs; in the bundle were cloths to cover the hoops and bent rolls of cloth for arms and legs. One wonders whether this was really an 'idol'. Beverley's interpretation (and his memory of what he saw) may have been influenced by De Bry's engraving, which he reproduced (Beverley, Virginia, pp. 196-7, 199). Can it have been a medicine bundle? Although there are no records of medicine bundles in this region, Müller has pointed out that this may be because of Indian secretiveness due to fear of the harmful effects of contemptuous Europeans on the sacred objects, rather than because of a genuine absence of them (Müller, Religionen, p. 235, n. 76).
7 White's original was also probably a poor representation of the object--Indian artistic styles are so exotic that most non-Indian artists have difficulties in representing them--but it is very unfortunate that except for the small vague figure in no. 41 we now have only a version further distorted by the engraver.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 37
A rectangular building (20 x 13.5 cm. or 7 7/8 x 5 3/8 in.) of pole and mat construction with curved roof, is raised perhaps 6 feet above the ground on eleven timber posts. The front end is open and the mat covering thrown back over the roof. The raised floor is made of either narrow poles or cane. Below it, in front, is a border or pelmet of cane or mat, perhaps 18 inches deep. On the raised floor lies a row of ten pale, naked and emaciated bodies placed close together on their backs, their arms by their sides and their heads almost reaching the front edge of the floor. Their hair is shown drawn out from the scalp to a point or knot. At their feet, four large rectangular bundles of matting with curved tops lie two by two against the end wall of the building. The figure of an idol ('Kywash') is represented sitting slightly elevated, with legs flexed and hands on knees, close to the right-hand wall and some little way back. It appears to be dressed in black throughout with a white streak or opening on the chest (giving the effect almost of a jacket and trousers with a white undergarment showing in front). Its feet and hands are black and on its head is a large round hat, brownish in colour, with a rolled brim, coming to a point at the top. The face is pale and looks to the front. Under the floor of the building, inside the wooden posts, are two reddish-brown skins spread out on the ground, one on top of the other. In front a small spoke-shaped wood fire is burning. The building stands on a levelled foundation a little wider than itself and extending to the front of the drawing.
Black, various shades of brown, reddish-brown, pink and grey water-colours, heightened with gold on the flames, over black lead outlines; 29.5 x 20.4 cm. or 11 5/8 x 8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "The Tombe of their Cherounes or cheife personages, their flesh clene taken of from the bones saue | the skynn and heare of theire heads, wch flesh is dried and enfolded in matts laide at theire | feete. their bones also being made dry, ar couered wth deare skynns not altering | their forme or proportion. With theire Kywash, which is an | Image of woode keeping the deade. "
1906-5-9-1 (9), L.B. I (8), C-M. & H. 38.
Literature: Quinn, p. 425, no. 40 (a) ; Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 43, no. 38, pl. 30.
There is a possible discrepancy between the inscription and the drawing. The former indicates that only the skeletons covered with deerskins, and with mummified heads, were preserved, but the drawing could show bodies which, though very emaciated, have flesh on their bones.
The recumbent figures and the fire are only faintly visible, but the rest of the drawing and inscription have been transferred lightly but clearly. The black of the idol has offset strongly.
P. & D.,199.a.2, L.B. 2 (8).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 137
The plate, entitled 'The Tombe of their Werovvans or Cheiff Lordes', is unsigned and in reverse of (A). It shows the interior of a tall but with an arched roof enclosing the structure shown in the drawing but with ten posts supporting the floor. It contains only nine bodies, with roached hairdress, the idol differing in appearance and seated on a small ledge on the left. A priest crouching, tending the fire and dressed as in no. 45, has been added to the right foreground. The variant drawing used by the engraver was clearly made within the large but shown in the bottom left-hand corner of the view of Secoton village (no. 38 (A), pl. 35).
30.4 x 20.6 cm. or 12 x 8 1/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 426-7, no. 40 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 43, no. 38.
Hariot's caption to the engraving is quite detailed. He describes the structure as a scaffold 9 or 10 feet high (the illustration does not seem this high), covered with mats, upon which were laid the corpses of 'their Weroans, or cheefe lordes'. These were prepared by disembowelling, laying back the skin, and removing the flesh. The articulated skeleton was wrapped in leather, and the skin replaced over this stuffed body. The flesh removed was sun dried and wrapped up in mats which were placed at the feet of the bodies. The 'Idol Kiwasa' was kept nearby, in the belief that it would 'keepe the dead bodyes of their cheefe lordes that nothinge may hurt them'. A priest lived under the scaffold, 'which Mumbleth his prayers nighte and day, and hath charge of the corpses', sleeping on two deerskins (the original Latin text says merely skins of wild animals) and making a fire for warmth in cold weather (some religious function for the fire is more probable). This caption does not mention the enclosing building, but in his comments on the general view of Secoton (no. 38) Hariot points it out and includes a cross-reference to this illustration. 1
Beverley published a close copy of this engraving. His description, supposedly referring to the Virginia Algonkians, differs slightly from Hariot's and adds a few details: to skin the corpses the skin was slit only in the back; after the flesh was removed the articulated skeleton was slightly dried in the sun; the skin was preserved by oiling; the skeleton being replaced in the skin, the body was stuffed with 'a very fine white Sand' and the skin sewn up, so that 'the Body looks as if the Flesh had not been removed'. The flesh was sun dried on 'hurdles' and then sewn up in a basket which was placed at the feet of the body from which the flesh had been removed (and Beverley's illustration is modified so that there is a separate bundle at the feet of each body). The compartment for the corpses was enclosed in mats 'to keep it from the Dust'; some of these mats are shown turned back-apparently diagrammatically, not as actually done-to reveal the inside of the compartment. 2
Other sources on the Virginia Algonkians describe methods for preserving the bodies of the leading men in separate structures. The accounts differ in some details, but it is clear that such special treatment was typical of this region. 3 There are also references to the preservation of bodies or bones (usually of chiefs or leading men) in special structures among the Nanticoke, Choctaw, Natchez, Biloxi or Pascagoula, Ottawa, and Micmac. 4 The White illustrations together with Hariot's description are exceptional for the details they record. Unfortunately, however, our accounts of both Carolina and Virginia Algonkians do not specify the ultimate disposal of the remains in the charnel houses. 5 This is pointed out by Stewart who excavated about 100 skeletons from an ossuary pit at the historic Virginia Algonkian village of Patawomeke. Several of these were disposed in a manner suggesting to Stewart that they had originally been extended on their backs as shown in White's illustration (which he reproduced), but with their lower legs flexed forward. Several others which were disarticulated before burial had skulls containing nests of the Mud Dauber Wasp, indicating that they had been exposed during 'at least one warm season' before burial. 6
The mats used as house coverings are shown more clearly here than elsewhere ( nos. 34, 38, 40). Hariot describes them as 'artificiall mattes made of long rushes'. 7 They have close parallels elsewhere ( see the commentary to no. 34); Holmes was certainly correct in comparing them to 'those still in use among the tribes of the upper Mississippi and the far West', such as the Ojibwa. Lawson's somewhat more detailed description of North Carolina Indian rush mat construction at a later date agrees perfectly with these modern examples from the western Great Lakes region. 8
However, Holmes overlooked the fact that White seems to have shown the mats incorrectly; all detailed modern descriptions, photographs, and museum specimens agree that the rushes (usually stalks of the cat-tail, Typha sp.) are laid side by side, their length determining the width of the mat, and sewn or twined together with fibre cords at intervals of some 6 inches or more. The rushes hence run crosswise, and the stitching lengthwise of the mats. 9 The mats shown by White are the proper proportions and dimensions, but he shows the stitching running across the mats. Rush mats of the normal type could conveniently be bent back as here and as shown and described in no. 34 (A) (pl. 31), whereas mats with the rushes running lengthwise could not, nor is it evident how the rushes would be attached end to end with stitching as widely spaced as is shown, nor would there be any reason then for the mats to be limited in width, as they are, to approximately the lengths of the rushes. This being noticed, it is possible to understand the mats shown in this engraving covering the walls of the outer structure (but not the inner one), and those shown on the walls of no. 40 (pl. 136), as being the proper type, with rushes running transversely, laid on the walls horizontally with their edges sewn together. But certainly those shown on the roof here, and some of those in no. 34 (A) (pl. 31), are wrongly drawn.
The construction on piles shown here and in the fieldwatcher's hut (no. 38 (A), pl. 35) is very unusual for eastern North America. There is one reference to a pile dwelling among the Massachusetts, but none are known in the south-east (the Key Marco archaeological instance cited by Swanton is based on aninterpretation not generally accepted). 10
4 Flannery, Analysis, p.109; Swanton, Indians, pp. 725-8; E. W. Voegelin, 'Mortuary customs of the Shawnee and other eastern tribes', Indiana Historical Society, Prehistory Research Series, Vol. II (1944), pp. 357-8.
9 Descriptions: e.g. in Skinner, 'Material culture of the Menomini', pp. 244-7 (see p. 87, n.1); photographs: e.g. in D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes west of the Mississippi', Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 77 (1922), pls. 6b, 18b, and C. A. Lyford, 'The crafts of the Ojibwa (Chippewa)', U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, Indian Handcrafts, V (1943), pl. 50; specimens: e.g. from the Ojibwa, Menomini and Fox in the U.S. National Museum.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 38
Seventeen Indians (ten men, seven women) are dancing within and around a circle of seven upright posts, somewhat taller than a man, defined on the ground by a path outside them. The tops of the posts are carved in the form of human heads which appear to be draped and to have the features painted in pale grey and reddish colours, touched with white. The dancers may be divided into three groups: the two figures standing between the posts in the foreground, whose clasped hands hold a leafy twig; the circle of men and women dancers moving outside the circle of posts; the three women in the centre of the circle clasped closely together, facing inwards. Numbering the dancers clockwise from a post at the bottom, left of centre: (1) a woman, to the right of the post, is balanced on her left leg, her right foot crossing it behind. She is dressed in a fringed skin mantle which hangs over her left shoulder and reveals the fur on the fold. The mantle appears to be tied round the waist with a band or string into which is tucked a skin bag with fringed ends which hangs down behind. Her hair sticks out in a fringe at the front and is tied behind at the neck and she probably has a headband. She appears to have a small bracelet on her right wrist. She is tattooed or painted on the upper arms and holds in her left hand a gourd rattle with a stick handle; her right hand clasps that of her neighbour; (2) a man to the left of the post, seen from the back, his head turned to the left, is balanced on his right foot with his left leg raised high, the knee fully bent and his right arm raised above his head, a twig in his hand; his left hand is thrust behind his back and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, secured by a thong round his waist, from which a skin bag hangs over his right hip. His hair is short at the side with a roach down the middle into which two feathers are stuck. Apparently, from his right ear an ornament (or tobacco pipe?) protrudes. On the left side of his back are three or four designs, perhaps downward-pointing arrows; (3) below the post furthest to the left a man seen from the back is in a similar posture, but with his right knee raised, the rattle (in red body-colour) in his right hand held above his head, and a twig in his left which he holds away from his body. His dress is also similar but he wears his bag on the left. The sides of his head are seen to be shaven and the roach comes to a point on the nape of his neck. He seems to be wearing five feathers on his head, one above each ear and three sticking in the roach. On his left shoulder there is a design, perhaps a small animal within a shield-like border; (4) a woman, facing front and to the left of the post, is balanced on her right foot, the left pulled up behind her, and is holding a twig in her right hand and another in her left which is stretched across the front of her body. She is wearing a double apron-skirt. Her hair is fringed on the forehead, worn long and caught up at the neck. An ornament is just visible near her left ear, which may be a string of beads or pearls hanging down on the left side of her head. She has a two- or three-strand necklace and tattooed or painted ornaments on her left upper arm and wrist; (5) a man facing front, to the right of the next post, his right leg thrust out behind him, is balanced on the ball of his left foot. His left hand is raised above his head and holds a twig, while his right grasps a rattle held out from his side. He apparently wears a single apron-skirt. His hair stands in a roach into which are stuck three feathers, and he wears another above each ear. He has a long two- or three-string necklace; (6) a man, facing half-right, and to the right of the post, has his left knee raised up towards his left arm which is stretched out in front. His right hand is raised above his head and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a breech-clout lapped over a thong round the waist, into which is tucked a skin bag hanging over the right hip. His hair is dressed in a similar fashion to that of the other men already described, and a single feather is stuck in the roach, another appearing above each ear. He wears a long necklace, the three strands of which are joined just above his waistband to form an ornament; (7) a man facing half-right to the left of the top post, is balanced on his right leg, with his left leg raised and fully flexed, and his right arm bent and raised above his head, his left crossing his body in front. His dress is similar to that of no. 6 as is his hair. He wears, apparently, a two-strand necklace from which hangs a round ornament; (8) a man to the right of the topmost post, facing half-left, is balanced on the left foot and his right leg is stretched out to the right. His right hand is hidden by the post to the left of which the top of a rattle is visible. His left arm holds out a long arrow or spear, the barbed point facing downwards, the butt missing off the top of the page. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, and his hair has a single feather sticking up from the back of his roach and another from his left ear. He appears to be wearing a necklace which hangs across his chest and under his left arm; (9) a man, to the left of the top right post, is balanced on his left foot, his right leg raised to the side and flexed. He is holding up a twig in his right hand and a rattle in his left. He wears a breech-clout giving the effect of a reddish mottled skin, lapped over a thong round the waist. There are three feathers in his roach and one above each ear, and he wears a three-strand necklace; (10) a man to the right and below the post is balanced on his right leg, his left leg bent up behind. He holds a twig above his head in his right hand, and another in his left near his side. He is wearing an apron-skirt and has four feathers stuck near the front of his roach. He wears a long three-strand necklace; (11) a woman, to the right of the right-hand post, is facing left and is balanced on her left leg with the right raised behind. With her right hand she holds up a rattle to her chin, while her left arm is bent, the hand resting on her hip. She is wearing a fringed skin dress or mantle, hanging from the shoulders, ornamented with beads or pearls around the bottom and the neck line (and extending down in strings on to the chest), which is secured at both shoulders, leaving her arms bare and reaching below her knees. Her hair is worn long, fringed in front and caught up at the back. She has tattooed or painted ornaments on the upper arms, and the suggestion of a bracelet on her left wrist; (12) a man below, and to the right of the post, is balanced on his right leg, his left leg drawn up behind. He is brandishing in his right hand a long arrow showing both barbed point and fletching, and holds up a gourd rattle in his left hand. He wears only a waistband into which a skin bag is tucked on the left side and, apparently, a twig stuck into it on the right. His hairstyle is indeterminate. He appears to have one long feather sticking from the middle of his head and one above each ear; (13) a man, viewed from behind, his head turned left, in profile, is balancing on his left foot with his right foot raised. His right hand is held close behind his back, grasping an upright twig, and in his left hand is a rattle partly hidden by his left thigh. He is wearing only a thong round his waist, through which is tucked a skin bag hanging down on his left hip. His hair is smooth at the sides and is caught up in a knot at the back of the neck. He has a high roach from which two feathers stick up in front and one behind. He appears to be wearing a large ear ornament but its form cannot be clearly distinguished. On his right shoulder-blade is a design representing two arrows pointing downwards, and there is a painted or tattooed ornament on his left wrist; (14) a woman, viewed from the back, is standing to the left of the lower right-hand post with her head facing left. In her right hand she holds a twig upright, while her left reaches out to clasp that of no. I, as described above. She is unclothed except for a waistband through which are stuck a number of long twigs reaching from her knees to above her head. Her hair has a fringe in front and hangs down loosely to her neck. She appears to have a small bracelet on her left wrist. A tattooed or painted ornament can be faintly distinguished on her left upper arm and perhaps on her right wrist; (15) in the middle of the circle a woman, viewed from the back, is seen standing, balanced on the balls of her feet. Her head is turned half-left and her arms are clasped round the necks of two other women (16 and 17). She is wearing a single apron-skirt tied at the back round the waist, leaving her buttocks bare. Her hair hangs down loosely on her neck; (16) a woman, turned to the right, is seen to the left of no. 15 . Her left foot is on the ground and she is balancing on the ball of her right foot which is extended behind her. One arm rests on the left shoulder of no. 15, the other is not visible. She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, or possibly a mantle (like that of no. 1). A tattooed or painted ornament can perhaps be distinguished on her right forearm; (I7) a woman, turned to the left, her face half-front, is seen on the right of no. 15. Her right foot is on the ground and she is balancing on her left foot. Her left arm is closely clasped round the waist of no. 15 (and her right may be linked to no. 16). She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, but, again, it may be a mantle. Her hair is smooth and is apparently caught up at the back of her neck, leaving a large wisp hanging down. She is perhaps wearing an ear ornament, and possibly has a headband. The inner circle is about 16 feet in diameter. In the centre of the ring a small circle, about 3 feet across, has been made (or worn) on the ground.
Black, red body-colour, various shades of pink, brown, grey, and yellowish-green water-colours, heightened with white (partly oxidized), over black lead outlines; offsets on either side of the vertical central fold; 27.4 x 35.6 cm. or 10 3/4 x 14 in.
1906-5-9-1 (10), L.B. I (9), C-M. & H. 39.
Literature; Quinn, pp. 427-8, no. 41 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 44, no. 39, pl. 32.
B. ENGRAVING Plate 133
The plate, entitled 'Their danses vvhich they vse att their hyghe feastes', is unsigned and in reverse of (A). It shows many minor differences from the original, mainly in costume or decorative details, though the woman (11 above) is seen from behind, her face looking back over her right shoulder, her left hand holding twigs at the small of her back, her right holding a rattle in front of her head; she is wearing moccasins and is balancing on her right foot with her left leg bent behind. The more important remaining differences are: a man (3) wears feathers tucked into his belt; another man (6) has a moccasin on his right foot (his left foot is bare), and the end of his breech-clout shows an animal head (like that of the conjuror in no. 53 (A), pl. 48); a man (7) has leafy twigs stuck under his belt in front; another man (8) has a puma (?) tail hanging behind (like that of the Indian in body paint in no. 52, (A), pl. 47). The scene is set in a plain without recognizable features, except for four plants in the foreground.
29.2 x 36 cm. or 11 1/2 x 14 1/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 428, no. 41 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 44, no. 39.
According to Hariot's caption this represents a dance at night held 'at a Certayne tyme of the yere' (at Secoton on July 15-16th, 1585, if no. 38 is not a composite), with the attendance of visitors from neighbouring towns-'euery man attyred in the most strange fashion they can deuise hauinge certayne marks on the backs to declare of what place they bee'. The dance area is described as 'a broade playne', around which are set up 'posts carued with heads like to the faces of Nonnes couered with theyr vayls'. Here the Indians sang and danced, with strange gestures. Turning in the centre were 'three of the fayrest Virgins'. Dancers left the circle as they tired, then re-entered, until the end of the dances when 'they goe to make merrye as is expressed in the 16. figure' (no. 43 (B)). 1
It is suggested that the second figure at the bottom left may be Wingina (Pemisapan), a chief of Roanoke, since the markings on his back resemble those identified in no. 54 as those of Wingina. 2 If so, and if this dance took place at Secoton, he was one of the visiting neighbours.
The most notable feature of this illustration is the circle of posts with human faces carved at the tops-seven here, but eight in the closely similar scene in no. 38 (A) (the eighth taller and set somewhat apart from the rest), and six in the engraved version of no. 38. It has been suggested that there were actually eight, the variations being due to White's ignorance of the significance of the number, which Müller sees as an instance of a common Algonkian symbolism in which four and sometimes eight points in a circle or at the ends of crossed lines, or a quartered circle, represent the cardinal directions, the earth, and the supreme deity (here Hariot's Mantoac, which Müller interprets as the local high god and creator). This symbolism is widespread, and Müller's suggestion is ingenious (and somewhat venturesome). 3 Another interpretation might choose seven as the correct number, parallel to the importance of this number among the Cherokee, where it was involved in the structure of the sacred building and in many other connections-although the Cherokee symbolism is related to their having seven sibs (clans), which in turn probably depends on their marriage rules. 4
The only precise parallel to this circle of posts is among the Virginia Algonkians, and here only in Beverley's hardly modified version of De Bry's engraving after White. Beverley also adds to his version of no. 38 a similar circle of about fourteen posts, 'with Faces carved on them, and painted', set up around a temple. 5 This association of carved posts with some sort of religious structure is more widespread. For the Virginia Algonkians, in addition to this illustration from Beverley, we have Smith's description of Powhatan's store-house: 'at the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels; one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man'. According to Strachey, at one end of the interior of the Virginia Algonkian charnel houses were several pillars on which were black Images fashioned to the Shoulders'. 6 The Neusiok Indians, some hundred miles south of Roanoke, at the mouth of the Neuse River, 7 were described by Christoph von Graffenried as having in 1710-11 a small domed religious structure, outside which were set up two posts, each with a man's head carved at the top, one to the east painted half red and half white, and one to the west painted red and black. A sketch by von Graffenried of one of these posts is no longer in existence. 8
Further away and later in time are a brief description of an abandoned Shawnee town on the Ohio River in 1761, which contained one or two frame buildings-'Chapples with Immages of faces cut on ye Posts'; and an account of what was probably an early form of the Medicine Lodge (Midewiwin) ceremony among the Ojibwa in Ontario in 1801, in which participants danced around a pole about is feet high, at the top of which was carved a human face, painted red. 9
We have only fragmentary descriptions and no illustrations or specimens for all these instances. Accordingly, the most obvious and most often mentioned parallel to White's illustrations is the Delaware ceremonial structure, the Big House, with its carved posts, for which we have detailed descriptions, illustrations and specimens. 10 As best known from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this was a rectangular structure of logs with a shingle roof, containing a large centre post supporting the ridge pole. Part way up the east and west sides of the centre post were carved human faces in relief; in the Oklahoma version these faces were painted half red and half black, and there were similar faces on six posts supporting the sides of the building and on four door posts; in the Ontario version, the centre post had a red face on the east side and an unpainted face on the west side, and there was a mask over the door at each end (red at the west, unpainted at the east), but no faces on side posts. While this structure, especially in Oklahoma, resembles White's circle of posts, there are some important differences; it was an enclosed building; 11 it was rectangular, and this shape had symbolic significance; the most important carved post was the centre post (lacking in North Carolina), whose Janus faces represented the supreme deity and served as a focus of the dances and ceremonies. References to similar structures among the Delaware start at least in the eighteenth century, 12 but apparently none of these mention encircling carved posts 13 --although the carved centre post is mentioned. Nevertheless, the Delaware occurrences, and the others already referred to, indicate that the Carolina Algonkian structure was one variant of a trait rather widespread in this area. It is safe to accept Swanton's suggestion that the posts here represented 'minor deities of some sort'. 14
Speck once asserted that the ceremony depicted by White must have been 'analogous' to the great annual ceremony held by the Delaware in their Big House in October or January. 15 He thereby ignored the significant differences in the structures, the difference in seasons, and the indications that the Delaware ceremony was a late reorganization of aboriginal traits--perhaps as late as 1805. 16 The Delaware also had a green corn or harvest festival in the autumn, which was at least sometimes celebrated in the Big House, and which Newcomb thinks formed part of the basis from which the major Big House ceremony was synthesized. 17 Ceremonies of this type were widespread throughout the east, 18 and this is a more logical suggestion for the ceremony shown by White--largely because mid-July is approximately the expected date for such a ritual at this latitude. Although the documentary material contains no hint that the Carolina Algonkians had such a ceremony, 19 thus identification has been suggested. 20 Witthoft's conclusion, in the course of his careful comparative survey of green corn ceremonialism, is safer: 'Unfortunately, there are no features indicated in White's drawings which are diagnostic of any particular ceremony ...and it would seem impossible to decide which, if any, of White's drawings [e.g. nos. 38, 42, 43] might refer to a green corn ceremony.' 21
The dance itself has some features familiar to one acquainted with modern eastern Indian dances. The circular pattern with both sexes participating is typical; it is difficult to decide merely from examining the illustrations which direction--if any--the circle is turning in, but when one notes that throughout the eastern part of the continent dances almost invariably progress counterclockwise, 22 one can easily imagine that such a direction of movement lies behind White's depiction. The dance steps indicated are also familiar in their liveliness, although not in their specific detail. Plant sprigs held by the dancers in one hand are paralleled at least among the modern Seminole of Florida, but there serve to shield the dancers' faces from the heat of a central fire. 23 The three women turning in the centre ( omitted in no. 38) are without parallel, so far as the writer is aware. The crouching men shown in a line on either side of the dance circle in no. 38 are hopping in this manner as they enter the circle of dancers, according to Beverley's description of his version of nos. 38 and 42; 24 this also is apparently without parallel.
Several items of dress are clearly shown in this illustration. Two men (6 and 9) plainly wear breech-clouts passing between the legs, with one end brought over a belt and hanging down in front; one expects the other end to hang down similarly at the back, but this is not shown here or elsewhere in White (nor is it unambiguously missing where the material passes between the legs). This garment was of course standard for Indian men all over eastern North America. 25 Carolina Algonkian men were unusual (at least judging from the often ambiguous early accounts) in having an alternative garment, shown in this and other White illustrations, consisting of a single apron-like flap hanging in front and not passing between the legs--the same garment also being worn here by women, as in the centre of this illustration; it is recorded elsewhere in the south-east for women. 26
Judging by thus and the other illustrations, all men here, except the leading men or chiefs, cut or shaved their hair all over the head, except for a roach on the crown sometimes terminating in a knot of longer hair at the nape (or sometimes by the ears), in which one or more feathers were often worn. Hariot's descriptions indicate the same. 27 The Virginia Algonkians and Susquehannock cut short or shaved only the right side of the head (in order not to interfere with the bowstring), had a roach in the centre, and left the other side long; a similar hairdress is mentioned for Carolina by Barlowe, but not shown by White. 28 Hairdress varied greatly among the eastern tribes, but parallels or near-parallels to the simple roached haircut are known for the Delaware, 29 in southern New England, 30 among the Huron, the Creek or Cherokee, and the Caddo. 31 More widespread was an artificial roach in this general form but of red dyed deer hair, which survives to the present in the Midwest and on the Plains. 32
The two arrows illustrated here (held by 8 and 12) are the clearest depictions for this region. According to Barlowe the points were of shell or a tooth of a fishe'; 33 these look like stone points, mentioned for Virginia. 34 They may be barbed or perhaps simple triangular points; they seem rather larger than expected. The arrow shafts were of cane. 35 The length shown seems excessive--about equal to the yard and a half reported by Smith for the Susquehannock. Fletching with two radial feathers, apparently shown here, is normal for the area. 36 The arrows in the illustration of the 'Hinde de Loranbec' (no. 52* (E)) are quite different: about 21 feet long, unfeathered, the point long and with six barbs on one side only.
4 Müller, pp. 144-5, summarizes some of the Cherokee data, without relating it to White's illustrations. F. G. Lounsbury, 'A semantic analysis of the Pawnee kinship usage', Language, vol. XXXXII (1956), p. 182, suggests the relationship between Cherokee marriage rules and number of sibs.
7 This group is very poorly known. No evidence on their language exists; they are sometimes classified as Algonkian and sometimes as Iroquoian. Speck ('Ethnic position', p. 189) places them in the Carolina Algonkian culture area, as does Mook ('Algonkian ethnohistory', pp. 219-20).
8 Four versions of von Graffenried's account exist. These were labelled manuscripts A to D by A. B. Faust ('The Graffenried manuscripts', German American Annals, n.s., vol. XI (Philadelphia, 1913), pp. 205-312). Manuscript A was published in an English translation in 1886 (W. L. Saunders, ed., The colonial records of North Carolina, vol. 1 (1886), pp. 905-85), where the relevant passage appears on p. 981. This manuscript is in the Bibliothèque Publique, Yverdon, Switzerland; I am indebted to L. Michaud of that institution (in a letter, Dec. 12, 1960) for a transcript of the passage in the original French on p. 99 of the manuscript, and for the information that the original contains no illustrations. Manuscript B, in German, was published by Faust ('Graffenried manuscripts', pp. 210-85; the relevant passage is on pp. 279-80) and by V. H. Todd (Christoph von Graffenried's account of the founding of New Bern (Raleigh, N.C., 1920), pp. 116-78, translated on pp. 221-82; the relevant passage on pp.173-4, 277-8). This version is the only one which mentions an accompanying sketch. Dr H. Haeberli of the Burgerbibliothek, Beme, informs me (in a letter, June 7, 1960) that the manuscript, now in his care, is in a copyist's hand and contains no illustration (the relevant passage is on p.146 of the manuscript). Manuscript C, in French, was published by Faust ('The Graffenried manuscript C' German American Annals, n.s., vol. XII (1914), pp. 63-190; relevant passage on pp. 102-3). This is also now in the Burgerbibliothek, Berne, and contains no relevant illustration (Dr H. Haeberli, in a letter, June 7, 1960; the passage is on p. 32 of the original). Manuscript D, in French, was published by Faust ('The Graffenried manuscripts', pp. 303-12; relevant passage on p. 310). It is in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern; Chr. Lerch of that institution informs me (in a letter, Dec. 6, 1960) that it contains no illustrations. A. F. C. Wallace ('The modal personality structure of the Tuscarora Indians', Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 150 (1952), p. 22) and Speck (Concerning iconology and the masking complex in eastern North America (University Museum Bulletin, vol. XV, no. I (1950), p. 21) erroneously assign one of these descriptions to the Tuscarora (who are described elsewhere in these works by von Graffenried).
10 Summaries of the ethnographical and historical data, and references to the primary sources, are in Müller, pp. 214-15, 231-3, 256-95, 341, and Newcomb, Delaware Indians, pp. 64-7. Illustrations of Big House posts, all modern, including photographs of some of the examples surviving in museums are in F. G. Speck, A study of the Delaware Indian Big House ceremony (Publications of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission, vol. II (1931)), pp. 31, 34, 35, 38; Speck, 'The Celestial Bear comes down to earth', Reading Public Museum and Art Gallery, Scientific Publications, no. 7 (1945) frontisp., pp. 38, 43; M. R. Harrington, 'A preliminary sketch of Lenape culture', American Anthropologist, vol. XV (1913), p. 219; Harrington, 'Religion and ceremonies of the Lenape', Indian Notes and Monographs [miscellaneous no. 19] (Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, N.Y. (1921)), pp. 83, 84, pls. 5, 6; A. D. Tusingham (foreword), Masks: the many faces of man (Toronto ), no. A 14; B. Burchardt, Plains Indian painting ([Tulsa, Okla.] 1958), p. .
16 Speck, 'Oklahoma Delaware ceremonies, feasts and dances', Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, vol. VII (1937), p. 4; Newcomb, Delaware Indians, p. 64; A. F. C. Wallace, 'New religions among the Delaware Indians, 1600-1900', Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. XII (1956), p. 10.
17 J. Witthoft, Green corn ceremonialism in the eastern woodlands (Occasional Contributions from the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan, no. 13 (1949)), pp.11-17; Newcomb, Delaware Indians, p. 65.
31 W. V. Kinietz, 'The Indians of the western Great Lakes, 1615-1760', Occasional contributions from the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan, no. 10 (1940), p. 12; Swanton, Indians, pp. 505, 507.
32 W. V. Kinietz, 'Notes on the roached headdress of animal hair among the North American Indians', Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts and Letters, vol. XXVI (1941), pp. 463-7; J. Howard, 'The roach headdress', American Indian Hobbyist, vol. VI (1960), pp. 89-94.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 39
Ten Indians, apparently six men and four women, are seated or kneeling in a circle round a spoke-shaped log fire. Five are holding gourd rattles. Four of the men wear feathers in their hair which is cut short at the side to leave a roach in the middle. The women wear their hair somewhat longer and looser. The figure (a man?) seen behind the flames has long, untrimmed hair. Several men and women are wearing one-, two-, or three-strand necklaces and there is a suggestion that some have ear ornaments. One man clearly wears a breech-clout, one is evidently entirely unclothed, and two wear skin mantles draped over one shoulder. One woman wears a single apron-skirt, one has either a single or double apron-skirt, and one seems to be wearing only a cord around her waist. One woman is painted or tattooed on her arms and one leg, and another on one arm.
Black, crimson, red and brown body-colours, various shades of brown and grey water-colours, heightened with gold and white (partly oxidized) over black lead outlines; 21.8 x 20.2 cm. or 8 5/8 x 8 in.
1906-5-9-1 (11), L.B. I (10), C-M. & H. 40.
Literature: Quinn, p. 429, no. 42 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 44, no. 40, pl. VIII (a).
OFFSET Plate 77 (a)
The impression's fairly strong except for the fire, several of the brown mantles being quite clearly defined.
P. & D.,199.a.2, L.B. 2 (10).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 132
The plate, entitled 'Their manner of prainge vvith Rattels abowt te fyer', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). It is in reverse of (A). The scene is set against a landscape background of shallow water with Indians fishing from canoes and two fish-weirs, with tree-lined slopes and with a rocky ridge in the foreground. Two standing figures, a man and a woman, have been added on the left of the circle and the Indian behind the fire in the drawing is here hidden by flames and smoke. There are minor variations in the posture and details of the figures, insignificant except that the least clothed man and woman here wear single apron skirts; the smoke and flames of the fire have been accentuated.
26.2 x 18.5 cm. or 10 3/8 x 7 1/4 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 429, no. 42 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 44, no. 40.
According to Hariot this scene represents a sort of thanksgiving ceremony after returning from war or escaping 'any great danger by sea or lande'. This may be the sort of ceremony mentioned by White and Hariot as occurring around the fires to the left or at the top in the illustration of Secoton (no. 38). Hariot says the participants are singing to the accompaniment of rattles made of gourds or small pumpkins cleaned out, filled with pebbles or fruit stones, and fastened on sticks. 1 Such rattles occurred throughout the agricultural areas of eastern North America (with the possible exception of New England), constructed as shown by White and described by Hariot. 2 The surviving specimen closest in time and space to those shown by White is one in the Sloane collection, collected by the governor of South Carolina between 1721 and 1725. This example is unusual, however, in bearing a curvilinear decoration of white-filled incised lines bordering scorch-darkened bands. 3
The spoke-shaped arrangement of the logs in the fire is the common one among modern Seminole Indians in Florida 4 and is mentioned by Swanton for the south-east generally. 5 Such a fire is fed by moving the logs in as their ends burn.
4 Sturtevant, 'Ethnographic field notes'; photographs in C. B. Cory, Hunting and fishing in Florida (2nd edn., Boston, 1896), p. 10, and in M. Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida (rev. edn., New York, 1911), opposite p. 70.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 40
A man on the left and a woman on the right are seated facing each other on a strip of matting some 4 feet wide, which appears to be stitched across at about one foot intervals. It extends beyond the left-hand edge but the end on the right is finished with a double row of stitches. They are eating with their right hands from a large circular dish containing large grains of food. The man has his hair shaved at the side, with a roach running from front to back in which he wears a turkey(?) feather. A small knot of hair is gathered at the back of the neck. His ear ornament is apparently a piece of skin, passed through a hole in the right ear lobe and hanging down several inches on either side. Each end is marked with a streak of yellow, perhaps representing cylindrical pieces of shell or bone. Lines of red paint are visible on his face and forehead. His fringed deerskin mantle is worn over the left shoulder, the top folded over, showing the hair on the inside. The woman's hair is worn long, with a low fringe in front, perhaps hiding a headband or tattooing, and is tied in a knot at the neck. She also wears a three-string bead or pearl necklace, and a fringed skin robe over her left shoulder. A few plants are lightly indicated in the background behind the mat.
Black, reddish-brown and yellowish-white body-colours, various shades of brown and grey, and yellowishgreen water-colours, heightened with white, over black lead outlines; probably cut away on the left; some water damage in the centre of the sheet; 20.9 x 21.4 cm, or 8 1/4 x 8 1/2 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "Theire sitting at meate. "
1906-5-9-1 (20), L.B. I (21), C-M. & H. 41.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 429-30, no. 43 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 44-5, no. 41, pl. 34.
The drawing has been transferred clearly but lightly except for the woman's right arm and left leg. The reddish brown on the man's left arm and leg is strongly offset. The man's face is particularly sharply defined.
P. & D.,199.a.2, L.B. 2 (21).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 131
The plate, entitled 'Their sitting at meate', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The scene is set against a landscape with no recognizable features. A number of objects are shown on the mat from left to right: a gourd water vessel with carved-out handle at the top, a skin bag, a tobacco pipe, walnuts, a fish, four husked ears of maize and a scallop or clam shell. The figures are similarly dressed but their posture has been modified, the legs of bath being placed well out in front. Each line of stitching in the mat is double rather than single. Again, the features of the man have been Europeanized.
15.3 x 21.4 cm. or 6 x 8 3/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 430, no. 43 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 44-5, no. 41.
Hariot's caption seems to describe this as the customary manner of eating: a rush mat was laid on the ground, the food placed in the middle, and the men sat on one side and women on the other. 1 Since Spelman was explicit that among the Virginia Algonkians the sexes ate separately, Swanton suggests that this illustration 'represents an Indian in the inner privacy of his family life'. Hariot's caption has been taken to indicate that Swanton may have been wrong, the Carolina and Virginia Algonkian customs perhaps differing. 2 But Swanton probably had in mind a situation such as that among the modern Seminole Indians, where the sexes eat together in the privacy of a small family, but separately on larger, more public and formal occasions; 3 Hariot, White and Spelman may all be describing the same custom.
Eating on mats on the ground is repeated in White's Secoton view (no. 38 (A), pl. 35)--where the sexes are unclear--and reported by Spelman for Virginia. 4 Use of mats for sitting on the ground is mentioned for both areas by other authors. 5 The mat shown here may have been 7 or 8 feet long (if Beverley's version is correct), 6 or as long as 15 or 20 feet (if no. 38 correctly shows but one mat about this length). The construction details shown for this rush mat closely resemble those of the mats covering some of the houses, and the apparent error in their depiction (cf. the commentary on no. 41) is repeated here.
The container between the two figures is almost certainly one of the 'woodden platters of sweete timber' which Barlowe said here served as dishes. 7 Comparable forms are shown drawn to a smaller scale in no. 38 (A) (pl. 35) and are mentioned among the Virginia Algonkians and several south-eastern tribes. 8 Surviving specimens from the Passamaquoddy and Micmac in northern New England are said to be comparable to those drawn by White. 9
Harlot's caption for this illustration mentions as foods 'Mayz sodden', venison or other meat and fish. He gives a cross-reference to a previous description of maize food, evidently intending the preparation of maize kernels by seething them whole vntill they be broken'; Beverley says his version of this illustration shows a 'Bowl of corn'. 10 Swanton describes several south-eastern Indian recipes which are possibilities 11--the large size of the grains shown here indicates 'hulled corn' or 'hominy', usually made by soaking the whole kernels in lye water to remove the skins, and then boiling them until they puff up nearly to the size shown here.
Beverley interprets the bivalve shell at the right in the engraving as 'a Cockle shell, which they sometimes use instead of a spoon'; but he also describes the usual spoons as very large (cf. the commentary on no. 48), and the individuals here are eating with their fingers. 12 It seems more probable that the shell is intended to indicate that shellfish were among the common Indian foods, along with the maize, walnuts, 13 and fish shown nearby. However, it should be noted that shell spoons were not uncommon in North America, and are mentioned for the Delaware. 14
The tobacco pipe in the engraving is an accurate representation of the obtuse angle elbow-pipe, well known archaeologically from the Carolinas and Virginia, usually of clay but sometimes of stone (chlorite). 15 The type was introduced by the Roanoke colonists to England, and imitated there. 16 An example of red clay has been excavated from the ditch at the Roanoke fort, where it was probably lost by the colonists of 1585-66 17 (see fig. 2). The form drawn is close to this Roanoke specimen, but it can be matched even more precisely by other archaeological specimens from neighbouring regions. The illustration shows that here, at least, this type of pipe was smoked without a separate wood or cane stem.
Fig. 2. Indian clay pipe from Fort Raleigh excavations (National Park Service, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, catalogue no. 98).
The man is wearing one of several types of ear ornament shown by White; other, less clear, indications of this type are nos. in 45 and 49. There was a great variety of men's ear ornaments in this general region; although this specific type seems to be otherwise undocumented, it is not outside the range of variation reported. 18
The sitting posture shown in the water-colour 19 is one of the indications of the accuracy of White's observations: it is an uncommon and awkward one for Europeans, but occurs elsewhere in the world. The engraver has altered it by stretching out the legs, converting the posture into an ordinary one for Europeans. An indication of the extent to which Beverley's reports on the Virginia Algonkians are based on these engravings rather than his personal observations is his remark, accompanying his version of this illustration, that the Indians sat to eat 'with their Legs lying out at length before them, and the Dish between their Legs'. 20 The resting position of the woman's left arm is also non-European; it occurred in Hewes' data 'mainly among western American Indians'. 21
15 W. H. Holmes, 'Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States', Bureau of American Ethnology, Twentieth Annual Report (1903), p.158, pl. CXLII; C. G. Holland, 'Preceramic and ceramic cultural patterns in northwest Virginia', Anthropological paper, no. 57, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 173 (1960), p.55, figs.7g and h; Haag, Archeology, p. 83, fig. 10; J. D. McGuire, 'Pipes and smoking customs of the American aborigines', Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1897, Report of the U.S. National Museum, pt. I (I899), pp. 609-12, figs. 213-15, 218; W. J. Graham, The Indians of Port Tobacco River, Maryland (1935), pl. VI.
17 Quinn, pp. 430, 907; Harrington, Search for the cittie of Ralegh', p. 40 (with photograph); photograph in C. W. Porter, III, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, North Carolina, rev. edn. (National Park Service, Historical Handbook Series, no. 16 (1956)), p. 36.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 41
An elderly man stands facing half-right, his right foot placed slightly in front of his left, wearing a short cloak which covers his left shoulder and arm. It is tied with a string on the right shoulder leaving the right arm bare. It reaches barely to the thighs and is made of narrow strips of light brown fur, with hem and neckband probably of reversed skin. His right hand is raised and points downwards with the index finger. There is a suggestion of veins (or body painting (?)) on the right forearm. His hair is shaved close at the sides leaving a stiff roach from the forehead to the nape of the neck and also a fringe projecting from his forehead. A few wisps of facial hair can be seen on his chin and upper lip. Some of the wrinkles on the face would appear to have been emphasized with red paint. He is wearing an ornament consisting of a strip of skin threaded through the lobe of the ear, tied below the ear and marked at each end with a grey streak, probably representing a bone or shell bead.
Black, various shades of brown, grey and pinkish water-colours, heightened with white (partly oxidized), over black lead outlines; 26.2 x 15.1 cm. or 10 1/4 x 5 7/8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "One of their Religious men. "
1906-5-9-1 (14), L.B. I (15), C-M. & H. 42.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 430-1, no. 44(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 45, no. 42, pl. 33.
The drawing has been transferred clearly but lightly and fairly evenly. The white strokes at the knees, front and back, have offset in an oxidized form.
P. & D., I99.a.2, L.B. 2 (15).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 124(b)
The plate, entitled 'On of the Religeous men in the towne of Secota', is engraved by 'G.V.' (G. Veen). The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape background of shoals, with Indians fishing and hunting wildfowl from canoes, and low wooded hills. The details of the figure are close to the drawing, but the face is Europeanized and the feet and hands reduced in size.
15.6 x 21.5 cm. or 6 1/8 x 8 1/2 in.
Hariot's caption says this represents one of the priests of Secoton, who were older, experienced men, and evidently had special clothing and ornament as shown here: the hair shaved except for the roach and a strip above the forehead, ear ornaments (but the one shown here is very like that of the man in no. 44 who is otherwise dressed in ordinary fashion), and 'a shorte clocke made of fine hares skinnes quilted with the hayre outwarde'. 1
The rabbit-skin cape may not have been restricted to priests, since Hariot elsewhere mentions 'conies. . . of a grey colour like vnto hares', identified by Quinn as the marsh rabbit or common cottontail, of which 'in some places there are such plentie that all the people of some townes make them mantles of the furre or flue of the skinnes of those they vsually take'. 4 Willoughby's interpretation of Hariot's 'quilted' cloaks as being 'twisted strips of skins joined by twining' seems reasonable; 5 if so, the rabbit-skin strips were probably twined around fibre warps-just possibly on a suspended warp apparatus as Krieger suggested. 6
3 Sturtevant, 'Ethnographic field notes'; illustrations in C. MacCauley, 'The Seminole Indians of Florida', Bureau of American Ethnology, Fifth Annual Report (1887), fig. 64 (with double scalp lock); and W. T. Neill, The story of Florida's Seminole Indians (Silver Springs, Fla., 1956), cover photograph (without scalp lock).
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 42
A wide stretch of water is represented as a channel between two shore-lines, one in the immediate foreground, one in the distance. On the former sand and turf are shown with sea-shells, grasses and a number of flowering plants which are not depicted sufficiently clearly for identification. Close to the edge of the sand are shown, on the right, a King Crab 1 and part of another at the right-hand edge, and between them a small fish. To the left of the King Crab are two shells, the one on the right apparently containing a Hermit Crab. 2 Beyond the King Crab is a Hammerhead Shark 3 to the right and a largish fish to the left. An Indian dug-out canoe occupies the centre of the drawing. It is stoutly constructed with the stern and bows curved, the latter slightly more sharply. An Indian is standing at the bows wielding a long shovel-bladed paddle to starboard and another Indian stands at the stern holding in the water to port an implement with a long handle and a fan-shaped end-piece, formed by six sticks held flaring apart by two crosswise sticks or rows of twining, the distal end being hidden in the water. In the middle of the canoe two Indians are crouching over a small fire surrounded by piles of large fish (Shad(?)). 4 A small dip-net hangs over the stern to starboard. The two standing Indians are wearing longish breech-clouts secured by strings round the waist, hanging down between their thighs, their hair short at the sides and caught up at the back with a roach in the middle (the right standing figure has reddish hair and breechclout). The hair of the crouching Indians is similarly dressed and the one on the left is wearing a skin mantle over his left shoulder, while the one on his right may be wearing an apron-skirt. The head of a Catfish 5 is visible to the left of the canoe, beyond the bows; towards the centre are three small fish and, beyond, a Burrfish; 6 in the centre is a Hammerhead Shark, and towards the right a large fish. From the middle of the left-hand edge a fish-weir extends obliquely right to the farther shore. At the nearer end a rectangular fish-trap protrudes from it in which a number of fish can be distinguished including a Skate or Ray. To the right, in the centre, a naked Indian, in water up to his calves, is about to throw a long fish spear held in his right hand. In front of him are two jacks (?) 7 and, beyond, a large fish (a Sturgeon (?)) 8 and two smaller fish to the right. Another Indian, similarly posed, is shown on the right facing left, while behind him part of another fishweir is visible at the right-hand edge. In the distance, near the far shore, is another canoe containing two figures. On the shore are low undulating sand-hills with a few trees or large bushes. The sky is washed with pink and blue to indicate light clouds. On the left, above the land, two swans 9 are flying towards the left and, on the right, nine duck(?). In the top left corner flies a Brown Pelican. 10
Black, crimson, scarlet, gold and brown body-colours, brown, grey, pink, greenish-blue, blue and purple water-colours, heightened with white or silver (oxidized), over black lead outlines; the right- and left-hand edges cut (about 1/2 in.); 35.3 x 23.5 cm. or 13 7/8 x 9 1/4 in.
Inscribed in brown ink, above the far shore, in the centre, "The manner of their fishing., " and across the canoe, "A Cannow."
1906-5-9-I (6), L.B. I (5), C-M. & H. 43.
Literature: Quinn, p. 433 , no. 46 (a) ; Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 45-6, no. 43, pl. VII.
The drawing has been transferred lightly and irregularly and the offset has a rubbed appearance. It is heaviest along the farther shoreline to the right.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L. B. 2(5).
1 Now called Horseshoe Crab, Limulus polyphemus Linn. See C. E. Raven, English naturalists from Neckam to Ray, p. 182, and W. T. Caiman, 'An early figure of the King-crab, Limulus polyphemus', Science, n.s., vol. XXVII (1908), p. 669 (on a modern copy of the fishing scene in the British Museum (Natural History)).
3 Sphyrna zygaena (Linn.) (see C. M. Breder, Field book of marine fishes of the Atlantic coast (1929), p. 18). H. M. Smith, Fishes of North Carolina (1907), no. 10, shows that the shark is found on the Carolina coast, but it is absurd to show it in the sounds behind the Carolina Outer Banks.
B. ENGRAVING Plate 129
The plate, entitled 'Their manner of fishynge in Virginia', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). The canoe and its occupants are as in the drawing except that the crouching figure to the right is a woman and one of the fish may be identified as a Gar. 11 The creatures visible in the water vary considerably, Sting-rays, 12 a Loggerhead Turtle, 13 a Land Crab, 14 two King Crabs, snake-like amphibians with two legs (?), 15 and many more fish beyond the canoe being introduced. In the background are more canoes and Indians spearing fish and there is a different type of fish-weir on the left, having, instead of the rectangular trap, a series of four heart-shaped, interlocking traps with a canoe entering the first and an Indian removing fish with a dip-net. There are two other fish-weirs in the background, in the center and on the right.
32 x 26.3 cm. or 12 5/8 x 10 3/8 cm.
Literature: Quinn, p. 434, no. 46(b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 45-6, no. 43.
Hariot's caption mentions the use of fish spears consisting of a reed or 'longe Rodd', its point of King Crab tail (and evidently 'the prickles, and prickes of other fishes'), for fishing from boats both in daylight and at night. The weirs are described as of upright reeds or twigs forming narrowing enclosures (this description being appropriate to the engraving but not the drawing). Hariot emphasizes the variety of fishing techniques and the plentifulness of fish, taken from boats and by wading in the shallow rivers. 16
Elsewhere Hariot tells us that the Indians made weirs and traps only of 'reedes' (probably Arundinaria sp.). 17 Beverley's details on the Virginian Algonkian version indicate that the uprights were twined together with wooden splints. 18 Combined weirs and traps are reported for the Indians throughout eastern North America, although those shown here are comparatively long. 19 There is some doubt as to the accuracy of the complex trap shown in the engraved version (simpler ones, although still more complex than the single square one in White's drawing, appear in the centre background of this engraving, and in the engravings of nos. 33, 43, 50 and 51). Beverley reproduces a modified version of De Bry's engraving, but was familiar enough with weirs and traps of the Virginia Indians to be dissatisfied with it, since he added the comment; 'Note, That in Fishing their Weirs, they lay the Side of the Canoe to the Cods of the Weir, for the more convenient coming at them, and not with the End going into the Cods, as is set down in the Print: But we could not otherwise represent it here, lest we should have confounded the Shape of the Weir, with the Canoe.' A trap like that shown by White could be emptied from a canoe across its opening, whereas the larger one of De Bry would have to be entered. 20
Small dip-nets are commonly reported by early sources among the eastern Indians south of the Great Lakes. 21 The dip-net in the stern here is identified by Beverley as 'a Net made of Silk Grass, which they use in Fishing their Weirs' --as shown in the background. 22 One of the plants called 'silk grass' was Milkweed, Asclepias sp., which was used by the Carolina Algonkians. 23 Milkweed fibre cords have been recovered archaeologically in Maryland, and it has been suggested that the 'kynd of grasse, which they call Pemmenaw', which the Virginia Algonkians used for fishnet fibres was this plant. 24 Curiously, about 1915 Speck collected among the Machapunga (a group of highly assimilated Indians in coastal North Carolina, perhaps descended from the aboriginal Algonkians), a fish-net made by the Indians with European technique but of Asclepias syriaca -a direct historical descendant of the net drawn by White? 25
Fish spears were used here both from boats and while wading in the shallows. 26 Only simple fish spears are recorded for eastern Indians south of New York; in the north, leisters, tridents and harpoons were known. 27
The fire in this canoe is explained by Beverley: it is a pile of burning light-wood splinters, on a hearth built up nearly to the gunwales, which was used in night fishing to attract the fish and make visible the bottom of the river; fish were then speared from the canoe. 28 This is a form of torchlight fishing, a method widely used by Indians in the north-east, around the Great Lakes, and in the middle Atlantic region (the Delaware, and many others), 29 and the illustration has been interpreted as evidence for this technique among the Carolina Algonkians. 30 White's illustration is evidently a composite, showing night fishing with fire, and daytime use of the dip-net and spearing by waders. But the spear one expects in the canoe for use in torchlight fishing is not present, unless, as seems likely, the curious long-handled implement held by the man in the stern is a spear. This object has been interpreted by Birket-Smith as a multi-pronged fish spear similar to a type known in western North America 'with a crown of thin prongs', resembling a multi-pronged bird dart of that region. 31 If this is correct, it is the only such artifact known from eastern North America. Other interpretations are possible, 32 but none seems so probable as this one.
The dug-out canoe here, some 20 feet long, 2-3 feet wide, with identical or nearly identical rounded ends, a capacity of about eight people, and probably a flat bottom, is closely similar to the type which survived among the Virginia Algonkians until the late nineteenth century. 33 A somewhat different type, with raised pointed bow, is sketchily indicated on White's map (no. 111(A)). Dug-out canoes were, of course, general throughout eastern North America. 34
The canoe paddle partly visible is evidently the type Barlowe described as 'like scoopes'. 35 It resembles the shouldered paddle of the modern Virginia Algonkians, although with a more marked shoulder (perhaps exaggerated by White). The Virginia ones, like this, had plain grips, were 5-7 feet long, and sturdily constructed. For paddling the user sat in the canoe, but the paddles were also often used for poling the dug-outs through shallow water. 36 Such a use would explain the posture of the user in White's illustration. Many of the engravings with canoes in the background clearly show them being poled, while none plainly shows paddling (see the references in the index to culture traits in the introduction (p. 42)). However, Barlowe says in the same passage in which he mentions their paddles, that the Indians here often 'sette with long pooles, as the depth serueth'. 37
The two waders with spears are the clearest representations in White and De Bry of men entirely without clothes (other indications are a figure at the left in no. 43 (A), and small figures in the villages, nos. 34(A), (B) and 38). This custom was apparently unusual for eastern North America: Swanton does not mention it for any south-eastern Indians, and Flannery in her survey of Indians near the coast found it recorded only for the Neutrals in the north. 38
20 Beverley, Virginia, pp. 149-51; Roanoke voyages notes the different form of the trap in the engraving, but suggests that it 'probably involves an authentic variant by White', apparently because some of the new fauna correctly shown in the engraved version must have been taken by De Bry from a now lost original by White (see p. 434, n. I).
21 Rostlund, pp. 86-7, 163-4. Despite the written evidence he cites for neighbouring groups such as the Virginia Algonkians and the Delaware, Rostlund is curiously cautious about accepting White's depiction as evidence for the Carolina Algonkians, pointing out that Hariot's descriptions of fishing methods omit the dip-net. It would seem that White's illustrations are at least as reliable as Hariot's written descriptions, and they include much else not mentioned by Hariot but otherwise unexceptionable.
25 The specimen is mentioned in F. G. Speck, 'Remnants of the Machapunga Indians of North Carolina', American Anthropologist, vol. XVIII (1916), p. 273, and the material identified by A. C. Whitford, 'Textile fibres used in eastern aboriginal North America', Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. XXXVIII, pt. 1 (1941), p. 10. We are indebted to Robert Carneiro of the American Museum of Natural History for informing us that the catalogue number given by Whitford refers to a specimen received by the museum from Speck in 1916. For the derivation of the Machapunga, see Mook, 'Algonkian Ethnohistory', p. 225, and J. R. Swanton, The Indian tribes of North America (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 145 (1952)), p. 81.
27 Rostlund, Freshwater fish, pp. 173-80. Harpoons (and tridents) are mentioned for the Prairies, and harpoon heads occur archaeologically in the Midwest, but as Rostlund points out (p.175), none of the White-De Bry illustrations of fish spears shows a line leading to the point, hence harpoons are not involved here.
28 Beverley, Virginia, p. 149; he adds that the canoe was poled by two Indians using the butt ends of fish spears for this purpose. His version of the engraving shows a barbed point on the upper end of the paddle, and the visible part of the blade is so obscure as not to be noticeable except by comparison with the source, De Bry's engraving.
32 Roanoke voyages (p. 434) interprets it as 'a net-pole, 7 or 8 ft. long, with a net at the end made, apparently, with cane and cord'. Such a net is otherwise undocumented, and seems needlessly complex compared to the type shown in the canoe. Another possibility, also unlikely and without parallel, might be a shellfish rake; but this construction might not be rigid enough to pull shellfish loose, the bottom here is probably sandy and thus unfavourable to shellfish, and it is likely that they were common enough to be easily collected near shore by hand without special implements.
33 F. G. Speck, 'Chapters on the ethnology of the Powhatan tribes of Virginia', Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. I, no. 5, (Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation (1928)), pp. 374-8, with two photographs. Speck points out the resemblance between White's canoe and an old type remembered by his own Virginia informants. M. V. Brewington, 'Chesapeake Bay log canoes', Mariners' Museum, Newport News, Virginia, Museum Publication, no. 3 (1937), pt. I, pp. 16-31, describes and illustrates the South-eastern Algonkian dug-outs and some of their modern descendants.
ENGRAVING Plate 128
The plate, entitled 'The manner of makinge their boates', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry). In the foreground two Indians are represented burning out and scraping a tree-trunk which is supported by horizontal timber props resting on forked uprights. To the right, on the near side, a man stands using a fan in his right hand and a stick in his left to tend a small but vigorously burning fire in the trunk. His hair is shaved at the sides leaving a roach down the middle which extends to the base of the neck. He is naked except for a small apron at the front which is tied round his waist and secured at the back. On the left, behind the trunk, another man is shown scraping its charred hollow with a shell scraper. The trunk has been roughly shaped with a squared-off sloping end, and with the sides scraped down nearly level, the outer bark having been removed and the inside hollowed out to a depth of some inches. The right-hand section of the trunk is off the plate. In the background the bases of a number of large trees are shown, one on the right having a fire burning around it. Extending from the left to the centre is a felled tree with two men burning off the branches, one standing on the left with a pole, the other kneeling tending a fire and fanning the flame with a fire fan.
14.9 x 21.2 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 3/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 432-3 no. 45.
Hariot's caption gives details of the construction method. A large tree, suitable for the size of canoe desired, was felled by burning through its base with a fire controlled by careful fuelling with dried moss and wood chips. The branches were then burnt off, and the trunk shortened to an appropriate length by burning. The section of trunk was raised to a convenient height on poles laid across forked posts, and the bark removed with shell scrapers. The log was then hollowed out by burning, quenching the fire, and removing the charred wood with shell scrapers, repeating this process until the hollowing was finished. Elsewhere Hariot specifies a tall straight tree called rakíock, with sweet, soft, light yet tough wood, as commonly used for canoes which were made 'onely with the helpe of fire, hatchets of stones and shels'. 1
Barlowe reported that these Indians made canoes of 'Pine, or of Pitch trees', either burning one down or using a windfall, and repeatedly applying gum to assist in burning out the hollow, scraping the charcoal away with shells. 2
Geary suggests that rakíock may have meant 'soft wood'. It might be thought that the Tulip Tree, Liriodendron tulipifera, was probably meant (although it is not very durable in water), or the other large tree of this coast, White Cypress, Taxodium distichum. 3 Somewhat to the north of here, the Delaware constructed dug-out canoes in the same manner, preferably of tulip trees, while dug-outs of cypress are mentioned for North Carolina and were usual in the south. The process described by Hariot and illustrated here was typical of the whole region. 4
4 A. Johnson, 'The Indians and their culture as described in Swedish and Dutch records from 1614 to 1664', Proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists (1917), pp. 279-80; Lawson, History of N.C., pp. 98-9; Swanton, Indians, pp. 590-4.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 43
A large cylindrical earthenware pot with conical base, the sides near the base somewhat concave, with horizontal parallel lines on the walls, is resting on a small fire made of stout trimmed pieces of timber. It contains liquid of a bluish colour in which ears of maize and other foodstuffs are cooking.
Black, yellowish body-colour, various shades of brown, grey, pinkish-red and greenish-yellow water-colours, touched with white and silver (?), over black lead outlines; some of the greenish-yellow derived from water-staining (sec note on offset below); 15 x 19.5 cm. or 5 7/8 x 7 5/8 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, to the left and right of the pot, in the centre, "The seething of their meate. | in Potts of earth. "
1906-5-9-1(11(a)), L.B. I (11), C-M. & H. 44.
Literature : Quinn, p. 437, no. 48 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 46, no. 44.
The drawing has been rather faintly and irregularly transferred. The leaf shows faintly a counter-offset of L.B. 2 (43) but part of the greenish-yellow stain comes from another source.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2(11).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 130 (b)
The plate, entitled 'Their seetheynge of their meate in earthen pottes'. is engraved by G. Veen. It shows two Indians attending the fire, a woman wearing a breechclout(?), standing on the left, holding a wooden(?) spoon, and a man wearing an apron-skirt(?), kneeling on the right, fanning the flames. The treatment of the wood and the fire and the contents of the pot varies noticeably from the drawing. The pot is seen to contain, besides an ear of maize, a fish and a number of small fruits(?). The horizontal lines on the pot are more regular, there is a greater volume of smoke and the flames are more obvious.
14 x 21 cm. or 5 1/2 x 8 1/4 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 437-8, no. 48 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 46, no. 44.
Hariot's caption says that large pots like this were made by the Indian women; he thought them equal in quality to English wheel-made wares. They were set upright, steadied by a heap of earth (not shown by White), and a fire was built under and around them. In them 'fruite, flesh and fish' were boiled together. 1 According to Barlowe, 'their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweete'. 2
Except for the concave curves near the base, White's vessel is within the range of forms known archaeologically for coastal Virginia, with which the Roanoke region belongs in its archaeological ceramic types. 3 Three whole vessels reconstructed by archaeologists from shards left by Indians in the fill of the ditch of the Roanoke island fort after the departure of the English, belong to one of the pottery types found also at a late period in coastal Virginia; these vessels resemble White's illustration in form, as has been pointed out, but they differ in surface treatment (so far as can be judged from White's illustration) 4 (see fig. 3). The light colour mentioned by Barlowe may fall at the lighter end of the range of vessel colours described by Evans for coastal Virginia, while White's colour is at (or past) the darker end. 5 The parallel lines shown by White almost certainly represent partly smoothed-over junctures between the clay coils of which the vessel was constructed; plain ware shards from Virginia sometimes show such lines an inch or an inch and a half apart. 6 Taking this as a scale, the vessel in White's water-colour has a mouth diameter of some 8-12 inches, which agrees very well with the ranges of mouth diameters given by Evans for the appropriate Virginia archaeological pottery types. 7 If this reconstruction is correct, the pot in the engraved version is about twice as large as it should be in comparison to the size of the human figures.
Fig. 3. Indian clay pot from Fort Raleigh excavations (National Park Service, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, catalogue no. 68-74-76).
The fire fan shown in the engraving (and in no. 47, pl. 128) is curious. Such implements are documented for eastern North America only for the Timucua of Florida, the modern Florida Seminole, and (one reference only) the eighteenth-century Chickasaw or Creek; the construction of the Timucua examples is unknown, while the others are made of feathers. Basketry fire fans occur in South America and Mexico. 8 The sole source on the Timucua fire fans is De Bry's engravings of two illustrations by Le Moyne; the forms are identical in the four engravings, and one wonders whether the engravers may not have carried the Florida examples over into these Carolina illustrations. It is unfortunate that the engraving is so generalized; before 1753 Sir Hans Sloane had two Carolina Indian fans, one of cane (partly black) and one of rushes, but the specimens do not survive and the use of these examples is not stated. 9
The woman in the engraving holds a spoon which agrees well in shape and size with wooden spoons known throughout eastern North America. 10 Beverley's description far Virginia would apply to many of these: 'The Spoons which they eat with, do generally hold half a pint; and they laugh at the English for using small ones, which they must be forc'd to carry so often to their Mouths, that their Arms are in danger of being tir'd, before their Belly.' 11
This engraving provides the only example of a woman wearing a breech-clout, which occurs otherwise only as a man's garment (the form with the animal's head is especially typical of the engraved versions). Almost certainly we have here an engraver's error--the third or fourth respect in which this engraving differs suspiciously from the simple and apparently accurate water-colour version.
3 C. Evans, A ceramic study of Virginia archeology (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 160 (1955)), pp. 45, 70. 135, 144. The concave curves, as well as the rest of the form, are nicely matched in an archaeological example from Massachusetts illustrated by Willoughby (Antiquities, p.191, fig. 109a), who points out (p.192) the close resemblance to White's illustration. Although this is beyond the area in which close typological similarities to North Carolina ceramics are found, the general form is typical of much of the east.
6 C. Evans, personal communication, June 6th, 1960. This interpretation of the illustration has previously been suggested by T. Stern, Pamunkey pottery making (Southern Indian Studies, vol. III (1951)), p. 39.
9 The two specimens are mentioned in Sloane's manuscript catalogue, under numbers 1485 and 1486. These entries are quoted, slightly inaccurately, by D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'The Sloane collection in the British Museum', American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. VIII (1906), p. 672.
10 They also of course occur in Europe--the distribution is circumpolar. The form shown is perhaps slightly more European than Indian (the latter normally have the bowl set at an angle to the handle), presumably due to modification by the engraver. For references to descriptions and illustrations of Indian spoons see Birket-Smith, Caribou Eskimos, pp. 308-11.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 44
Four corner stakes, forked at the top, enclose a wood fire and support four sticks, across which six others are laid from front to back to form a simple grill or barbecue (7 cm. or 2 3/4 in. square). On this are laid to cook, from right to left, two large fish, 1 bluish in colour, occupying the full width of the grill. At the right-hand side two fish, each impaled by the gills on a small upright stick, are also being broiled. From the fire reddish tongues of flame arise but little more than the smoke reaches the grid.
Black, gold body-colour, grey, blue, red, pink, brown and greenish-yellow water-colours, touched with white (oxidized), over black lead outlines; part of the greenish-yellow is the result of water-staining (see note on the offset below); 14.6 x 17 cm. or 5 3/4 x 6 3/4 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the bottom, "The broiling of their fish ouer th' flame of fier. "
1906-5-9-I(11 (b)), L.B. I(12), C-M. & H. 45.
Literature: Quinn, p. 435, no. 47 (a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 46, no. 45, pl. VIII (b).
The drawing has not been clearly or regularly transferred although most of the outlines can be distinguished. The paper is discoloured with greenish-yellow water stains from a previous drawing (?).
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2(12).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 130(a)
The plate, entitled 'The brovvyllinge of their fishe ouer the flame', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry) and is in reverse of (A). Two Indian men have been added, one on the left, holding a long stick forked at the end, the other approaching from the right with a basket of fish on his back. 2 The grill (which is of the same size) has only five cross pieces and the smoke and flames have been accentuated.
13.5 x 21 cm. or 5 1/4 x 8 1/4 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 436, no. 47 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 46, no. 45.
Hariot's caption describes the 'hurdle', just as shown by White, and mentions the use of sticks set in the ground to broil more fish than the grill would hold. He emphasizes that the Carolina Algonkians broiled fish as they were caught, but did not smoke and dry them for preservation as was done in Florida. 3 Although smoked or dried fish are frequently mentioned both to the north and south of this region, 4 and the documents on the Roanoke area imply preservation of some foods, 5 there are no local references to the preservation of fish-unless Lawson's description in about 1700 of fish being dried on a frame like this on the Carolina coast refers to these Indians. 6
Barbecue frames of this type are, or were, widely used by North American Indians for drying or broiling meat, 7 and the writer has watched meat being cooked by Florida Seminole in just this manner within the last ten years. Beverley described this method among the Virginia Indians, and said the English settlers had adopted it from them. 8 References to fish broiled on such frames are infrequent, but presumably merely because of deficiencies in the documents. 9 Sticks stuck in the ground and slanted toward a fire with meat to be broiled are a very simple invention and very widespread; 10 there is no reason to doubt White's depiction.
The long fork shown in the engraving is evidently without parallel in eastern North America. A pole of some sort would seem useful for turning fish cooking over a fire (modern Seminole women use one while barbecuing meat); the object shown here may be merely a pole with a natural fork at one end, somewhat regularizedin the engraving.
The pack basket is interesting. A similar type is widespread throughout the east (although rarely illustrated), and there is a mention of pack baskets (form unknown) among the Virginia Algonkians. 11 Tribes south of the Carolina Algonkians normally made pack baskets of twilled cane, square at the bottom and with a flaring circular top; to the north, they were usually of twilled or checkerwork wood splints, lacking the flare. In both areas they were usually carried by tumplines across the chest or forehead. The shape and size shown by De Bry are not surprising; 12 the tumpline is present but somewhat too long; but although very little is known about aboriginal baskets in coastal North Carolina or Virginia, the wickerwork technique shown here seems wrong by comparison with other eastern Indian pack (and other) baskets, and in fact looks suspiciously European. The engraving is probably based on something by White, but modified by De Bry.
2 Containing, apparently, a Catfish (no. 94 (A), pl.113 (b)), a Gar (no. 93 (A), pl.113 (a)) and a Hammerheaded Shark (see no. 46 (A), pl. 42). The fishes which are cooking are herring-like.
11 For illustrations see Le Moyne's Timucua water-colour (pl. 145 (a)), and E. L. Fundaburk, ed., Southeastern Indians, life portraits (Luverne, Ala., 1958), figs. 21-3, 334, 335; F. G. Speck, 'Decorative art and basketry of the Cherokee', Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, vol.II, no. 2 (1920), pl. XIV; Willoughby, Antiquities, fig. 134b, c (p. 249); C. A. Lyford, 'Iroquois crafts', Indian Handcrafts, VI (U.S. Indian Service (1945)), fig. 57 (p. 62); museum collections and field observations indicate that the type is more common than these few references indicate. The Virginia reference is quoted by Swanton, Indians, p. 603.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 45
An elderly man stands facing half-left, his feet somewhat apart and his arms folded. He is wearing a single apron skirt of fringed deerskin edged with blue (or black) beads or pearls. His hair is thin at the sides and caught up at the back, leaving a roach down the middle of his head. He wears an ear ornament consisting of at least nine dark blue beads or pearls hanging by a loop of skin from the lobe. Around his neck is a short single-string necklace of bluish white pearls or beads and a string suspending, through a hole, a rectangular gorget of yellowish metal, some 6 inches square, which hangs on his chest. He also wears a single bracelet of pearls on the right wrist.
Black, gold, various shades of brown, grey, blue and pink water-colours, heightened with white (perhaps partly oxidized), over black lead outlines; 26.2 x 14.7 cm. or 10 3/8 x 5 3/4 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "A cheife Herowan. "
1906-5-9-I (21), L.B. I (22), C-M. & H. 46.
Literature: Quinn, p. 438, no. 49(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 46-7, no. 46.
The drawing has offset clearly and evenly but lightly. There are a few extraneous stains on the right leg.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2 (22).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 125 (b)
The plate, entitled 'A cheiff Lorde of Roanoac', is engraved by 'T.B' (Theodor de Bry) and is in reverse of (A). The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is placed on a ridge overlooking a landscape of shoals with a weir and trap, Indians fishing from canoes, and low tree-lined hills. The details of posture, ornament and costume are close to the original except that the apron-skirt is double and is edged with a double row of beads or pearls.
16.2 x 21.9 cm. or 6 3/8 x 8 5/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 438-9, no. 49(b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 46-7, no. 46.
Hariot's comments on the engraved version imply that this is one of 'the cheefe men of the yland and towne of Roanoac'. He describes the hairdress: shaved or cut close except for a 'cokes combe' on top, left long at the back and tied in a knot on the nape. The earrings are said to be strings of pearls or copper, the bracelets are pearls or beads of copper or 'of smoothe bone called minsal', 1 and the necklace is of the same. The gorget is 'a plate of copper' hung 'vpon a stringe'. The garment is described as a double apron-skirt of fringed deerskin, similar to the women's dress. Hariot adds that these 'cheefe men' 'fold their armes together as they walke, or as they talke one wjth another in signe of wisdome'. 2
There is a disagreement between the original and the engraving, Hariot agreeing with the latter, as to whether the man wears a single or double apron-skirt. The only other clear indications of men wearing a double apron-skirt occur among the squatting dancers in the engraving of the general view of Secoton (no. 38 (B), pl.135), in some small figures in the engraving of Pomeiooc (no. 34 (B), pl.134), and in one version of the man in body paint (no. 52 (B), pl. 83 (a)); the other two versions show a single apron-skirt). There are, however, several better indications of this as a woman's garment (especially no. 39). In view of the likely sex difference in clothing, and Hariot's remark here--'they couer themselues before and behynde...as the woemen doe'--it may be that the engravings err on this point.
The beads in the necklace, bracelet and earrings are probably white and blue shell beads, and perhaps mussel pearls, to which there are occasional references in the early literature on Carolina and Virginia and which occur archaeologically. 3
The gorget is very interesting. There is no clear contemporary reference to such a thing other than Hariot's caption quoted above. Gorgets in the east in the early historic period were normally circular and of shell; later, the crescentic silver gorgets worn by the European military were adopted by trade, gift and imitation. 4 But rectangular copper gorgets have been found archaeologically in this general region, as well as elsewhere. 5 The Roanoke documents mention the coastal Indians' trade for copper from the interior, 6 so that this object (and the copper beads mentioned by Hariot) may have been of North American native copper rather than smelted sheet copper received from the Europeans. 7
5 Three poorly documented specimens from Virginia, two with two holes near the top and the third probably thus (but with a crucial part missing), are in the Division of Archeology, U.S. National Museum (catalogue numbers 290201, 290202, 42690); two of these are comparable to White's in size. A specimen of a slightly different type from Tennessee is in the Museum of the American Indian, New York. Of a much earlier period is a type of rectangular, two-holed copper gorget from Ohio (J. B. Griffin, ed., Archeology of eastern United States (Chicago, 1952), fig. 33p). There are other examples.
6 Quinn, pp. 268-70, 332-3. See also the commentary to no. 35.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 46
A woman stands facing half-left, with the right foot crossed behind the left and her arms bent, her hands resting on her shoulders so that her forearms partly cover her breasts. She is wearing an apron-skirt of fringed deerskin, apparently single. Her hair has a fringe in front and is caught at the neck behind, while beneath the fringe, a headband is visible. Her ear ornament consists of two or more blue beads hanging from the lobe. She wears a short, two-string necklace of alternate black and blue beads (or pearls?) from which hangs a large bead (with two others) to form a pendant. She is tattooed or painted on the forehead, cheeks, chin, wrists, the left upper arm and the calves. Her left foot, as drawn, has the toes on the wrong side.
Black, blue body-colour, various shades of brown, grey and pinkish-grey water-colours, touched with white (partly oxidized), over black lead outlines; 23.4 x 13.5 cm. or 9 1/4 x 5 1/4 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "One of the wyues of Wyngyno. "
1906-5-9-I (17), L.B. I (18), C-M. & H. 47.
Literature: Quinn, p. 439, no. 50(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 47, no. 47.
The drawing has been lightly transferred and there is little of the original brown and grey, but the features are distinct.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L. B. 2 (18).
B. SLOANE COPY Plate 82 (b)
The pose of the woman is the same as in (A) and the figure is about the same size, but it is much more crudely drawn, 1 the top half of her body being strongly heightened with white (which has oxidized) and the outlines heavily emphasized. The general colour is darker brown. The ear ornament is a simple loop with pendant, and the pendant of the necklace has been simplified into a large round bead. The markings on the face have been exaggerated and instead of the double row of dots on the cheekbone there is a continuous short thick line on the cheek. A single line (tattooed?) seems to replace the headband. The pattern of the leg markings also differs and there is only one double ring round the calf, with a pattern below it, instead of three. The apron-skirt is double and the back part has been brought up, and tucked in and folded over at the waist. The left arm covers more of the breast than in the original. The faulty drawing of the toes of the left foot has been retained.
Black, reddish-brown body-colour, various shades of brown, yellow and grey water-colours, heavily heightened with white (largely oxidized) over black lead outlines; enclosed within a double ruled ink border, 25.8 x 13.3 cm. or 10 1/8 x 5 1/4 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, above, "Of Aquascogoc: "
P. & D., 199.a.3 (formerly Sloane MS. 5270), f. 6r., L.B. 3 (6).
Literature: Quinn, p. 439, no. 50(b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 62.
C. COPY FROM B
B.M., Dept. of MSS., Add. (formerly Sloane) MS. 5253, no. 17.
D. ENGRAVING Plate 125 (a)
The plate, entitled 'A younge gentill woeman doughter of Secota', is engraved by G. Veen and is in reverse of (A). The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape of shoals, a fish-weir, Indian canoes, a village and low tree-lined slopes. The figure differs in only minor particulars from the original: the face and chin are less tattooed and the foot on which the woman is balanced is not reversed. It is the left, as in the original, but with the toes correctly shown.
15 x 21.2 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 3/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 439-40, no. 50 (c) ; Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 47, no. 47.
It has been noted that the disagreement between the titles of these three illustrations indicates that White supplied some titles later from memory or invention. 2 Hariot's caption for the engraving states that the Secota 'virgins of good parentage are apparelled altogether like the woemen of Secota aboue mentionned', except that instead of a necklace 'ether pricked or paynted' they wore a real one of pearls alternating with beads of copper or polished bone (which would indicate that the tattooed necklace, if such it were, was added after marriage). He adds, 'they pounce their foreheads, cheeckes, armes and legs'. The fringe is described as 'two ridges', which applies to the engraving but not to the drawings. Again there is a special remark about posture: 'they lay their hands often vppon their Shoulders, and couer their brests in token of maydenlike modestye'. 3
The distinctive designs on the bodies of the women shown by White--none of the men have similar ones--are almost certainly tattooed. In several captions Hariot describes women as 'pownced'; 4 once he mentions women with their 'thighes painted with small pricks', 5 which may also indicate tattooing rather than painting; once he refers to a necklace 'ether pricked or paynted'. Nowhere is there a clear reference to Carolina Algonkian women being decorated simply with paint. There is a nice description of the method used by Virginia Algonkian women in 1607, which probably resembled the technique used in Carolina (although the resulting designs evidently differed): 'The women kinde in thus Countrey doth pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts: then with paintings of sundry huely colours, they rule it into the stampe which will neuer be taken away, because it is dried into the flesh where it is seared.' 6
Holmes pointed out that the tattooed designs shown in De Bry's engravings resemble incised designs on archaeological pottery from the Chesapeake-Potomac area. 7
Tattooing was exceedingly widespread in North America, including most of the east, where the pricking technique was the usual one. 8
Hariot's caption to no. 37 (B) indicates local differences in the placement of tattooing: he says the women of Dasemunkepeuc, in contrast to those of Roanoke, did not have 'their thighes painted with small pricks'. 9 But no women in any of the illustrations have designs on their thighs-although some do on their calves. Somewhat more than half the women clearly shown in the various illustrations have tattooing; where it is present, the positions vary considerably, although the upper arm is the favourite. 10
Three types of ear ornament are shown in the three variants here. That in the engraving is similar to the string ending in a bunch of beads shown in the engraving of no. 39 (pl.124 (a)), except that here the string clearly hangs from a loop which passes through the lobe. A somewhat different type is shown in the engraving of no. 37 (pl. 127 (a)). Although women in some other drawings have indefinite indications of ear ornaments (no. 39 (A) (pl. 36); no. 42 (A) (pl. 38), figures 4, 17; no. 43 (A) (pl. 39)), it is only here that any details as to form can be discerned: in (A) above (pl. 46) two blue beads, one below the other, whose manner of suspension is unclear; in (B) above (pl. 82 (b)) one or more beads strung on a small loop passing through the lobe. The beads were of pearls or shell. 11
The position of the arms, singled out for comment by Hariot, is Hewes' posture type 209-an unusual one, in world-wide perspective, absent or very rare in Europe and found 'mainly among western American Indians'. 12 Here is another good example of the reliability of White's depictions.
10 The positions are as follows: Pomeiooc: 35 (A), forehead, cheeks, chin, neck and chest, upper arms; 35 (B), cheeks, neck and chest, upper arms, calves; 37 (A), upper arms (neck and chest hidden); 37 (B), cheeks, neck and chest, upper arms. Secoton: 39 (A) (B), forehead, cheeks, chin, neck and chest, upper arms, forearms, calves, instep; 39 (C), same except for chin and instep; 42 (A), (figures 1, 11) upper arms, (figures 4, 14) upper arms, wrist, (figure 16) forearm?, (figures 15, 17) none; 42 (B), (figure 4) upper arms, (figure 1) upper arms, calves, (figure 14) calves, (figures 11, 151 16, 17) none. Probably Secoton: 43 (A), one figure upper arms and left calf, one figure right upper arm, two figures none; 43 (B), three figures upper arms, two figures none. Secoton, Aquascogoc, or Roanoke: 51 (A) (B) (D), forehead, cheeks, chin, upper arms, wrists, calves. Uncertain location: 44 (A), forehead?; 46 (B), none (but legs hidden); 48 (B), none.
11 See the commentary to no. 39. Barlowe (Quinn, pp. 101-2) described a Carolina Algonkian woman wearing earrings 'of pearles, hanging downe to her middle'. Beverley (Virginia, p.166) explained his modification of this engraving as showing 'Necklaces, Pendants and Bracelets, made of small Cylinders of the shell, which they call Peak' One type of peak was purple (Beverley, p. 227); Willoughby ('Virginia Indians in the seventeenth century', p. 72, n. 2) thought that the blue or purple beads shown by White 'are probably stained pearls'. Either or both may be intended.
12 Hewes, 'World distribution of certain postural habits', American Anthropologist, vol. LVII, no. 2 (1955), p. 241; 'The anthropology of posture', Scientific American, vol. CXCII, no. 2 (1957), p. 124. A variant is in no. 44, there also a woman's posture.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 47
A man stands to the front, his face half-left, his feet well apart, the back of his right hand resting on his right hip. He is wearing a single apron-skirt of fringed deerskin and a grayish (puma?) tail which hangs down at the back and is seen between his legs from the thighs almost to the ankles. His hair is worn short at the sides leaving a central roach and is caught up at the back. Two feathers are stuck in his hair by his left ear and one is visible by his right, while a tall feather stands upright from his forehead. From his right ear protrudes what seems to be a bone ornament, and from his left hangs an ornament which appears to consist of a stone (or bead) enclosed by a strip of yellowish metal from which depend three small metal balls; one ball may also be seen above the stone. Around his neck he wears a long six-string necklace of blue or near black pearls or beads of even size, and two bracelets of the same materials are worn round his right wrist. He is elaborately painted in reddish-brown and white on the face, neck, chest, upper arms and calves. Around the neck the painting simulates a necklace from which hang three circular plaques with double outlines, the lowest of these having a central boss. Round the nipples and on the shoulders are similar circular designs, from the latter of which stripes are carried down to the forearm. He is armed with a strung bow somewhat taller than himself which he holds upright in his left hand. On his left wrist is a folded band or wrist-guard of skin, secured with a button, while from his left side projects a basketry quiver inside which the tips of arrows are visible. This is supported by a string or thong probably suggested by the line on his left shoulder.
Black, red, yellow, gold and bluish-white body-colours, various shades of brown, reddish-brown and grey water-colours, heightened with white (partly oxidized), over black lead outlines; 26.3 x 15 cm. or 10 3/8 x 5 7/8 in.
Inscribedin dark brown ink, in the upper left-hand corner, "The manner of their attire and | painting themselues when | they goe to their generall | huntings, or at theire Solemne feasts. "
1906-5-9-I (12), L.B. I (13), C-M. & H. 48.
Literature: Quinn, p. 440, no. 51(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 47-8, no. 48, pl. 111.
The drawing has been transferred lightly but clearly, the reddish-brown and dark grey colours being most prominent and the inscription barely visible.
P. & D.,199. a.2, L.B. 2 (I3).
B. SLOANE COPY Plate 83 (a)
The man is posed as in the original and is the same size, but the legs are not so far apart and the right foot is placed further forward. The left arm is extended to grasp the bow lower down. The figure is thinner, the colour in general much lighter and the elaborate body and face paint is entirely absent. The face is Europeanized and there are two turkey (?) feathers rising from the roach in front instead of one, the left ear ornament lacks the yellow metal balls, and the right ear ornament is missing. The necklace is of three strands and not six, part of it is composed of alternate large and small beads, and the outer strand has an added central pendant of two circular pieces, a larger one above a small one. Below, the navel is shown. The bracelet and wrist-guard are absent as is the tail, while a second apron-skirt is also indicated, the skirts being darker in colour. Each element of the upper fringe has a single bead strung on its end. Less of the quiver is shown and it has been simplified. A more definite foreground is indicated.
Black or blue body-colour, pinkish-brown, yellowish-green, brown and various shades of grey water-colours, heightened with white (oxidized), over black lead outlines.
P. & D., 199.a.3 (formerly Sloane MS. 5270), f. 6v., L.B. 3 (9).
Literature: Quinn, p. 440, no. 51 (b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 62.
C. COPY FROM B
B.M., Dept. of MSS., Add. (Formerly Sloane) MS. 5253, no. 15.
D. ENGRAVING Plate 123 (b)
The plate, entitled 'A weroan or great Lorde of Virginia', is engraved by 'T.B.' (Theodor de Bry), and is in reverse of (A). The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape with Indians hunting deer with bows and arrows among trees. There are a number of minor variations in the details of the figure: a four-string necklace, earrings of different form, the bone ornament replaced by an earring in the back view, an arrow held in the left hand across the front, a more elaborate wrist-guard (on the wrong wrist), the bow with slightly recurved ends, different patterns painted on the calves, smaller head and feet and the body more bent from the waist.
15.1 x 21.7 cm. or 5 7/8 x 8 5/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, p. 441, no. 51 (c); Croft-Murray & Hulton, pp. 47-8, no. 48.
*E. INDIAN MAN SHOOTING AT A BIRD
DRAWING AFTER DRAKE'S ARTIST 1 Plate 156(a)
The man, standing on the left, is seen from behind, with his face in profile to the right. He is raising a bow in his right hand and holding an arrow in his left. His hair, which is thinner at the sides and rises to a roach at the top, is long (and loosely tied) at the back. It is thick and, apparently, wavy. His skin is reddish-brown and his face streaked with red. He wears an ear ornament, consisting of a hoop of red and white beads (?) and an ill-defined rosette in his hair, on the right side of the head. His sleeveless skin garment, knotted at the left shoulder and passing under the right arm, extends half-way down the thighs and is worn with the fur or hair on the outside. Along the bottom edge is a double border with red beads visible between the two decorated bands. Other beads hang down below the edge in the form of tassels. A quiver of cane, held together by straps, is suspended from the right shoulder by a thick cord and hangs at the left side. On the man's calves a single line of zigzag decoration is visible. To the right of the man a long-beaked bird, very crudely drawn, perches on a leafless tree rising out of the rocks with plants on either side. Along the upper edge of the folio clouds are represented by a series of curling pen strokes, and below them is a border of conventionalized birds in flight (duck?), each drawn in one of several different colours.
Pen and brown ink and water-colours; the folio 29.5 x 20 cm. or 11 5/8 x 7 7/8 in.
Inscribed in brown ink, beneath the drawing, "HINDS · DE · LORANBEC," 2 and below, "Cest Indes sont vestus De peaux grandement | abilles en guerre pour Leur force ce que | peuvent traiter Les englois marchant en guerre | soubs le sr franscique drac [Drake] I'an mil veiiijxx vj | Lors aptenterent prendre ceste terre mais furent contrainct | De Leuer les voiles et leur Retirer pour la Resitance | qui Leur fut faicte sa scitutacion est entre la floride | Et terre neufue par les 36 & demy de haulteur. "
A manuscript, in private possession in the U.S.A., entitled 'Histoire Naturelle des Indes: contenant Les Arbres, Plantes, Fruits, Animaux, Coquillages, Reptiles, Insectes, Oyseaux . . .', f. 92 r.
Literature: C. F. G. R. Schwerdt, Hunting, hawking, shooting, a catalogue of books, manuscripts, prints and drawings , vol. II (1928), pp. 322 and 325, pl. 155.
The drawing is one of the small group in this manuscript definitely connected with Drake's visit to the North Carolina coast in June 1586. (See pp. 15, 34 above and no. *102 below.)
2 A word containing an Algonkian root, perhaps picked up by Drake's men on the spot, though not so far identified, or else a corruption of the name Norumbega, given since Verrazzano's time to what was later known as New England.
Hariot's caption for the engraving gives additional detail. This is the dress of 'the Princes' for war or religious ceremonies. The hair is long at the back and knotted 'vnder their eares', the top cut into a 'cokscombe', with a long feather at the front of thus roach and a shorter one over each ear. The ear ornaments are 'ether thicke pearles, or somwhat els, as the clawe of some great birde'. The necklaces and bracelets are of pearls or copper beads. 'They ether pownes, or paynt their forehead, cheeks, chynne, bodye, armes, and leggs.' 'Vnder their brests about their bellyes appeir certayne spotts, whear they vse to lett them selues bloode, when they are sicke.' The garment is described (contrary to its appearance) as an animal skin with its tail attached. The quiver is 'made of small rushes'. 3
The version (A) clearly shows decorative painting rather than tattooing. Hariot's caption here mentions both alternatives, as does his remark in another caption to the effect that the leading men of Roanoke paint or 'pownce' themselves only 'in token of authoritye, and honor'. 4 The illustrations nowhere show this men's tattooing whereas one other certainly (no. 44 (A) (pl.40)) and one probably (no. 45 (A) (pl. 41)) shows men with reddish face paint (cf. the commentary on no. 54). The early sources on Virginia mention men with body and face paint, but not with tattooing; 5 in both these regions the latter seems to have been chiefly if not solely a feminine decoration. Body painting was of course common elsewhere in eastern North America, especially for war and ceremonial occasions. 6
Hariot's comment on the small scars on the belly is useful--they seem to be indicated faintly on the original and the engraving. The most reasonable deduction is that these are marks left by small incisions which were sucked or cupped for medicinal purposes--a practice mentioned elsewhere by Hariot for the Carolina Algonkians and found among many other eastern Indians. 7
This engraving and no. 54 make it appear that the tail was worn behind to support the quiver, and this is the interpretation Beverley gave (he specified a tail of a 'Panther, Buffaloe, or such like" to make it yet more War-like'); 8 however, a man in another engraving (figure 8 in no. 42 (B) (pl.133)) wears the pendant tail without a quiver. It has been suggested that this is a puma tail, and that Hariot elsewhere refers to Indians hunting and eating 'Lyon'. 9
The bow here seems to be about 6 feet long; a range from about 3 feet to 8 or 9 feet is indicated by small figures of men with bows in the backgrounds of other illustrations, and in *(E) above, the 'Hinde de Loranbec' (pl. 156(a)), but the illustrations (A-D) and no. 54 are probably more nearly correct. Hariot's Briefe and true report tells us that bows here were made of maple (probably Acer rubrum, var. tridens ) or witch-hazel (probably Hamamelis virginiana ). 10
The simple form shown (but not the recurved ends of the engravings) is typical of surviving eastern Indian bows; it is only unfortunate that White did not indicate the shape of the nocks and the ends. Bushnell has compared this illustration with three bows in the Tradescant Collection, Ashmolean Museum, supposedly collected in Virginia before 1656; the resemblance is close in form and size. 11
The illustration of a quiver is useful, as references to this artifact are scarce in the early accounts of south-eastern Indians. Like most others, the Virginia Algonkian quivers were ordinarily of skin. However, a quiver of rushes is mentioned at Plymouth in 1603, Iroquois and Virginia quivers were sometimes of bark, there is a late reference to a Niantic example of splint basketry, and modern North Carolina Cherokee cylindrical quivers for blow-gun darts are of twilled dyed strips of cane. 12 White's quiver is not out of place in this assortment. But the way the 'Hinde de Loranbec' (*(E), pl. 156 (a)) carries his arrows seems ineffective; perhaps this is a misinterpretation of a 'rush' quiver like that drawn by White.
The bracer or wrist-guard is appropriate. There are no references to such an implement in the accounts of the Carolina Algonkians, but there are several for their Virginia neighbours, where it was made of skin and served also as a convenient place to carry a bone flaking tool for retouching arrow-points or making new ones. 13
11 D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'Virginia-from early records', American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. IX (1907), pp. 38, 40, pl. 7. It should be noted, however, that Bushnell does not mention the difficulties in choosing the Virginia bows from those surviving in this collection. The 1656 catalogue has an entry for twelve bows, numerous arrows, darts, and quivers, all described together as 'From India, China, Canada, Virginia, Ginny, Turkey, Persia' (J. Tradescant, Museum Tradescantianum (Old Ashmolean Reprints, no. 1 (1925)), p. 45). Of these twelve, nine now survive; of the nine, five are of the simple type typical of eastern North America; which, if any, of these are the ones from the New World cannot be decided without careful determination of the woods from which all are made, and this might not allow further discrimination between one or more from Virginia and one or more from Canada. These five bows range between 62 1/8 in. and 72 3/4 in. in length. Bushnell arbitrarily chose three to identify as Virginian.
12 Swanton, Indians, p. 579; Flannery, Analysis, pp. 71-2; Birket-Smith, Caribou Eskimos, pp. 318-19; Smith, Works, p. 54; Beverley, Virginia, p. 161; a Cherokee specimen is catalogue no. 411 in the Clark Field Collection, Philbrook Art Center, Tulsa, Oklahoma.
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 48
The man, facing half-right, is shown in a dancing posture with the left leg raised behind, the right arm lifted, and the left arm above his head. He has a girdle of skin (or string) around the waist from which hang his breech-clout and bag. The former is a reddish skin reaching nearly to the knees and folded over the girdle to leave the animal's mask hanging down in front. The bag of greyish-white colour at his right side is also made of pieces of skin sewn together, the ends of which make a long fringe hanging down below his knee. Little of his hair is visible but a small roach can be seen. To the right of his head is attached a bird (6-7 in. long in life), seen from beneath, with wings outspread, a long bill and plumage of dark brownish-grey, possibly a small woodpecker.
Black, pale red body-colour, various shades of brown, grey and yellow water-colours, touched with white, over black lead outlines; 24.6 x 15.1 cm. or 9 3/4 x 6 in.
Inscribed in dark brown ink, in the upper left-hand corner, "The flyer. "
1906-5-9-I (16), L.B. I (17), C-M. & H. 49.
Literature: Quinn, p. 442, no. 52(a); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 48, no. 49, pl. 1.
The drawing has been transferred sharply and the darker grey and black colours are prominent.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2 (17).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 127 (b)
The plate, entitled 'The Coniuerer', is engraved by G. Veen. The figure is set against a landscape background of shoals and low tree-lined slopes, with Indians fishing and hunting wildfowl from canoes, and deer on land. The figure is considerably smaller than in (A) (14 as against 21 cm. or 5 1/2 in. as against 8 1/4 in. in height). Otherwise there are only small variations from the original: the bird worn on the head is somewhat smaller, the right hand is only slightly bent at the wrist, and the feet are smaller.
15.3 x 21.2cm. or 6 x 8 3/8 in.
Literature: Quinn, pp. 442-3, no. 52(b); Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 48, no. 49.
Hariot's caption describes the Indian 'conjurers or iuglers' in terms which suggest the use of trance and spirit possession in the conduct of their duties. Hariot, White and other sources on the Carolina and Virginia Algonkians distinguish two classes of religious functionaries; following the early accounts, Stern calls these statuses priest and conjuror, but points out that the difference between their roles is not clear in the sources, although the use of trance may have been more typical of the conjurors. Their dress was symbolic of their status, here as elsewhere in the southeast, and Hariot says that they 'fasten a small black birde aboue one of their ears as a badge of their office'. 1 The roach haircut is noted but said not to be distinctive of conjurors alone. It is unclear whether Hariot means that the 'skinne which hangeth downe from their gyrdle, and couereth their priuityes', and 'the bagg [which they wear] by their side' are unique to this status. 2
The garment as shown here seems not to be a true breech-clout, in that evidently it is merely hung over the belt and does not pass between the legs. In the other illustrations of similar narrow flaps with pendant animal's mask (nos. 42(B) (pl. 133); 46(B) (pl. 129); 47 (pl. 128); 48(B) (pl. 130 (b)) it is less clear whether or not they actually pass between the legs. However, Beverley says his only slightly modified version shows a man wearing an otter skin over his belt with the tail fastened between his legs. 3 The pouch worn at the belt was apparently a common item of men's apparel: five or six of the ten male dancers in no. 42 (A) (pl. 38) wear one, and there is a clear depiction of one resting on a mat beside the seated man in no. 44 (B) (pl. 131), next to a pipe which was probably carried in it. Some of these examples clearly have a bead on the end of each fringe element. Such bags were used to carry 'tobacco, knives, pipes, and all sorts of personal belongings', including the medicines of the doctors. In later times they were normally square pouches hung from a strap over the shoulder, 4 undoubtedly a form derived from European bandoleers. In the Tradescant Collection, Ashmolean Museum, is a very interesting leather pouch ornamented with shell beads, collected in Virginia before 1656. This specimen is comparable to those shown by White; it is flat, each side ending in two broad flaps with triangular ends, each tipped with a large shell bead. This 'purse' was evidently worn folded over a belt, which would bring the four ends together as pendants. 5
1 A stuffed bird was a symbol of the conjuror also in Virginia, and of a 'student priest' among the Creek (Beverley, Virginia, pp. 164, 212; Swanton, Indians, pp. 477-8; cf. Strachey, Historie of travells, p. 74).
A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate 59
The map covers the coastline of North America from some way south of the modern Cape Lookout to the north side of the entrance to Chesapeake Bay and inland to approximately longitude 77° west. The windrose is shown near the upper right-hand edge and is offset towards the tap right-hand corner. A scale of leagues from 1 to 10 (1 league=about 3 miles or 1/20°) appears in the bottom right-hand corner. Three English ships lie outside what are now the Carolina Outer Banks, one at anchor with the sails furled off 'Hatrask', arid the two others under sail south-west from 'Wococon'. Within the sounds four pinnaces are shown, one at the head of Albemarle Sound, one sailing north in Pamlico Sound near 'Mentso', and two others heading north from the vicinity of 'Secataóc'. Eleven dug-out canoes, a number with the Indian occupants visible, are shown in the sounds, three off the north share of Albemarle Sound, one north-west off Roanoke Island, one near 'Aquascogoc', one near 'Secotan' and five more in the mouth of the Neuse River. On the mainland, between Chesapeake Bay and Albemarle Sound, are shown the royal arms and between Albemarle Sound and Pamlico River those of Sir Walter Raleigh. Indian villages are marked by red dots. The greater part of the mainland is left white but there are washes of light colour on the coastline from Cape Henry south to 'Hatrask'. The lower part of the island of 'Páquiac' has touches of brown and crimson and the islands of 'Croatoan' and 'Roanoac', together with a small island near Cape Lookout and part of the mainland shore facing Roanoke Island, are coloured crimson. Shoals are indicated between Roanoke Island and the mainland, in Pamlico Sound south of 'Wococon', and off Cape Lookout by brown markings. What appears to be a buoy is visible in the channel from Port Ferdinando, north of 'Hatrask', just inside the sound. 1
Pen and brown ink, black, crimson, yellow and silver (oxidized) body-colours, various shades of blue, brown, yellowish-brown, crimson and pink water-colours, over black lead outlines; two patches (one of the head of Albemarle Sound and a larger one along the share of Pamlico Sound); cut away slightly at the top; 48 x 23.5 cm. or 18 7/8 x 9 1/4 in.
Inscribed in brown ink, on the land, from the upper left-hand corner to the lower left-hand corner, "L | A. | VI | R | G | I | NEA. | P | A | R | S." Along the coastline from the top, the names of villages and physical features: " Combec, Mashawatec., Skicóac., Chesepiuc., Sho., Titepano." ; then to the left, along the north coast of Albemarle Sound, "Masequetuc., Ricahokene., Cautaking., Weapemeoc., Mascomenge., Warowtani., Chawanoac." Right, along the south coast of Albemarle Sound, "Moratuc., Tramaskecooc., Dasemunkepeuc, Roanoac." South, along the coast, "Nausegoc,, Pomeyooc." and left, on a lake, "Paquippe." Continuing south, "Mentso., Aquascogoc., Seco, Secotan., Secotaóc, Newasiwac." and to the left, "Marasanico." Along the Carolina Banks, south from the mouth of Albemarle Sound, "Croatamung., Etacrewac., Hatràsk, Páquiac., Croatoan." and "Wococon."
1906-5-9-I (3), L.B. I (2), GM. & H. 60.
Literature: Quinn, p. 461, no. 110 (also pp. 847-8, 854-72), pl. 7; Croft-Murray & Hilton, p. 52, no. 60 (also pp. 27-8). This and the preceding manuscript map are discussed on pp. 54-6.
The upper half of the drawing, originally folded over, has offset as described above. The lower half has been transferred in light outline but the Raleigh arms are heavily offprinted, the ships very incompletely.
P. & D., 199.a.2, L.B. 2 (2).
B. ENGRAVING Plate 122
The plate is inscribed, on a panel, at the left-hand side, 'Autore Ioanne Wuth [White] Sculptore Theodore de Bry. Qui et excud', and, within a cartouche on the right, 'Americae pars, Nunc Virginia dicta, primum ab Anglis inuenta, sumptibus Dn. Walteri Raleigh, Equestris ordinis Viri Anno Dñi . M.D LXXXV regni Vero Sereniss: nosttrae Reginae Elisabethae XXVII Hujus vero Histoia peculiari Libro descipta est, additis etiam Indigenarum Iconibus'.
The engraved map covers the same part of the coast as the drawing but extends something under a hundred miles further inland. The main additional features are the upper reaches of the Chowan, Roanoke and Neuse Rivers (the last indicated by dotted lines), and an extensive mountain rage from which a branch of the Roanoke River springs. Besides three ships sailing outside the Outer Banks, a squadron of five vessels is shown at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, one of them having entered the bay. Five Indian canoes are shown in the sounds. Conventionalized trees, deciduous near the coast and coniferous in the interior, are distributed over the land surface. The figure of an Indian man (cf. no. 52) is shown near ' Pomeiock' and an Indian woman and young girl (cf. no. 35) on the coast of ' Weapemeoc'. The Indian villages are marked by conventionalized palisaded enclosures. Following the order of the drawing, the names are: "'VIRGINIA', 'Comokee', Chesepiooc sinus', 'Skicoak', 'Apasus', 'Chesepiooc', 'Pasquenoke', 'Chepanuu', 'Mascoming', 'Waratan', 'WEAPEMOAC', 'Catokinge', 'Ohaunoock', 'Ramushouuōg', 'CHAWANOOK'; 'Mogoack', 'Moratuc', 'Tandaquomuc', 'Metocuuem', 'Mequopen', 'Tramasquecoock', 'Dasamonquepeuc', 'Roanoac', 'Pomeiock', 'Paquup', 'Aquscogoc'; 'SECOTAN', 'Cotan', 'Secota', 'Sectuooc', 'Panauuaioc', 'Neuustooc', 'Cwareuuoc', 'Trinety harbor', 'Hatorask', 'Paquiwoc', 'Croatan', 'Wokokon', 'Promontorium tremendium'." The scale of leagues within a cartouche appears at the bottom, on the left, a sea-monster on the bottom, centre, the royal arms of England at the top left and a windrose at the bottom, to the right.
30.4 x 42 cm. or 12 x 16 1/2 in,
Literature : Quinn, p. 462, no. 111, pl. 8; Croft-Murray & Hulton, p. 52, no. 60.
*C. JOHN SMITH'S MAP OF VIRGINIA
ENGRAVING Plate 153
The map, with the title VIRGINIA on a scroll at the top, above the royal arms, is engraved by William Hole. It covers modern Virginia and territories to the north and overlaps with White's map (A) for the land south of the Chesapeake Bay and of the James River. For the latter area none of Whites nomenclature has been retained except for 'Chesapeack' (White's Chesepiuc ) and perhaps 'Accowmack' (White's Combec ). The map is oriented with north to the right-hand side. Inset in the top left-hand corner is an interior view of an Indian long house showing Powhatan and his wives. The structure and details of the hut interior are derived from De Bry's engraving (no. 41 (B), no. 137). Powhatan is seated on a high bench with his feet on a stool, in a manner reminiscent of the idol in De Bry's engraving ( no 40, pl. 136), and with one of his wives sitting on either side. He is wearing a feathered headdress quite unlike any found in White's drawings and holds a long-stemmed pipe (longer than in pl. 131). Before him the rest of his wives squat on mats on the ground, round a fire no which is a cooking pot. The fire and pot are closely related to no. 48 (B) (pl. 130(b)) and the group of women echoes the camp-fire scene (no. 43 (B), pl. 132). This inset is lettered "'POWHATAN | Held this state & fashion when Capt. Smith was deliuered to him prisoner'" . At the right, towards the top, is the large figure of an Indian man, clearly modelled on De Bry's engraving (no. 52(C), pl. 123(b)) in stance, bow, apron-skirt, roach and wrist-guard, but he is in reverse. Other details of his costumes are drawn according to Smith's text. 2 The short bearskin jerkin round the shoulders and reaching to the waist has rudimentary sleeves, and attached are two bear paws. The quiver is made from the skin of a wolf (or possibly a fox), the head and front paw appearing to the left of his hip. The necklace is of twisted hair or metal and has a pendant in the shape of a wolf's head. He leaves with his left hand on a wooden club, the head of which is resting on the ground. The figure is lettered "'The Sasquesahanougs are a Gyant like people & thus a-tyred'" . At the bottom, below a scale of leagues, is the inscription "'Discouered and Discribed by Captayn John Smith | Graven by William Hole'" .
32.5 x 41.3 cm. or 12 3/4 x 16 1/4 in.
The first state of the engraved map (c. 1612) inserted in Smith's True Relation of such occurrences as hath hapned in Virginia (London, 1608) (B.M., G. 7121).
Literature : J. Sabin, A dictionary of books relating to America , vol. XX, pt. CXVII (1927), pp. 227-8, 247; E. D. Fite & A. Freemanm A Book of old maps (1926), pp. 117-19, no. 32; Coolie Verner, 'The first maps of Virginia', Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , vol. LVIII (Richmond, Virginia, 1950), pp. 8-12; A. M. Hind, Engraving in England , pt. II (1955), pp. 339-40 (where the use of De Bry's engravings has not been noted and the single figure is referred to as a woman).
The map owes little to De Bry except for the use made of decorative features and conventional signs, as for example the trees and small figures with bow, and more obviously, the way in which the De Bry engravings have been modified to suit a new purpose. The earliest state of the map, as described above, is found in Smith's Map of Virginia with a description of the country (Oxford, 1612).
G. M. Allen, 'Dogs of the American aborigines', Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard , vol. LXIII (1920), pp. 431-517.
W. M. Beauchamp, 'Aboriginal use of wood in New York', N.Y. State Museum Bulletin, no. LXXXIX (Archeology, no. XI (1905)), pp. 173-4.
Robert Beverley, The history and present state of Virginia (University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N.C. 1947), pp. 175, 196.
Kaj Birket-Smith, The Caribou Eskimos (Report of the fifth Thule expedition 1921-24, vol. V nos. I & II Copenhagen (1929)), pt. 2, p. 317.
Birket-Smith, Primitive man and his ways , London, 1960, pl. .
C. M. Breder, Field book of marine fishes of the Atlantic coast ( London, 1929), p. 18.
M. V. Brewington, 'Chesapeake Bay log canoes', Mariners' Museum, Newport News, Virginia, Museum Publication , no. 3 (1937), pt. I, pp. 16-31.
B. Burchardt, Plains Indian painting ([Tulsa, Okla.] 1958), p. .
D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes west of the Mississippi', Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 77 (1922), pls. 6b, 18b.
D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'The Sloane collection in the British Museum', American Anthropologist , n.s., vol. VIII (1906), p. 672.
D. I. Bushnell, Jr., 'Virginia-from early records', American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. IX, no. I (Lancaster, PA, 1907), pp. 31-44.
E. M. Butler and W. S. Hadlock, 'Dogs of the northeastern woodland Indians', Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society, vol. X (1949), pp. 17-35.
W. T. Calman, 'An early figure of the King-crab, Limulus polyphemus', Science, n.s., vol. XXVII (London, 1908), p. 669.
Charles B. Cory, Hunting and fishing in Florida (2nd edn., Boston, Estes & Lauriat, 1896).
Croft-Murray, Edward & Hulton, Paul. [British Museum.] Catalogue of British Drawings . Vol. I. XVI and XVII centiures. 2 pts. (Text; Plates). London, 1960 .
M. H. Deardorff, 'The religion of Handsome Lake', Bureau of American. Ethnology, Bulletin , no. 149 (1951), p. 85.
H. B. Driver and W. G. Massey, 'Comparative studies of North American Indians', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society , n.s., vol. XLVII, pt. 2 (1957).
Driver & Massey, 'Comparative studies of North American Indians', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., vol. XLVII (1957), pp. 233, 245.
Clifford Evans, A ceramic study of Virginia archeology (Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 160 (Washington, D.C., 1955)), pp. 45, 70. 135, 144.
C. Evans, personal communication, June 6th, 1960.
A. B. Faust ('The Graffenried manuscripts', German American Annals, n.s., vol. XI (Philadelphia, 1913), pp. 205-312).
Merritt L. Fernald and Alfred C. Kinsey, Edible wild plants of eastern North America (Cornwall-on-Hudson, N.Y., Harper, 1943), pp. 177-82, 184-5.
Regina Flannery, An analysis of coastal Algonquian culture (Catholic University of America Anthropological Series, no. 7, Washington, D.C., 1939), pp. 64-6.
G. Friederici, 'Der Indianerhund von Nordamerika', Globus , vol. LXXVI (Brunswick, 1899), pp. 361-5.
G. Friederici, 'Amerikanistisches Wörterbuch', Universität Hamburg, Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde, Bd. 53-Reihe B. Völkerkunde, Kulturgeschichte and Sprachen, Bd. 29, 1947 pp. 400-1.
Emma L. Fundaburk and Mary D. F. Foreman, eds., Sun circles and human hands; the southeastern Indians art and industries (Luverne, Ala., 1957), pls. 97-8, 14.
Emma Lila Fundaburk, ed., Southeastern Indians, life portraits (Luverne, Ala., 1958), figs. 21-3, 334, 335.
John Gerard, Herball , London, E. Bollifant, for Bonham and H. Norton, 1597, p. 752.
R. M. Godin, 'Food of the Adena people', ch. IV in W. S. Webb and R. S. Baby, The Adena people, no. 2 (Columbus, Ohio, 1957).
T. H. Goodspeed, 'The genus Nicotiana', Chronica Botanica , vol. XVI (1954), pp. 9, 61-77.
W. J. Graham, The Indians of Port Tobacco River, Maryland (1935), pl. VI.
J. B. Griffin, ed., Archeology of eastern United States (Chicago, 1952), fig. 33p.
W. G. Haag, 'An osteometric analysis of some aboriginal dogs', University of Kentucky Reports in Anthropology, vol. VII (1948), pp. 107-264.
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